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FashionTheory,Volume12,Issue3,pp.359–376
DOI:10.2752/175174108X332332
ReprintsavailabledirectlyfromthePublishers.
Photocopyingpermittedbylicenceonly.
©2008Berg.
Vogue’sNewWorld:AmericanFashionabilityandthePoliticsofStyle 359
StephanieAssmannisalecturer
atTohokuUniversityinSendai,
Japan.SheholdsaPhDdegree
inJapaneseStudiesfromthe
UniversityofHamburg,Germany.
Herresearchinterestsincludethe
studyofconsumptionpatterns,
issuesofgenderandsocial
stratification,andfoodculturein
contemporaryJapan.
stassmann@high-edu.tohoku.ac.jp
StephanieAssmann
BetweenTradition
andInnovation:
TheReinvention
oftheKimono
inJapanese
ConsumerCulture
Abstract
The kimono plays a marginalized role in contemporary society, but
continues to be worn on festive occasions. In this article I explore the
role of the kimono from several angles. Based on participant observation
and in-depth interviews with members of two organizations, I examine
two diametrically opposed approaches towards the kimono in order to
provide an insight on how differently it is being reinvented in Japanese
society.
I will identify four areas in which the kimono is being kept alive in
Japan. First, I argue that the kimono is related to consumption. Not
360StephanieAssmann
only does the purchase of the garment itself involve consumption, but
the training of how to wear a kimono is also related to consumption
of education and experience. Conventional approaches towards the
kimono that emphasize manners and etiquette coexist with innovative
approaches that experiment with age and gender boundaries. Secondly,
mastering the art of the kimono can be interpreted as a form of cultural
capital whereby the kimono fulfills a role in social distinction. Thirdly,
I argue that wearing a kimono has become an expression of collective
individualism that is often embedded in group activities. I conclude
that the kimono has become a communicative symbol to convey an
individual attitude towards societal conventions and national identity.
KEYWORDS: consumption, Japan, consumer culture, kimono, fashion,
national identity, reinvention, cultural capital
Introduction
“The kimono proclaims itself the national costume of Japan and is
duly recognized as such throughout the world. Yet today the kimono
is said to be dying, to be utterly too cumbersome for modern life, to be
as elegantly anachronistic as the conservative old ladies or geisha who
wear it” (Dalby 2001: 3). In this introduction the anthropologist Liza
Dalby, who spent one year training and working as a geisha in Japan,
acutely summarizes the current image of the kimono.
The kimono in contemporary society indeed plays a marginalized
role, yet continues to be worn mostly on formal occasions such as
weddings, funerals, coming-of-age days, and for tea ceremonies. Due to
the relevance of the kimono on festive occasions, it seems unlikely that
the kimono will vanish entirely.
In this article I will focus on the following research questions. I
will investigate the reasons why the kimono is being kept alive in
contemporary Japan despite often being perceived as an anachronism.
To be more precise, I intend to discuss the kimono as a group-oriented
activity and I will also explore how it is perceived as a national symbol.
Furthermore, I argue that the kimono is closely related to consumption.
Not only does the purchase of the garment itself involves consumption,
but also the appropriate training of how to wear a kimono (kitsuke)
is related to the consumption of education and experience. Moreover,
the kimono fulfills an important role of being a symbol of social
distinction.
TheKimonoasaReinventedTradition
The term kimono literally means “a thing to wear” and was adopted into
English during the Meiji period (1868–1912) when Western clothes were
first introduced to Japan. It was only at that time that Japanese people
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 361
became aware of the fact that they were wearing distinct ethnic clothing
and felt a need to create a name for their native clothes. However, the
major distinction was made between wafuku (Japanese clothing) and
yo
–
fuku (Western clothing), a distinction that has remained until today
and has found its way into the lexicon.1
Hobsbawm and Ranger have argued in their well-known thesis on
inventing traditions: “‘Traditions’ which appear or claim to be old are
often quite recent in origin and sometimes invented” (Hobsbawm and
Ranger 1983: 1). The kimono is an example of a tradition that could
only be recognized and named as such through the encounter with a
contrasting other, which elevated the kimono to a symbol of unique
Japanese clothing. In its contemporary form the kimono is an invention
of the Meiji period and represents the most formal wear. The kimono
is by no means the only native garment. Apart from the kimono, many
variations of partially more casual wafuku, such as the yukata, continue
to be worn by both genders. In her book Kimono, Dalby has devoted a
whole chapter to the practical folk clothing of farmers during the Meiji
period and the twentieth century (Dalby 2001: 144–62). Yet, despite the
existence of a variety of Japanese clothing, it is the kimono as the most
formal and refined garment confined to women that mainly continues
to be associated with Japanese clothing.2
Wearing a kimono in contemporary Japan means making a deliberate
decision to take off yo
–
fuku and to return to wearing native dress. After
the abolition of the four-class system of the Tokugawa period (1603–
1867) the kimono lost its role as a signifier of social rank and rather
became a symbol of “distinctive Japaneseness,” which was expressed
in contrast to the foreign while seeking to establish continuity with the
historic past at the same time.
