ArticlePDF Available

The remarkable story of Romanian women's struggle to manage their fertility

Authors:

Abstract and Figures

In 1957, along with many countries in Eastern Europe, Romania liberalised its abortion law. The Soviet model of birth control made surgical abortion easily available, but put restrictions on access to modern contraceptives, leading to an exceptionally high abortion rate. By the mid-1960s there were 1 100 000 abortions performed each year in Romania, a lifetime average of 3.9 per woman, the highest number ever recorded.1 In October 1966, 1 year after coming to power, in an attempt to boost fertility, Romania's communist leader Nicolae Ceausescu made abortion broadly illegal, permitting the procedure legally only under a narrow range of circumstances: for women with four or more children, over the age of 45 years, in circumstances where the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest or threatened the life of the women, or in the case of congenital defect.1 Just months after abortion was restricted, the number of safe, registered abortions had fallen 20-fold, and 1 year after the law took effect, the total fertility rate (TFR) nearly doubled (from 1.9 just before the restrictive law to 3.6 in 1967–1968). As women gradually …
Content may be subject to copyright.
The remarkable story of Romanian
womens struggle to manage
their fertility
Mihai Horga,
1
Caitlin Gerdts,
2
Malcolm Potts
3
1
Senior Advisor, East European
Institute for Reproductive Health,
Tirgu-Mures, Romania
2
Epidemiologist, Department of
Obstetrics, Gynecology, and
Reproductive Sciences, University
of California, San Francisco,
CA, USA
3
Bixby Professor, Bixby Center
for Population, Health and
Sustainability, University of
California, Berkeley, CA, USA
Correspondence to
Dr Mihai Horga, East European
Institute for Reproductive Health,
1 Moldovei Street, Tirgu-Mures
540493, Romania;
mhorga@eeirh.org
Received 23 September 2012
Revised 25 October 2012
Accepted 26 October 2012
To cite: Horga M, Gerdts C,
Potts M. Journal of Family
Planning and Reproductive
Health Care 2013, 39,24.
BACKGROUND
In 1957, along with many countries in
Eastern Europe, Romania liberalised its
abortion law. The Soviet model of birth
control made surgical abortion easily avail-
able, but put restrictions on access to
modern contraceptives, leading to an
exceptionally high abortion rate. By the
mid-1960s there were 1 100 000 abortions
performed each year in Romania, a lifetime
average of 3.9 per woman, the highest
number ever recorded.
1
In October 1966,
1 year after coming to power, in an
attempt to boost fertility, Romanias com-
munist leader Nicolae Ceausescu made
abortion broadly illegal, permitting the
procedure legally only under a narrow
range of circumstances: for women with
four or more children, over the age of 45
years, in circumstances where the preg-
nancy was the result of rape or incest or
threatened the life of the women, or in the
case of congenital defect.
1
Just months after abortion was
restricted, the number of safe, registered
abortions had fallen 20-fold, and 1 year
after the law took effect, the total fertility
rate (TFR) nearly doubled (from 1.9 just
before the restrictive law to 3.6 in 1967
1968). As women gradually found solu-
tions for regulating their fertility either
through contraceptives procured illegally
or through illegal abortions the TFR
began to fall again, reaching 2.9 in 1970,
2.2 in 19801984 and stabilised around
2.3 births per woman during the period
19851989.
12
At the same time deaths from unsafe
abortion rose rapidly. Between 1966 and
1989, while abortion was illegal in
Romania, overall maternal mortality
increased dramatically, from 85 per
100 000 live births in 1965 to a peak of
169 per 100 000 live births in 1989.
1
Over the same period, maternal mortality
from unsafe abortion skyrocketed to an
incredible 147 per 100 000 live births,
while maternal deaths from other obstet-
ric causes continued to decline. Figure 1
illustrates the peak and plateau in total
fertility, along with the striking rise in
maternal mortality that was solely driven
by abortion-related deaths, as maternal
deaths from other obstetric causes contin-
ued to fall.
