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Gender Differences in Depression Among College Students: A Multicultural Perspective

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Gender differences in depression among college students: A
multi-cultural perspective.
Kelly, William E.
Kelly, Kathryn E.
Brown, Franklin C.
Kelly, Hillary B.
College Student Journal. Mar1999, Vol. 33 Issue 1, p72. 5p. 1
Chart.
Article
*MENTAL depression
*COLLEGE students -- Psychology
AFRICAN Americans -- Psychology
SEX differences (Biology)
Examines gender differences in depression between Afro-
American and white college students. Evaluation of accuracy
of findings in the current literature regarding the existence of
gender differences and depression; Discrepancies between
studies on the prevalence of depression in Afro-Americans;
Similarity of sex differences in depression for Afro-Americans
and whites.
2159
0146-3934
1713844
Education Research Complete
GENDER DIFFERENCES IN DEPRESSION AMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS: A
MULTI-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
It has been found that females often score higher on depression measures than males. However,
this gender difference has not been thoroughly studied across ethnicities. This study examined
gender differences in depression between African-Americans and Whites. The Center for
Epidemiological Studies-Depression scale (CES-D) was administered to 143 (74 males, 69 females)
undergraduate students enrolled in introductory psychology classes (39% African-American and
61% White). The results indicate that White males scored significantly lower on depression than
African-American males and females of both ethnic groups. Directions for future research are
offered.
Recently, Culbertson (1997) called for further cross-cultural research in the area of gender
differences and depression. Several studies have indicated that females tend to score higher on
depression than males (cf., Kessler, et al., 1994; Weissman, Bruce, Leaf, Florio, & Holzer, 1992).
However, few studies have examined this gender difference cross-culturally. The current consensus
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appears to be that the incidence of depression is unrelated to ethnicity (American Psychiatric
Association, 1994; Casper, Belanoff, & Offer, 1996; Lester & DeSimone, 1995). However, there
have been discrepancies in the literature regarding this issue. Biafora (1995) found that African-
Americans manifest significantly higher depressive symptoms than Whites. Conversely, Kessler, et
al. (1994) found the prevalence of depression to be lower for African-Americans than for Whites.
One study investigated differences between minorities and Whites among military personnel
stationed stateside and assigned to combat duty (Sutker, Davis, Uddo, & Ditta, 1995). It was found
that minority members scored higher on depression than Whites regardless of whether or not they
were deployed to war zones. Further, females endorsed more depressive symptoms than males.
Results comparing gender differences between ethnicities was not reported. Although, individuals
describing themselves as minorities were not differentiated among ethnicities, the largest
percentage of minority participants in the Sutker, et al. (1995) study were African-American. Thus, it
seems reasonable that the minority group's results were representative of that ethnicity.
The results of several studies have not supported gender and racial differences in the incidence of
depression (i.e., Munford, 1994; Lester & DeSimone, 1995). However, others, such as Casper et al.
(1996), found that females reported significantly higher levels of depression without any differences
according to race. Bailey, Wolfe, and Wolfe (1996) indicated that White females had significantly
higher levels of depression than either African-American or White males.
Due to the discrepancies of the current literature and difficulties involved in procuring adequate
samples, some researchers have chosen to disregard ethnicity in studying gender differences and
depression. For example, Radloff (1980) suggested that Whites and nonwhites appeared to differ in
their relationships to certain unspecified variables (other than race). However their sample of
nonwhites was not sufficiently large enough to analyze these variables. Thus, data collected from
nonwhite participants was not analyzed.
Few studies have examined depression among African-Americans exclusively. Jackson, Thoits, and
Taylor (1995) found that elite African-American leaders in the United States demonstrate
significantly greater symptoms of depression than African-Americans not in an elite position. This
finding may indicate that African-Americans holding positions grossly under represented by others of
their ethnicity may be at a greater risk of experiencing depression. It has been suggested that this
tendency to report higher levels of depression is related to the stress of feeling isolated as a result of
holding an elite position and being perceived by other African-Americans as having lost some
degree of "black identity" (Jackson et al., 1995; Munford, 1994).
Noting the lack of clarity in the findings of the current literature regarding rates of depression
according to gender and race, it becomes clear that further research is needed examining this issue.
The purpose of the present study is threefold: (1) to further examine whether findings in much of the
current literature are accurate regarding the overall existence of gender differences and depression;
(2) to further clarify the discrepancies between studies regarding whether depression is more, or
less, prevalent in African-Americans than Whites; and (3) to determine whether gender differences
in depression are similar for African-Americans and Whites.
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Method
Participants included 143 students enrolled in introductory psychology classes at a mid-sized
university. Upon signing a consent form to participate in the study, the Center of Epidemiologic
Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977) and a short demographic questionnaire
developed by the authors were administered. The CES-D is a 20-item self-report questionnaire
designed to measure current experience of depression. It has been found to have good reliability
and validity (Radloff, 1977).