TheKimonoandConsumption
The kimono is related to consumption in many different ways. The
sociologist John Clammer has argued that aesthetic sensibility in Japan
is not so much expressed in any conventionally artistic form such as art
or architecture, but rather in mundane activities of the everyday life such
as shopping (Clammer 1992: 195). Wearing a kimono in contemporary
Japan is as much about displaying a sense of aesthetic sensibility as it is
about consumption. The combination of a kimono and kimono-related
wear such as the obi (sash) require careful selection, taste, and in many
cases substantial financial resources.3 Since there are clearly defined rules
related to gender, age, marital status, season, occasion, and taste (class)
when wearing a kimono (Dalby 2001: 163), even a minor mistake can
lead to the embarrassment of the kimono wearer. The garment itself and
the mastery of wearing the garment in an appropriate and flawless way
becomes an indicator of age, taste, and class.
Moreover, the kimono represents conspicuous consumption. The
elaborate garment is not suited for daily life, but rather serves as a
362StephanieAssmann
decorative and ceremonial dress limited to special occasions (Dalby
2001: 138–9). Non-functionality as way of displaying luxury and
refinement becomes a function in itself.
Closely related to the importance of appropriate kimono attire is yet
another form of consumption: kimono schools that have increasingly
emerged since the 1960s (Dalby 2001: 119–21). Kimono schools offer
an education called kitsuke in Japanese and there is a whole complex of
manners taught alongside so that kimono schools assume the character
of finishing schools. For example, not only is the proper way of dressing
in a kimono important, but it is also vital to practice how to walk in a
kimono, how to bow in a kimono, and how to fold a kimono. Younger
women, in particular, who have not been trained in how wear their native
garment, are taught appropriate kimono wearing, posture, and manners.
Not only has the dress itself has become an object of consumption,
but a whole industry has emerged around preserving the art of kimono
wearing. Moreover, the kimono as the garment worn by geisha has
been reinvented as a symbol that is being used to uphold the enigma
of Japanese culture.4 Outside Japan, the kimono is still associated with
the geisha5 and reinforces the exotic cliché of the demure and graceful
Japanese woman. This most refined and over-stylized garment is being
used to represent the essence of Japanese culture.
In the introduction I have shown that the kimono is an invented
tradition (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983) that has gone through a
long historical process of awareness, invention, and reinvention and is
moreover closely related to consumption. I argue that this process has
not come to a halt in contemporary Japanese society.
ResearchMethod
For this study I have used a combined quantitative and qualitative
approach. Firstly, I have examined data on recent kimono sales in Japan
and secondly, I have conducted participant observation and in-depth
interviews with two organizations whose participants are dedicated to
the kimono. These two organizations were deliberately chosen in order
to show two diametrically opposed approaches towards the kimono and
to provide an insight on how differently the kimono is being reinvented
in contemporary society.
I interviewed members of the organization Kimono de Ginza in
Tokyo during three of their monthly meetings in 2005 and 2006 in
Tokyo (October 8 2005, November 12 2005, May 13 2006).
Research on the second organization, So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin,6
is based on in-depth interviews I conducted with two members of this
group at their affiliation in Sendai on April 26 2006 as well as on an in-
depth interview with Yamanaka Norio, the founder of this organization
on May 31 2006 in Tokyo. I had the opportunity to witness a kimono
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 363
contest held by So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin on April 1 2007 in Tokyo.
In addition, I relied on literature that has been published by Yamanaka
Norio and on websites that both of these organizations maintain (So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin: http://www.sodo.or.jp/; Kimono de Ginza:
http://kimono-de-ginza.jp/).
DataonRecentKimonoSales
Whereas sales of Western clothes are well documented, obtaining data
on sales of wafuku is rather difficult since wafuku only play a minor
role in the retail market. Furthermore, kimonos or kimono-related wear
such as the obi are passed on from one generation to the next. A kimono
might, therefore, be inherited rather than purchased, in which case it
remains within one family for generations and does not appear in any
statistical record.
According to the data of Kimono Nippon (2006), the Kyoto Founda-
tion for the Promotion of Japanese Dress, the sales of wafuku amounted
to 630 billion yen in the year 2001.7 This is a very small share compared
with sales of women’s Western clothing (yo
–
hin), which amounted to
more than 6 trillion yen in the same year. According to an article in the
Japan Times Online (Nakamura 2004) the new kimono market shrank
from 787.7 billion yen to 590 billion yen whereas sales of second-hand
kimonos rose from 6 billion yen in fiscal 1999 to 34 billion yen in fiscal
2003 during the same period.