SHIFT IN FAMILY PLANNING POLICY
Within days of the fall of Ceausescus
regime in December 1989, the anti-
abortion law was abolished and abortion
made available on request. Within the span
of 1 year, the maternal mortality rate fell
by half to 84 per 100 000 live births. In
the absence of contraceptive services, com-
modities and information, the number of
safe, registered abortions again rose dra-
matically.
34
In 1990, 913 973 registered
abortions were performed, and 314 746
births were recorded: a three to one ratio.
5
Initially, contraception use was slow to
catch on.
6
Traditional contraceptive
methods were common, but modern
methods became quickly and widely avail-
able through international donations and
in pharmacies. A network of family plan-
ning clinics was developed in the
mid-1990s and physicians were trained to
provide family planning. Family planning
services were included in primary health
care, and modern contraceptives were
made available free of charge to vulnerable
groups of the population, resulting in
increased contraceptive use.
78
According
to the latest survey, contraceptive preva-
lence in Romania is above 70%, modern
contraceptive prevalence accounts for
61.1% and the most used methods are
condoms (27.6%), pills (22.8%) and intra-
uterine devices (7.0%).
9
After a drop from 2.2 in 1989 to 1.8 in
1990 and to 1.4 in 19931994, the TFR
in Romania has remained constant at
Scan to access more
free content
COMMENTARY
2Horga M, et al.Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care 2013;39:24. doi:10.1136/jfprhc-2012-100498
group.bmj.com on January 15, 2016 - Published by http://jfprhc.bmj.com/Downloaded from
1.3,
2
despite the marked rise in contraceptive preva-
lence. This rise in contraceptive use has been accom-
panied by a decisive fall in the induced abortion rate
from 163.6 per 1000 women in 1990 to 10.1 in 2010
and in the abortion-related maternal mortality rate
from 147 per 100 000 live births in 1989 to 5.2 in
2010.
5
Figure 1 shows a combined view of abortion,
contraception, maternal mortality and TFRs for the
20 years following the change in abortion legislation.
As has been suggested elsewhere,
10
there may be a
number of plausible explanations for such a dramatic
drop in the abortion rate, including increased contra-
ceptive effectiveness, and shifting attitudes about the
acceptability of abortion which could decrease
womens willingness to report abortions. Indeed, many
factors may have contributed to decreases in induced
abortions. However, although we cannot directly attri-
bute causality, we have no data to suggest that there
was a decline in the completeness of reporting abortion
experiences in successive surveys. The marked rise in
contraceptive prevalence coinciding with a dramatic
decline in the abortion rate makes increased modern
contraceptive use the most likely explanation for the
steeply falling abortion rate in Romania.
LESSONS LEARNED
Few countries in history have made such dramatic
shifts in family planning policy or availability that
would allow the study of causal links between access
to contraception and abortion and changes in repro-
ductive outcomes. While the fertility patterns illu-
strated by the Romanian example highlight the
complex nature of fertility and its determinants, two
points emerge clearly. First, restricting access to safe
abortion in Romania caused a dramatic increase in
maternal mortality driven solely by unsafe abortion-
related deaths. And second, increased access to
modern contraception in Romania over the last 15
years has not reduced fertility in the country, but
instead has reduced the need for women to resort to
abortion. Countries that increasingly seek to restrict
access to abortion and contraception should look and
learn from Romanias example.
Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank Dr
Martha Campbell for her guidance and invaluable
perspective.
Funding None.
Competing interests None.
Provenance and peer review Not commissioned;
externally peer reviewed.
REFERENCES
1 Teitelbaum M. Fertility effects of the abolition of legal abortion
in Romania. Popul Stud 1972;26:405417.
2 Romanian National Institute of Statistics. Statistical Yearbook
2010. 2012. http://www.insse.ro/cms/rw/pages/
anuarstatistic2010.en.do [accessed 2 September 2012].
3 Johnson BR, Horga M, Andronache L. Contraception and
abortion in Romania. Lancet 1993;341:875878.
4 Serbanescu F, Morris L, Stupp P, et al. The impact of recent
policy changes on fertility, abortion, and contraceptive use in
Romania. Stud Fam Plann 1995;26:7687.
Figure 1 Abortion, contraception, maternal mortality and fertility in Romania during the period 19652010.