The average age of participants was 19.7 years (SD=3.4). Ages ranged from 17 to 40 years. Men
comprised 52% (74) of the sample and women 48% (69). As part of the demographic questionnaire,
participants were asked to identify their ethnicity. Eighty-seven (61%) of the participants identified
themselves as White and 55 (39%) as African-American. Participation was voluntary and all
information received was kept confidential.
Results
A 2 (ethnic group) x 2 (gender) ANOVA was performed on participant's scores on the CES-D. A
significant main effect was found for gender, F (3, 138)=2.69, p<.05, with females scoring higher
than males. However, results failed to reveal a significant main effect for race, F (3, 138)=1.38,
p=.24. The interaction between gender and race failed to reach significance, F (3, 138)=2.51, p=.12.
ANOVA's were then calculated using gender as the independent variable and scores on the CES-D
as the dependent variable for each ethnicity separately. White females scored significantly higher on
the CES-D than White males, F (1, 85)=6.96, p< .01. No significant differences were observed
between African-American males and females, F (1, 53)=0.001, p=.95. When the data was analyzed
separately by gender, there was no significant difference between White and African-American
females, F (1, 67)=0.02, p=.89. However, African-American males scored significantly higher on the
CES-D than White males, F (1, 73)=4.95, p<.05. Average scores and standard deviations for each
group are presented in Table 1.
Discussion
The results of this study support previous findings which indicate that the prevalence of depression
in females is higher than in males (i.e., Kessler, et al., 1994). However, the findings of Biafora (1995)
which suggest that depression is higher in African-Americans than Whites was not supported.
Instead, the results of the current study support statements in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 1994), that depression, overall, is not
related to ethnicity.
When the differences in genders were analyzed separately for African-Americans and Whites, the
results were somewhat discrepant. While White males' and females' scores significantly differed,
supporting Radloff (1980), the mean scores on depression for African-American males and females
did not. Additionally, when the genders are analyzed separately, there appeared to be a significant
difference between African-American and White males. Yet, no significant result was obtained
between White and African-American females.
The mean scores for depression of African-American males along with females of both ethnic
groups are similar. This suggests that perhaps the more essential finding is the significantly lower
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score for White males than for African-American males and females of either ethnicity. This finding
could be the result of White males simply endorsing less depressive symptomatology than the other
three groups. Since participants were informed that their results would be held confidential as
opposed to being anonymous, it is possible that social desirability may have influenced the White
males' responses on the CES-D.
Another possible explanation of the results of this study involves differences in how the groups cope
with problems. For example, Zahn-Waxler (1993) found that females tend to internalize problems
whereas males tend to externalize difficulties. This tendency to internalize problems may reflect a
cultural trend learned early in life by females in White cultures. Indeed, if African-Americans are not
taught the technique of externalizing their emotional difficulties, this could explain the result that
African-Americans scored higher on depression than White males, while not significantly differing
from females of either ethnicity.
A further explanation for the results of this study, is that as a group White males tend to be less
exposed to the risk factors associated with depression. Billings and Moos (1985) identified lower
socioeconomic standing as a primary risk for the development of depression. Traditionally, the
benefits of higher socioeconomic status have been more readily attainable by White males.
There are several limitations to the present study. For instance, only one depression inventory was
used in this investigation. While, the CES-D has good reliability and validity, other scales may have
influenced members of ethnic groups and genders to respond differently. Further, all participants
were university students. Thus, generalizability of these results to the general population are not
suggested. It has been found that educational levels and age may affect the presence depressive
symptomatology (Kessler, et al., 1994). Clearly, a young, educated sample might endorse a different
level of depression than the population as a whole. Additionally, it has been suggested that those
African-Americans who are successful in school (i.e., college students) often do so by breaking
away from their own culture. While they may experience more success academically, their
depression and identity confusion maybe greater than their academically less successful peers
(Arroyo & Zigler, 1995).
Replication of this study's results on different samples and with different scales is essential. Further
research will be required to determine whether the lower mean score of White males is the result of
lower reporting of depression on this instrument, the actual experiencing of less depression, or a
social desirability effect. Further studies might also evaluate whether socioeconomic status has
played a role in these results. Biafora (1995) found that by controlling for socioeconomic status,
differences between depression scores of Whites and African-Americans could be eliminated.
However, that study did not report how socioeconomic status affected gender differences between
ethnicities. Additionally, investigations should attempt to ascertain what mechanisms place White
males at a lower risk of developing depression than African-American males and females of both
ethnicities.