The Yano Research Institute (2006),8 a market research institute
based in Tokyo, conducted a detailed internet survey on women, their
attitude, and consumer behavior regarding the kimono (“Women
between 20 and 60: Consciousness and Consumer Behaviour Regard-
ing Kimono” [20–60 dai josei no kimono ni kansuru ishiki to ko
–
bai
ko
–
do
–
]). This survey was carried out in 2006 for the second time in
two consecutive years and included questions about recent purchases
of kimonos and/or kimono-related goods, about the kind of kimono
goods that were bought, and where these goods were obtained. The
percentage of respondents who had have recently acquired kimonos or
kimono-related goods amounted to 25%. Especially women in their
twenties (32.5%) and women in their fifties (32.8%) had recently
bought kimonos or kimono-related accessories. Moreover, unmarried
women demonstrated a stronger interest in buying kimonos (34.5%)
than married women (22.7%). When asked about what kind of kimono
goods had been obtained, kimono-related consumer articles such as the
obi, footwear, and hair decorations made up 80% of such acquisitions,
followed by the purchase of yukata (41%).
Sales of second-hand kimonos (recycled kimonos) and casual kimonos
were also examined in this survey. If second-hand kimonos were bought,
they tended to be of low cost, approximately 10,000 yen. There still
364StephanieAssmann
seemed to be a great reluctance to buy second-hand kimonos: overall
50% of all respondents replied that they felt hesitant about buying a
second-hand kimono. In reply to the question whether respondents
owned a casual kimono, only 16% answered that they did. Women
in their forties were the largest group of respondents who possessed a
casual kimono (25.7%).
According to the few data that are available, purchases of kimonos
remain rare and more often consist of the acquisition of kimono-related
goods such as footwear. Although there seems to be a slight tendency
towards an increase of second-hand kimonos and casual kimonos, the
results of the survey conducted by Yano Research Institute clearly show
that more moderately priced second-hand kimonos and casual kimono
wear are not yet associated with a very positive image.
CaseStudies
CaseStudy:KimonodeGinza
A recent example of a network of kimono enthusiasts that has gained
public attention is the group Kimono de Ginza, which was founded in
1999 and was at first intended to be open only to men. However, as
women began to show an interest in the activities, women were able
to join the group the following year. Depending on weather conditions
between eighty and a hundred participants, men, women, and children of
all ages, meet once a month on the Ginza, an exclusive shopping district
in Tokyo. Participants are from different professional backgrounds:
among them are civil servants, company employees, teachers, and office
workers. There is no membership in the true sense—participation is
free to anyone who wears a kimono on the day of the occasion. The
gatherings are merged with the latest technology: a picture of each
meeting is displayed on the website homepage where future meetings
are also announced. After the photo shoot the group splits up into
smaller groups to go for a walk in the vicinity or to take a stroll around
department stores to shop for kimonos and kimono-related accessories.
The meeting is concluded by a dinner in a Japanese pub (izakaya)
followed by a “second party” (nijikai).
Motives:PlayfulnessandStudy
The motives of participants for joining the monthly gatherings varied
greatly. Some participants mentioned that there is little or no chance
for them to wear their kimono in everyday life, so the event provides
a rare opportunity to wear their native dress. Some participants favor
the timelessness of the kimono: whereas yo
–
fuku have allowed gender
boundaries to blur and have undergone frequent changes in colors,
patterns, length, and shapes of clothes, the shape of a kimono has
remained unchanged.
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 365
A combination of playfulness and study was visible throughout
the meetings. Younger participants were interested in acquiring more
knowledge about how to wear a kimono and were seeking advice
from older participants about color combinations and the appropriate
kimonos for different occasions. Some members expressed pleasure in
stepping out of their everyday life. The event allows participants to be
creative, to play with different identities, and to experiment with gender
boundaries: some members have specifically chosen a “handle name”
or a “stage name” for the gatherings while some participants dress in
kimono that is normally not worn by their gender.
A certain kind of playfulness is also reflected in the name of the
organization, Kimono de Ginza (my emphasis). The word de is written
in Roman letters. Experimenting with the vocabulary of foreign
languages or with the use of katakana instead of Chinese characters
or hiragana adds an element of fashionableness to kimonos. Moreover,
adding Roman letters to the name suggests that the kimono is not
being interpreted as a solely Japanese garment, but presents itself as an
increasingly cosmopolitan piece of clothing.