Commentary
Horga M, et al.Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care 2013;39:24. doi:10.1136/jfprhc-2012-100498 3
group.bmj.com on January 15, 2016 - Published by http://jfprhc.bmj.com/Downloaded from
5 Romanian Ministry of Health, National Institute for Public
Health, National Center for Statistics and Informatics in Public
Health. Yearly bulletins on main health indicators and on
maternal mortality. http://www.ccss.ro/public_html/?q=content/
date-statistice-0 [accessed 2 September 2012].
6 Romanian Ministry of Health, Institute for Mother and Child
Care, Division of Reproductive Health, Centers for Diseases
Control and Prevention. Romania: Reproductive Health Survey,
1993. Final Report. 1995.
7 Romanian Association of Public Health and Health
Management, School of Public Health, University of Medicine
and Pharmacy Carol Davila, National Commission for
Statistics, Division of Reproductive Health, Centers for Diseases
Control and Prevention, USAID, UNFPA, UNICEF. Romania:
Reproductive Health Survey, 1999. Final Report. 2001.
8 Romanian Ministry of Health, World Bank, UNFPA, USAID,
UNICEF. Romania: Reproductive Health Survey, 2004.
Summary Report. 2005.
9 UNFPA, Max Plank Institute for Demographic
Research, National Institute of Statistics. Romania Gender
and Generations Survey. First Wave Report. 2007.
10 Sedgh G, Singh S, Shah IH, et al. Induced abortion: incidence
and trends worldwide from 1995 to 2008. Lancet
2012;379:625632.
Commentary
4Horga M, et al.Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care 2013;39:24. doi:10.1136/jfprhc-2012-100498
group.bmj.com on January 15, 2016 - Published by http://jfprhc.bmj.com/Downloaded from
struggle to manage their fertility
The remarkable story of Romanian women's
Mihai Horga, Caitlin Gerdts and Malcolm Potts
doi: 10.1136/jfprhc-2012-100498
2013 39: 2-4 J Fam Plann Reprod Health Care
http://jfprhc.bmj.com/content/39/1/2
Updated information and services can be found at:
These include:
References #BIBLhttp://jfprhc.bmj.com/content/39/1/2
This article cites 4 articles, 0 of which you can access for free at:
service
Email alerting box at the top right corner of the online article.
Receive free email alerts when new articles cite this article. Sign up in the
Collections
Topic Articles on similar topics can be found in the following collections
(21)Editor's choice
Notes
http://group.bmj.com/group/rights-licensing/permissions
To request permissions go to:
http://journals.bmj.com/cgi/reprintform
To order reprints go to:
http://group.bmj.com/subscribe/
To subscribe to BMJ go to:
group.bmj.com on January 15, 2016 - Published by http://jfprhc.bmj.com/Downloaded from
... Indeed, limiting access to prenatal screening and implementing strict abortion laws may seem to decrease the number of medical abortions. However, in reality, it can lead to an increase in illegal and spontaneous abortions [9,57,63]. An overview of the abortion situation around the world reveals that the rate of unsafe abortions is higher in countries with stricter abortion laws [64]. ...
... This policy banned abortion (with some exceptions) and greatly limited access to contraception in order to increase the fertility rate. The outcome was a significant increase in unintended pregnancies, unsafe abortions, and maternal morbidity [9,57,63]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Objective Given Iran’s recent shift towards pronatalist population policies, concerns have arisen regarding the potential increase in abortion rates. This review study examines the trends of (medical), intentional (illegal), and spontaneous abortions in Iran over the past two decades, as well as the factors that have contributed to these trends. Methods This paper reviewed research articles published between 2005 and 2022 on abortion in Iran. The study employed the PRISMA checklist for systematic reviews. Articles were searched from international (Google Scholar, PubMed, Science Direct, and Web of Science) and national databases (Magiran, Medlib, SID). Once the eligibility criteria were applied, 42 records were included from the initial 349 records. Results Abortion is influenced by a variety of socioeconomic and cultural factors and the availability of family planning services. Factors that contribute to unintended pregnancy include attitudes toward abortion, knowledge about reproductive health, access to reproductive health services, and fertility desires, among others. In addition to health and medical factors, consanguineous marriage plays an important role in spontaneous and therapeutic abortion. A higher number of illegal abortions were reported by women from more privileged socioeconomic classes. In comparison, a higher number of medical and spontaneous abortions were reported by women from less privileged socioeconomic classes. Conclusion Iranian policymakers are concerned about the declining fertility rate and have turned to pronatalist policies. From a demographic standpoint, this seems to be a reasonable approach. However, the new population policies, particularly, the Family Protection and Young Population Law, along with creating limitations in access to reproductive health services and prenatal screening tests as well as stricter abortion law could potentially lead to an increase in various types of abortions and their associated consequences.