Table 1 CES-D Scores by Group
Group n M SD
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African-American Males 25 21.83 8.65
African-American Females 31 21.65 11.12
White Females 37 22.24 8.95
White Males 50 17.40 8.09
References
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Casper, R. C., Belanoff, J., & Offer, D. (1996). Gender differences, but no racial group differences,
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~~~~~~~~
By William E. Kelly; Kathryn E. Kelly; Franklin C. Brown and Hillary B. Kelly
Copyright of College Student Journal is the property of Project Innovation, Inc. and its content may
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Kanter's theory of proportional representation suggests that tokens should experience more work stress and psychological symptoms than nontokens. We examine the effects of proportional representation by race and by gender on work stress and symptoms. Data come from structured personal interviews with a disproportionate stratified sample of elite black leaders in the U.S. (N = 167). Consistent with expectations, analyses showed that numerical rarity by race and by gender significantly increased symptoms of depression and anxiety, respectively. Numerical rarity by race significantly increases “token stress” (e.g., loss of black identity, multiple demands of being black, sense of isolation, having to show greater competence) and a high degree of gender tokenism increases role overload. Some, but not all, of the total impact of proportional representation is mediated through work stressors since these stressors are themselves directly associated with higher psychological symptoms.
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Previous research has indicated that depression, the most common mental illness, can be related to suchfactors as gender, self-esteem, social class, and racial identity. Subjects in this study were 146 Black university students at North Carolina Central University and 83 Black males andfemales from the general population. The subjects were administered the Beck Depression Inventory, the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, the Hollingshead Two-Factor Index of Social Position, and the Racial Identity Attitude Scale. Data analysis was achieved through stepwise multiple regression and independent t-test techniques. Results showed that higher levels of depression were associated with lower levels of self-esteem. Preencounter and encounter attitudes were positively related to levels of depression, and internalization attitudes were negatively associated with levels of depression. No significant gender differences were found in levels of self-esteem and depression, and no significant social class differences were found in levels of depression.
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The CES-D scale is a short self-report scale designed to measure depressive symptomatology in the general population. The items of the scale are symptoms associated with depression which have been used in previously validated longer scales. The new scale was tested in household interview surveys and in psychiatric settings. It was found to have very high internal consistency and adequate test- retest repeatability. Validity was established by pat terns of correlations with other self-report measures, by correlations with clinical ratings of depression, and by relationships with other variables which support its construct validity. Reliability, validity, and factor structure were similar across a wide variety of demographic characteristics in the general population samples tested. The scale should be a useful tool for epidemiologic studies of de pression.
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The purpose of this research is to determine the relationships among race, socioeconomic status (SES) and depressive symptomatology. Contrary to the findings of over 20 years of psychiatric epidemiology, two research teams have recently reported that Blacks, primarily those of low SES, are significantly more depressed than Whites occupying the same status. Using the same epidemiologic field survey data as one of these research groups (Whites=1,648; Blacks=450), the issues of race, SES, and depression are reopened for examination. Depressive symptomatology was measured by the Florida Health Study Depression Scale. The findings indicated that, in general, Blacks had significantly higher levels of depressive symptomatology than Whites. However, these differences were eliminated once SES, a composite of occupational status, education, and household income, was statistically controlled. Race, in other words, was not found to be an independent predictor of depression. The author concludes that poverty is hazardous to one's psychological well-being and that race, by itself, is merely a proxy for socioeconomic status. In addition, methodological issues associated with the conceptualization and operationalization of socioeconomic status and mental health constructs such as depression are explored.
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Psychosocial factors, especially stressful life circumstances and stress mediating factors, are a major concern in current research on the etiology and treatment of depression. This paper presents a conceptual framework to summarize and integrate the rapidly expanding theoretical, empirical, and clinical literature on depression. This framework views depression as resulting from the interplay of several domains of variables, including personal and environmental resources, environmental Stressors, and the individual's appraisal and coping responses to specific stressful events. Research relevant to each of these domains and their interrelationships is reviewed. The clinical implications of the framework for evaluating the relative effectiveness of treatment programs and developing prevention programs are considered.
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The relation between racial identity and personal psychological functioning was examined within the framework of the "racelessness" construct proposed by Fordham and Ogbu (S. Fordham, 1988; S. Fordham & J. U. Ogbu, 1986). These researchers have proposed that academically successful African American students achieve their success by adopting behaviors and attitudes that distance them from their culture of origin, resulting in increased feelings of depression, anxiety, and identity confusion. Studies 1 and 2 describe the development of the Racelessness Scale (RS) designed to test these assumptions. Study 2 also investigated Race X Achievement level differences in students' responses to the RS. In Study 3, correlations between the RS and measures of depression, self-efficacy, anxiety, alienation, and collective self-esteem were assessed. The pattern of results in Study 2 suggest that the behaviors and attitudes described by Fordham and Ogbu are common to high-achieving adolescents and not specific to African Americans. However, racial differences in the pattern of associations between the RS and measures of depression suggest that racelessness may have important psychological consequences for African American adolescents.