ClosenesstoConsumption
Throughout the gatherings consumption remained an important topic
of conversation. Participants compared prices of kimonos and were
especially proud when they had bought a very reasonable item from
a second-hand kimono retailer. The majority of the participants chose
to wear cotton instead of silk and emphasized their choice of wearing
a reasonably priced kimono as a conscious decision. Inheritance from
family members also played an important role. Several participants
combined a new or a second-hand kimono with a sash they had inherited
from their mothers or grandmothers which shows an aspiration to
maintain family traditions].
ExpressionofCollectiveIndividualismwithinaCommunity
Kimono wearing is often pursued as an activity within group settings
or organizations. In some cases, women friends dress in kimonos to go
out together in order to attend, for example, a tea ceremony. In other
cases kimono wearing is practiced within an organization in which
the art of kimono wearing is being taught and maintained. Whenever
kimono wearing is embedded into a group activity, the kimono is closely
intertwined with the role of community.
The community is characterized by a need and a desire to belong,
especially in times of growing uncertainty, but is often no longer bound
to a limited locality (Delanty 2003: 195). New forms of communities,
such as online communities, create social intimacy but at the same
time do not involve immediate social interaction and are not bound to
spatially limited localities and long-term stability, as has for instance
always been the case in small-town neighborhoods.
366StephanieAssmann
In the case of Kimono de Ginza, the activity of wearing kimonos
takes place within a well-defined group setting that promises a certain
sense of protection and stability. The gatherings represent a specific
form of community that is characterized by being bound to a defined
place and an interest in a particular activity and, moreover, involve face-
to-face interaction. The creation of this community is not a matter of
coincidence as is the case in small neighborhoods where people find
themselves bound together fortuitously. The gatherings of Kimono de
Ginza are well planned, carefully maintained, held on a regular basis, and
tied to a particular interest that their members share. This community
is deliberately created for the purpose of reviving an invented tradition,
but relate to this tradition in an innovative form that breaks free from
rules and restrictions that are associated with kimonos. Furthermore,
these community events allow for creating new playful identities outside
daily pressures and responsibilities.
Participants gather in a network, which is related to tradition, but
at the same time involves consumption and entertainment. However,
this community does not involve any responsibilities. There is not even
a membership fee that would implicate certain financial obligations.
Participants may join and leave the community as they wish. Community
activities consist of occasional gatherings that evoke a sense of belonging
but can be dissolved at any given moment. In his book The Time of
the Tribes: The Decline of Individualism in Mass Society, the French
sociologist Michel Maffesoli speaks of “emotional communities” that
are characterized “by fluidity, occasional gatherings and dispersal”
(Maffesoli 1996[1988]: 76). Maffesoli has used the term “tribes” to
describe the emergence of heterogeneous groups and networks of people
within mass consumer society. According to Maffesoli’s argument, mass
consumer society has been fragmented into smaller groups and networks
that are not class-based and characterized by temporary, yet emotional
relationships.
The activities performed by Kimono de Ginza suggest a new form of
collective individualism. Related to a sense of innovation is a desire to
express individualism, but to do so within a group setting that promises
a sense of belonging, protection, and stability. A striking characteristic
is the fact that the kimono as the national garment is chosen in order
to express this kind of group-based individualism. Kimonos used to be
the norm before the encounter with foreign clothes, but the kimono
is now confined to official occasions and is often perceived as an
anachronism accompanied by restrictive conventions. In the meetings of
Kimono de Ginza the kimono has become the opposite. It is the national
dress presented in a more innovative form that attracts attention.
This community revives and reinvents a tradition while rejecting the
restrictive conventions that are associated with this very same tradition.
Some participants of Kimono de Ginza experiment with gender and age
boundaries and break with some of the defined rules of kimono wearing.
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 367
Even more strikingly, many of the participants I have interviewed during
their monthly gatherings defy a formal kimono education altogether
because they reject the values of discipline, hierarchy, and propriety that
are implied in such an education. Many participants prefer to practice
wearing the kimono on their own and rely on the advice of family
members or friends.
CaseStudy:So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
KimonoGakuin
The second case study presents a much more conventional approach
towards the kimono. So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin9 is a well-established
kimono academy and finishing school that is represented throughout
Japan. The organization was founded in 1964. Its main office is located
in Tokyo and seven affiliations operate in major cities throughout Japan.
The founder of the organization, Yamanaka Norio, has published
several books in both Japanese and English in which he outlines the
philosophy of the kimono. He emphasizes four virtues that are expressed
by wearing the kimono: love, beauty, decency, and harmony (ai, bi, rei,
wa).10 Yamanaka has traveled extensively to propagate the philosophy
of the kimono abroad and expands on meeting representatives of various
countries in his publications.