... Globally, about 39 abortions per thousand women take place every year, and the estimation has been constant since 1990, excluding the countries that have legalized abortion, which accounts for declination in 43% of the abortion rate in those countries (Council on Foreign Relations 2023). However, unsafe pregnancy terminations have been one of the leading causes of increased maternal mortality and morbidity (Horga, Gerdts, and Potts 2013). Global estimates from 2010 to 2014 demonstrate that 45% of all abortions are unsafe abortions (World Health Organization n.d.). ...
Article
Full-text available
Abortion remains one of the most controversial topics, especially after overturning Roe v. Wade ruling in the United States. Previous literature showed that the illegality of abortion could have serious consequences, as women might seek unsafe pregnancy terminations leading to increased maternal mortality rates and negative effects on their reproductive health. Therefore, the stances of the abortion-related Facebook posts were analyzed at the state level in the United States from May 4 until June 30, 2022, right after the Supreme Court’s decision was disclosed. In more detail, a pre-trained Transformer architecture-based model was fine-tuned on a manually labeled training set to obtain a stance detection model suitable for the collected dataset. Afterward, we employed appropriate statistical tests to examine the relationships between public opinion regarding abortion, abortion legality, political leaning, and factors measuring the overall population’s health, health knowledge, and vulnerability per state. We found that infant mortality rate, political affiliation, abortion rates, and abortion legality are associated with stances toward abortion at the state level in the US. While aligned with existing literature, these findings indicate how public opinion, laws, and women’s and infants’ health are related, as well as how these relationships can be demonstrated by using social media data.
... There could be other drivers behind these developments, such as increased contraceptive usage. Unsafe abortions and overall maternal mortality rates rose sharply when abortion was illegal in Romania from 1966 to 1989 (Horga, Gerdts, and Potts 2013), so facilitating access to abortions could avoid health risks. ...
... Globally, about 39 abortions per thousand women take place every year and the estimation has been constant since 1990 excluding the countries that have legalized abortion which accounts for declination in 43% of the abortion rate in those countries (Council on Foreign Relations 2023). However, unsafe pregnancy terminations have been one of the leading causes of increased maternal mortality and morbidity (Horga, Gerdts, and Potts 2013). Global estimates from 2010 to 2014 demonstrate that 45% of all abortions are unsafe abortions (World Health Organization n.d.). ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Abortion remains one of the most controversial topics, especially after overturning Roe v. Wade ruling in the United States. Previous literature showed that the illegality of abortion could have serious consequences, as women might seek unsafe pregnancy terminations leading to increased maternal mortality rates and negative effects on their reproductive health. Therefore, the stances of the abortion-related Facebook posts were analyzed at the state level in the United States from May 4 until June 30, 2022, right after the Supreme Court's decision was disclosed. In more detail, the pre-trained Transformer architecture-based model was fine-tuned on a manually labeled training set to obtain a stance detection model suitable for the collected dataset. Afterward, we employed appropriate statistical tests to examine the relationships between public opinion regarding abortion, abortion legality, political leaning, and factors measuring the overall population's health, health knowledge, and vulnerability per state. We found that states with a higher number of views against abortion also have higher infant and maternal mortality rates. Furthermore, the stance of social media posts per state is mostly matching with the current abortion laws in these states. While aligned with existing literature, these findings indicate how public opinion, laws, and women's and infants' health are related, and interventions are required to educate and protect women, especially in vulnerable populations.