As mentioned in the introduction, training at a kimono academy is
part of consumption associated with the kimono. The cost for a six-
month course consisting of sessions held twice a week at So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin amounts to approximately 200,000 yen in addition to
an initial membership fee.11
There is a close relationship between so
–
do
–
(kimono wearing) and
reiho
–
(etiquette).12 Training at So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin is not solely
confined to a kimono education (kitsuke), but also includes a more
general training on manners and etiquette which is, however, always
related to the kimono.
Kimono wearing is perceived as a skill that needs to be acquired,
maintained, and passed on. In an interview conducted with Yamanaka
Norio on May 31 2006, Yamanaka emphasized the principles of lifelong
learning (sho
–
gai kyo
–
iku) and lifelong employment (sho
–
gai shu
–
shoku)
as a motivation for a kimono education and for becoming a kimono
professional. A kimono education is closely related to training as a
kimono consultant. This task of preserving an acquired skill and passing
on this knowledge to future generations is also reflected in the name
of So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin. The Chinese characters of the name
so
–
do
–
mean “the way to dress.”13 The second Chinese character do
–
or
michi can loosely be translated as “way” or “path.” The philosophical
concept of michi refers to acquiring certain knowledge or a skill in one
area of concentration through carefully repeated practice. Specialization
in one area of knowledge is closely related to tradition in the sense of
passing on this skill or knowledge to future generations (Pörtner and
Heise 1995: 226).
368StephanieAssmann
Currently there are approximately 9,000 kimono consultants or
kimono professionals throughout Japan who work either in department
stores or have their own kimono kyo
–
shitsu [kimono classroom], having
obtained the necessary qualifications and a license (ninka) from So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin. The organization is divided into two related
organizations. So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin cooperates with the Kimono
Consultant Association. All members of the Kimono Consultant
Association have acquired a kimono education at So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono
Gakuin before becoming kimono professionals. The organization
is approved of and endorsed by the Ministry of Education, Culture,
Sports, Science and Technology (Monbu kagakusho
–
) and the Ministry
of Economy, Trade and Industry (Keizai Sangyo
–
sho
–
) that set the exams
that future kimono consultants need to pass in order to obtain the
qualification to work independently as kimono professionals. So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin is characterized by a complex structure, a solid
membership base, an efficient administration, and official approval by
the Japanese government.
Unlike Kimono de Ginza, there are no regular group activities held
at So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin. There are two events: the New Years
Party and a seminar for all of the participants in the Tohoku region.
In addition, participants tend to organize events on a smaller scale on
their own.
Kimono contests (Zen Nihon kimono yosou kontesuto sekai taikai)
have been held on a yearly basis since 1972 in Tokyo and are attended by
participants from all over the country. Women, men, children, students,
and also foreigners dress in kimono on stage. While the amount of time
needed to dress properly in a kimono is important, the “overall beauty”
(zentaitekina utsukushisa) and the tying of the obi (obi no musubikata)
are also essential criteria used to determine the three winners of each
of the categories. Moreover, participants deliver a speech entitled “The
kimono and I” (Yamanaka 2005: 120–1).
ResultsofIn-depthInterviewatSo
–
do
–
Reiho
–
KimonoGakuin
The following account is based on an interview I conducted with two
employees at the affiliation of So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin in Sendai
on April 26 2006. Sendai is located in Miyagi Prefecture, which is one
of the six prefectures in the Tohoku Region in Northern Japan on the
main island Honshu
–
. Sendai is the largest city in Miyagi Prefecture and
has approximately one million inhabitants. The city serves as major
connection between Tokyo and Sapporo. Whereas Sendai is a major
city that offers all of the conveniences of shopping, eating out, and
entertainment, the surrounding areas of Miyagi Prefecture are rather
rural.
At present there are approximately 200 participants (seito
–
-san)
enrolled in the affiliation of So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin in Sendai
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 369
which represents the kimono academy in the Tohoku region. The
school offers courses once or twice a week for a period of one or
two years. However, no full-time intensive course is offered at the
school. Presently all of the participants are women who are for
the most part in their thirties, forties, and fifties. Participants have
different professional backgrounds: among them are housewives,
while other members are employed at offices, working as teachers
or at local food stores (o-bento
–
ya-san).
When asked for the reasons why participants decide to pursue
a formal kimono education, especially the wish to wear a kimono
because one is Japanese (Nihonjin de aru kara) was mentioned. But
also the desire to connect to a tradition by wearing a garment that
has been passed on from grandmothers to mothers to daughters
was named as a motif for wearing kimono. A third reason seems
to be the desire to discover a self (jibun ga dete mairimasu) after
Western clothes has been put aside. Moreover, participants would
like to learn how to generally improve their posture (shisei) and
movements and how to enhance their general appearance (kirei
ni naritai). By wearing a kimono, participants have expressed a
desire to please others and to share this activity with other, mostly
women friends.14 Kimono wear seems to be related to women
networks and is often confined to special occasions such as going
out to attend a tea ceremony (ocha no keiko wo tanoshimu).
KimonoEducationatKimonodeGinza
While conducting my research on Kimono de Ginza I also inquired if
participants had received an education at kimono schools. Participants
stated that the question of a kimono education has generally not been
discussed among members, but for advice on how to dress in a kimono
members instead relied on instruction by family members or experienced
members of Kimono de Ginza, consulted manuals or shop assistants in
kimono stores or simply kept practicing. Several members expressed a
critical attitude towards a formal kimono education and rejected any
constraints related to age, season, or marital status. Although a formal
kimono education, as conducted at Sd Reih Kimono Gakuin, does
not seem to be favored by the participants of Kimono de Ginza, there
is a need to know more about the kimono, such as for example the
appropriate kimono wear for special occasions such as weddings.
ExpressionofNationalIdentityorFashion:DifferentInterpretationsofthe
Kimono
As stated in the introduction, the kimono as a national garment is often
associated with a sense of “Japaneseness,” a sense of national identity
rather than being perceived as a fashionable piece of clothing. Moreover,
the kimono is closely linked to other Japanese cultural practices such as
flower arrangement, the tea ceremony, and calligraphy.
370StephanieAssmann
“Theories of Japaneseness,” called Nihonjinron or Nihon bunka-ron
in Japanese, have been a thoroughly discussed subject in the academic
discourse on Japan. These theories refer to a vast canon of literature
on Japan that has been produced by Japanese and foreign intellectuals
alike and emphasizes the uniqueness of Japanese culture and customs
in different areas such as cultural practices, structure of society, and
social and economic customs. In these theories Japan has been primarily
contrasted against cultures of the “Western” hemisphere, in the broadest
sense predominantly against Western Europe and particularly the United
States. It is not China and Korea as countries that are much closer in
terms of local proximity and cultural and religious characteristics that
Japan is being compared to. Since the Meiji period, primarily “Western”
cultures are being contrasted against Japan. In order to explain the
essence of Japanese culture and societal structure, dichotomies such as
“group orientation” in Japan and “individualism” in Western cultures
have been established. These theories of Nihonjinron, which gained
increasing popularity in the 1970s and 1980s, were severely criticized
by intellectuals who denied these “theories of Japaneseness” and
dismissed Japan’s uniqueness as a “myth” (Aoki 1990: 133–43; Dale
1986; Leheny 2003: 37).
Members of Kimono de Ginza are proud of wearing their native
garment and regret the fact that opportunities to wear kimonos remain
rare in daily life. As mentioned above, there is also a desire, especially
among younger participants, to relate to the tradition of the kimono and
learn more about the appropriate wearing of the kimono from older and
more experienced members of Kimono de Ginza. Yet, a formal kimono
education, which stresses a more refined sense of “Japaneseness,” is not
favored by participants of Kimono de Ginza as they prefer to create
their own combinations of kimono wear.
A stronger sense of national identity is dominant in the case of
So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin. Yamanaka emphasizes the kimono as “the
world’s most beautiful garment” (Yamanaka 2005: 90). Being a well-
established kimono school, So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin is concerned
with upholding a tradition that appeals to gentle femininity and propriety,
but does not allow for any fashionable variations or overtly sexual
interpretations of the kimono. Yamanaka stated in the interview in May
2006 that “the greatest pleasure for a woman is to become beautiful”
(josei no saiko
–
no yorokobi ha utsukushiku naru koto desu). According
to his argument, this sense of refined beauty does not vanish with age
as the kimono brings out the beauty of a woman regardless of her age,
provided the kimono is worn appropriately and in accordance with the
philosophy of kimono that Yamanaka has meticulously expanded upon
in his publications. However, the kimono is at risk of dying out due to
the fact that many women in contemporary Japanese society do not
know how to wear a kimono properly. This loss of kimono tradition is
sometimes associated with a decline of morals. Yamanaka, for instance,
has differentiated between nine “types” of women who do not wear the
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 371
kimono for different reasons, which are listed below (Yamanaka 2005:
17–18):
[I] cannot get dressed [in kimono] on my own (jibun de ha kirarenai).
1. [I] cannot sew [kimono] (nuenai).
2. [I] cannot fold [kimono] (tatamenai).
3. [I] cannot buy [kimono], the price is too high (nedan ga takakute
kaenai).
4. [I] do not know where to wear [kimono] (yosotte iku tokoro ga
nai).