... Critical thinking about sexuality empowers individual decision-making and fosters greater equity and sensitivity, while also contributing to global population reduction almost as a side effect. Sexuality education initiatives may be most empowering when they are holistic and provide historical context about struggles by women to manage their fertility (e.g., Horga et al., 2013). Indeed, a comprehensive sexuality curriculum should be enthusiastically embraced across the political spectrum: by liberals and feminists for its effect of heightening awareness around gender roles, body image, and gay rights issues; and by conservatives for substantially reducing the need for abortion by preempting its main cause-unintended pregnancy (Sedgh et al., 2014). ...
Article
Humanity must commit to transformative change on all levels in order to address the climate emergency and biodiversity collapse. In particular, stabilizing and ultimately reducing the human population size is necessary to ensure the long-term wellbeing of our species and other life on Earth. We show how this transition can be accomplished in an equitable framework that promotes human rights. Specifically, we issue a global appeal for women and men to have at most one child and call for policy-makers to implement population policies that improve education for girls and young women and ensure the availability of high-quality family-planning services.
... Historical data also show that the increase in birthrate is temporary; it eventually falls back to baseline, as pregnant women find whatever ways they can to end their pregnancies. The return of birthrate to preabortion ban rates was historically accompanied by a rise in maternal mortality from complications of unsafe self-managed or clandestine abortion (Benson, Andersen, and Samandari 2011;Cates and Rochat 1976;Hord et al. 1991;Horga, Gerdts, and Potts 2013). While some people will have the resources and social support to be able to travel for legal, safe abortion care, those who can't, and who don't have access to medications for self-managed abortion in whatever state they reside, may resort to unsafe methods. ...
Article
The upcoming U.S. Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization has the potential to eliminate or severely restrict access to legal abortion care in the United States. We address the impact that the decision could have on abortion access and its consequences beyond abortion care. We posit that an abortion ban would, in effect, mean that anyone who becomes pregnant, including those who continue a pregnancy and give birth to healthy newborns and those with pregnancy complications or adverse pregnancy outcomes will become newly vulnerable to legal surveillance, civil detentions, forced interventions, and criminal prosecution. The harms imposed by banning or severely restricting abortion access will disproportionately affect persons of color and perpetuate structural racism. We caution that focusing on Roe as a decision that only protects ending a pregnancy ignores the protection that the decision also affords people who want to continue their pregnancies. It overlooks the ways in which overturning Roe will curtail fundamental rights for all those who become pregnant and will undermine their status as full persons meriting Constitutional protections. Such a singular focus inevitably obscures the common ground that people across the ideological spectrum might inhabit to ensure the safety, health, humanity, and rights of all people who experience pregnancy.
... Impressed by this study, it is one reason that we wanted to offer a conclusive overview of the current situation in Romania. If it is to take into account all consequences associated with adolescent pregnancy, 11 countries including Romania successfully reduced the mortality rate up to 75% from 1990 to 2015 [21]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Objectives: It has been recently documented that Romania has the highest prevalence of adolescent pregnancy in Europe. Material and methods: Therefore, the present study aims to offer a conclusive view of the current situation by assessing a series of parameters in the last 11 years. Results: Throughout the present manuscript, we showed that 1788 pregnancies occurred in the last 11 years in just one center from the northeastern region of Romania. The Kolmogorov-Smirnov test (p < 0.05) performed suggests that gestational age does not follow a normal distribution; an interval during which 899 (50.27%) male and 889 (49.72%) female babies were born. There were a total of 1383 (86.00%) deliveries at full-term and 225 (13.99%) were under 37 weeks. Of 1788 teenage girls, 1467 (82.04%) were from the rural area, whereas 321 (17.95%) from the urban area. Conclusions: Fortunately, one common feature that we observed was that starting from 2017 there was a significant reduction within the last 2 studied parameters, the situation being much more fluctuating until 2014.