5. [I] do not know the pleasure of wearing [kimono] (yosou yorokobi
wo shiranai).
6. There is nobody [I] can tell about kimono (kimono wo tsutaeru hito
ga inai).
7. [I] do not know the value of kimono (kimono no shinka wo
shiranai).
8. [I] do not know where to store [kimono] (shimau tokoro ga nai).
Along with wearing the kimono in an appropriate way, Japanese
women are encouraged to adhere to a whole list of complex rules and
philosophical principles. Kimono is not only elevated to a symbol of
national pride but puts expectations on women of how to preserve their
“Japaneseness,” to be more assertive, of how to affirm their “female
Japaneseness.”
In this sense, wearing a kimono also entails significant gender differ-
ences. Dalby has described how differences in the length, color, and
manners of tying the sash are shaped by gender (Dalby 2001: 168–
9). Kimono wearing for women involves complex rules and a need to
observe the proper etiquette. Whereas for men wearing a yukata in a
more relaxed form is socially acceptable, women need to adhere to
a more formal way of tying the sash, even when they are wearing a
yukata.
BetweenTraditionandInnovation:TheReinventionof
theKimonoinJapaneseConsumerCulture
The kimono in its contemporary form continues to be reinvented. The
history of the kimono goes back to the Heian period (794–1192), but
the kimono in its modern form is an over-stylized invention of the Meiji
period that has been transformed into a national symbol of Japanese
culture. In the introduction I asked why the kimono is being kept alive
despite being perceived an anachronistic piece of clothing and in which
form the kimono manifests itself. I will identify three areas in which the
kimono is of relevance.
372StephanieAssmann
TheNationalGarmentinConsumerCulture
Firstly, as I have pointed out, the kimono is closely related to consump-
tion. Data on kimono sales indeed point to the marginalized role of
wafuku on the Japanese retail market, which is dominated by sales of
yo
–
fuku. Yet the kimono continues to be an alternative to Western dress,
especially on festive occasions. Moreover, data that I have obtained
from Yano Research Institute suggest a tendency away from the kimono
as a primarily ceremonial dress of conspicuous consumption towards a
dress that is increasingly suited for daily life. Moreover, recent kimono
magazines evoke a more playful approach by showing combinations of
kimonos of the Taisho
–
period (1912–26) or Sho
–
wa period (1926–89)
with non-kimono-related accessories such as handbags, jewelry, shoes,
gloves and scarves, or kimonos combined with an obi that displays a
motif that is not solely related to Japanese culture, but also contains
playful elements (see the magazine Kimono-Hime 2005). The kimono
has come to be a national garment that is being reinvented in a more
fashionable manner.
There is also a relationship between the preservation of the kimono
and consumption. The fact that many Japanese people require training
when the occasion demands that they wear a kimono has activated a
whole industry that has evolved around upholding a cultural skill that
is at risk of dying out. The art of wearing a kimono also provides career
opportunities. After having obtained an education in kimono kitsuke,
qualified kimono teachers are able to open their own kimono academy
and pass on a skill while being able to earn a living.
TheKimonoasaFormofCulturalCapital
Secondly, kimono wearing reveals social distinctions in society. Master-
ing arts such as kimono wearing, tea ceremonies, and flower arrange-
ment can be identified as cultural capital in a Bourdieuan sense, which
is closely related to consumption (Bourdieu 1987[1979]). Clammer has
convincingly argued in his analysis about consumption in contempo-
rary urban Japan that the possession of cultural capital allows for
differentiations to emerge among people of the same economic back-
ground (Clammer 1997: 103). The ability to master traditional Japanese
arts presupposes a distinctive education and sets people who have
accomplished this ability apart from the majority of Japanese people
in contemporary society who do not know how to wear a kimono or
how to practice a tea ceremony. Wearers of the kimono acquire cultural
competence when they receive the formal kimono education offered
at So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin, which is costly and part of a whole
network of refined skills that form the cultural capital of the well-
educated Japanese woman. This element of cultural competence is also
of importance for members of Kimono de Ginza, but in this case the
possession of cultural capital is tied to a greater sense of accessibility
and transparence. Members of Kimono de Ginza are proud of wearing
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 373
second-hand kimonos and of maintaining an organization that is open
to anyone regardless of his or her individual financial situation.