Article
Full-text available
This research examines the perceptions of key informants concerning the determinants influencing women's reproductive autonomy in Udupi, India. The concept of reproductive autonomy encompasses a woman's freedom to make knowledgeable and independent choices about her reproductive well-being. In order to delve into this issue, the study adopted a qualitative research strategy, carrying out extensive interviews with 15 essential contributors, including gynecologists, social service professionals, and attorneys who have ample experience working with women of childbearing age. The selection of participants was conducted through purposive sampling based on their professional affiliations within reproductive healthcare and advisory capacities, with interviews occurring in a variety of settings such as hospitals, clinics, and judicial courts. Transcriptions were systematically coded and analyzed utilizing framework analysis, rooted in the Reproductive Empowerment Framework, while also accommodating the emergence of new themes. The results underscore several significant factors influencing reproductive decision-making, including education, financial independence, spousal communication, familial structures, the contributions of Accredited Social Health Activists, and religious beliefs. Education and financial autonomy were recognized as essential facilitators of reproductive autonomy, although societal and familial pressures frequently constrained women’s capacity to fully exercise their reproductive choices. ASHA workers were identified as crucial facilitators in the promotion of contraception and reproductive health, especially in rural contexts. This study highlights critical aspects of the intricate social and economic dynamics influencing women's reproductive rights in India, recommending policy initiatives that concentrate on education, financial autonomy, and spousal involvement to enhance women's reproductive choices.
Article
Full-text available
Iran has witnessed three major reversals of population policies since their inception in the 1960s. In response to a rapid decline in fertility to very low levels, the latest policy shift has led to the development of legislation that aims to encourage marriage and fertility, particularly the "Youthful Population and Protection of the Family" law approved in 2021. This study reviews the changes in population policy and their interrelations with fertility trends, focusing mainly on the shift towards pronatalist policies since 2005, and accompanying restriction of reproductive health and family planning services. Combining international and national sources, we position the new pronatalist drive in the country within the broader trend of government attempts to reverse fertility decline and promote conservative family values. Our study has three main aims. (1) We provide an overview of fertility trends, policy discourses and policy shifts in the context of the changes in the societal and political structures of Iran during the last half a century. (2) We highlight and discuss the most problematic features of the new Family Law, especially the legislation pertaining to maternal and reproductive health, access to abortion and contraception, and incentives supporting earlier marriage and higher fertility. (3) We discuss the likely consequences of the new legislation for maternal and child health and sexual and reproductive rights, for women in general, and the country's socioeconomic disparities. As well as violating reproductive rights, the new policy is unlikely to achieve its aim of initiating a sustained rise in fertility in Iran.
Article
Full-text available
A presente investigação versa sobre a criminalização do aborto e o não alcance do objetivo de proteção da vida do feto, uma vez que as gestantes não deixam de realizar o procedimento em virtude da proibição legal. Destarte, a pesquisa tem como objetivo propor que a temática do aborto seja discutida sob a perspectiva da saúde pública. O estudo realizado trata-se de pesquisa teórica, de abordagem qualitativa e método de abordagem indutivo, uma vez que são apresentadas algumas premissas no intuito de atingir uma conclusão, bem como método de procedimento bibliográfico de fontes secundárias. Portanto, a investigação concluiu que a legalização do aborto significaria a redução das mortes de mulheres dos marcadores sociais vulneráveis com a garantia do acesso ao procedimento de forma rápida, segura e digna, ausente do julgamento penal e moral.
Article
Full-text available
Background: Data of abortion incidence and trends are needed to monitor progress toward improvement of maternal health and access to family planning. To date, estimates of safe and unsafe abortion worldwide have only been made for 1995 and 2003. Methods: We used the standard WHO definition of unsafe abortions. Safe abortion estimates were based largely on official statistics and nationally representative surveys. Unsafe abortion estimates were based primarily on information from published studies, hospital records, and surveys of women. We used additional sources and systematic approaches to make corrections and projections as needed where data were misreported, incomplete, or from earlier years. We assessed trends in abortion incidence using rates developed for 1995, 2003, and 2008 with the same methodology. We used linear regression models to explore the association of the legal status of abortion with the abortion rate across subregions of the world in 2008. Findings: The global abortion rate was stable between 2003 and 2008, with rates of 29 and 28 abortions per 1000 women aged 15-44 years, respectively, following a period of decline from 35 abortions per 1000 women in 1995. The average annual percent change in the rate was nearly 2·4% between 1995 and 2003 and 0·3% between 2003 and 2008. Worldwide, 49% of abortions were unsafe in 2008, compared to 44% in 1995. About one in five pregnancies ended in abortion in 2008. The abortion rate was lower in subregions where more women live under liberal abortion laws (p<0·05). Interpretation: The substantial decline in the abortion rate observed earlier has stalled, and the proportion of all abortions that are unsafe has increased. Restrictive abortion laws are not associated with lower abortion rates. Measures to reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancy and unsafe abortion, including investments in family planning services and safe abortion care, are crucial steps toward achieving the Millennium Development Goals. Funding: UK Department for International Development, Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and John D and Catherine T MacArthur Foundation.