TheKimonoasaCommunicativeSymbol
Members of the two organizations that have been studied here display
diametrically opposed approaches towards the kimono. Whereas
Yamanaka emphasizes the kimono as “the world’s most beautiful
garment” (Yamanaka 2005: 90), members of Kimono de Ginza display
a more playful and experimental attitude towards the kimono. Members
of So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin uphold the ideal of gentle femininity
and aim at preserving conventions associated with the kimono, whereas
participants of Kimono de Ginza defy conventional kimono habits
while holding on to a tradition through renewing and innovating it at
the same time. By reinventing the kimono in a more fashionable manner
and by breaking with age and gender restrictions, members of Kimono
de Ginza form a counter-movement to more conventional organizations
such as So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin, which emphasizes formality,
propriety, and subjects especially women to restrictions. In a broader
sense, members of Kimono de Ginza utilize the kimono as a symbol
to express their disapproval of the societal rules and expectations
that are implied in “proper” kimono attire. They do not convey their
disapproval by openly protesting against traditionalist forces in Japanese
society that elevate the kimono to a symbol of national identity but
they do so by reinventing the garment in their own way. However, it
is important to consider that Kimono de Ginza is confined to a limited
locality and is too small in scale to be regarded a subversive movement.
It remains to be seen whether scattered groups such as Kimono de Ginza
can powerfully counterbalance established organizations such as So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin that operate nationally and are characterized by
a firm bureaucratic structure.
A person makes a deliberate statement by refusing to wear a kimono
at all. But a person not only makes a statement by wearing a kimono, but
also, through the manner in which a kimono is worn, a person expresses
an opinion about the kimono as a national and cultural symbol. Unlike
various interpretations of Western clothes, the kimono has become a
symbol to convey an individual attitude towards societal conventions
and national identity, which is an important reason why the kimono is
being kept alive in contemporary Japanese society.
Acknowledgments
This article is based on a presentation given at the Annual Meeting
of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) in Washington
DC on December 2 2005. Between April and May 2006 I conducted
additional field research. I am most grateful to my informants of both
374StephanieAssmann
organizations, Kimono de Ginza and So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin,
who were willing to talk to me and let me take part in their activities.
Furthermore, I would like to thank Kazuyuki Matsui, general editor at
Yano Research Institute for the resources made available to me. I am
also grateful to Nadin Heé for a detailed critique on an earlier draft
of this article and I also wish to thank the anonymous referee for very
insightful comments.
Notes
1. A parallel distinction is also made between washoku (Japanese food)
and yo
–
shoku (Western food).
2. There were (and still are) very different forms of kimono. The ju
–
ni-
hitoe, the twelve-layer most formal kimono attire was worn by female
members of the Imperial court during the Heian period. During the
Kamakura period, kosode was increasingly worn by women. In
contemporary Japan, formal kimono, such as kurotomesode as the
most formal kimono for married women and furisode as the most
formal kimono with long sleeves for young unmarried women,
contrast with fudangi (everyday wear), more casual kimono wear.
3. More than a million yen can easily be spent on a kimono and obi
made of silk (see Dalby 2001: 135–7).
4. This can be seen with the latest movie Memoirs of a Geisha [Sayuri
in Japan], which is based on a book of the same title written by
Arthur Golden (1998).
5. In her book Geisha, which is based on her fieldwork experience of
working and living as a geisha in Japan, Liza Dalby has dedicated a
whole chapter to kimono, which formed the basis for her book on
kimono in 2001 (Dalby 1983: 281–300).
6. I am grateful to Nadin Heé for drawing my attention to this
organization.
7. For more detailed data on the sales of kimono see: Kyoto Foundation
for Promotion Japanese Dress (Kimono) Industry, http://www.wasou.
or.jp/wasou/01/0110/0110.html (accessed April 28 2008).
8. I am most grateful to Kazuyuki Matsui, general editor at Yano
Research Institute, for the resources made available to me.
9. The present name So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin is the joint name of
two organizations. The first organization, So
–
do
–
Kimono Gakuin, is
the name of the original organization founded in 1964. The second
organization, So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Gakuin, was founded in 1982 and is not
a kimono academy but rather a finishing school that provides a
more general education on manners and etiquette (Yamanaka, 2005:
161). These organizations were combined under the name So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin in 1990, but continued to operate as separate
schools for another twelve years (Yamanaka 2005: 168).
BetweenTraditionandInnovation 375
10. The English terms are taken from a So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono Gakuin
brochure.
11. These data are taken from the homepage of So
–
do
–
Reiho
–
Kimono
Gakuin (http://www.sodo.or.jp/course/kimono.html, accessed April
28 2008).
12. Reiho
–
is another expression for reigi, which can be translated into
English as “etiquette” or “courtesy.”
13. The first character can be read as “yosou,” which can either mean
“to do preparations” or “to decorate.”
14. While the head of the affiliation stated that recently also men have
expressed an interest in kimono wear, wearing a kimono seems to
be an activity predominantly pursued by women and enjoyed in the
company of other women while going out for a meal or to a tea
ceremony.
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