Article
Full-text available
A national household survey of 4,861 women aged 15-44 on reproductive health issues was conducted in Romania in 1993. The survey provided the opportunity to study the impact of policy changes by comparing selected aspects of fertility, abortion, and contraceptive use before and after the December 1989 revolution, when the laws restricting abortion and contraceptive use were abolished. After abortion became legal, the total fertility rate dropped to below replacement level, while the induced abortion rate doubled. Contraceptive prevalence increased 20 percent, but augmentation of the use of traditional methods, rather than the change in legislation, accounted for 70 percent of the increase. Limited sex education and contraceptive information, mistrust and misinformation about modern methods, a lack of adequately trained providers, and a shortage or uneven distribution of contraceptive supplies are major reasons for the continued high rates of unintended pregnancy.
Article
Abstract There is much interest to-day in governmental actions and regulations designed to have an effect on fertility. Widespread concern with the implications of population growth has led to unprecedented attention to the design and implementation of governmental policies intended to affect fertility. Unfortunately, there is very little empirical evidence of the effect of governmental action, largely because of the difficulty of interpreting the causal relations between changes in laws or programmes on the one hand, and fertility trends on the other. For this reason, the drastic alteration of the fertility laws in Romania in 1966 is of special interest in that it provides something approaching an experimental context for examining the effect of a legal code on fertility.
Article
After the downfall of the Ceausescu regime in December, 1989, the new Government of Romania abolished the law that prohibited abortions on request. Subsequently, the rate of legally induced abortions increased significantly while the rate of maternal mortality declined dramatically. Despite the large number of women who request induced abortions, most women and gynaecologists say that they would prefer to prevent unwanted pregnancies through the use of modern contraception. In this paper we examine factors that contribute to the disparity between women's desire to use modern contraception to prevent unwanted pregnancies and their practice of having induced abortions to prevent unwanted births. The results show that women (and suggest that men) need a wide choice of dependably available high-quality contraceptives; they need to be able to obtain information, counselling, and methods from a wide range of sources/health-care providers; both women's and men's perceptions about, and use of, modern contraception could be positively affected through sexual education started in secondary school; and, to reduce repeat abortions, women's post-abortion family-planning needs must not be neglected.
Max Plank Institute for Demographic Research, National Institute of Statistics
, Max Plank Institute for Demographic Research, National Institute of Statistics. Romania Gender and Generations Survey. First Wave Report. 2007.
University of Medicine and Pharmacy " Carol Davila Division of Reproductive Health, Centers for Diseases Control and Prevention
Romanian Association of Public Health and Health Management, School of Public Health, University of Medicine and Pharmacy " Carol Davila ", National Commission for Statistics, Division of Reproductive Health, Centers for Diseases Control and Prevention, USAID, UNFPA, UNICEF. Romania: Reproductive Health Survey, 1999. Final Report. 2001.
Institute for Mother and Child Care, Division of Reproductive Health, Centers for Diseases Control and Prevention
Romanian Ministry of Health, Institute for Mother and Child Care, Division of Reproductive Health, Centers for Diseases Control and Prevention. Romania: Reproductive Health Survey, 1993. Final Report. 1995.
doi:10.1136/jfprhc-2012-100498 Health. Yearly bulletins on main health indicators and on maternal mortality
  • M Horga
Horga M, et al. Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care 2013;39:2–4. doi:10.1136/jfprhc-2012-100498 Health. Yearly bulletins on main health indicators and on maternal mortality. http://www.ccss.ro/public_html/?q=content/ date-statistice-0 [accessed 2 September 2012].