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Canine Digging Behavior and Archaeological Implications
Abstract
Pit features, frequently reported at archaeological sites, are usually thought be culturally produced. The numbers and forms of pits found at an archaeological site influence inferences of human activity; therefore, the inferred cultural origin of pits at archaeological sites needs to be demonstrated, rather than assumed. Ethnoarchaeological study of dog digging behavior, combined with our understanding of the long symbiotic relationship between human beings and canines, suggests that canine disturbance may be a significant factor in site formation processes. Canines are the probable agent for certain commonly reported pit forms, and are probably implicated in the disturbance of human-dug pits much more often than commonly understood. Dogs dig under a variety of conditions, including those expected in hunter-gatherer, pastoral, and agricultural sites. Excavation of recent dog-holes reveals marked similarities with certain features reported in the archaeological literature.
... Dogs are another (semi-cultural) source of bioturbation, and are agents creating four different kinds of pit-like features that can be mistaken for man-made (O'Connell 1987: 79;Jeske & Kuznar 2001). It is not far-fetched to suggest that the Mesolithic sites excavated within the E18-project have been visited by dogs as well as people, given that the dog is domesticated and present in North Europe by that time (Savolainen et al. 2002;Thalmann et al. 2013;Jessen et al. 2015). ...
... If the Mesolithic people of southern Norway had dogs, and if they furthermore had generalized refuse areas (containing all kinds of waste, including edible items), there is a great risk that the find scatters encountered archaeologically would have been affected by canine behavior. Canine digging creates a back fan with material scattering up to 7 metres ( Jeske & Kuznar 2001). ...
... Como ya se ha dicho, es probable que la exposición subaérea se prolongase más allá de la actividad animal, pues las huellas de carroñeo aparecen afectadas por cambios atribuibles a los agentes medioambientales. En principio, criterios como la profundidad del hoyo, la re (Jeske y Kuznar, 2001;Kuznar y Jeske, 2006) permiten descartar que el cuerpo fuera desenterrado por los animales y quedase expuesto tras haber servido como alimento. Sin embargo, no se cuenta con suficiente información para saber cómo fueron las condiciones de exposición. ...
Resumen Aun siendo escasos los hallazgos de restos humanos en 'campos de hoyos' de Cogotas I, ya se conocían algunos casos de aparición de dos o más enterramientos en un mismo yacimiento. En este trabajo se presenta un nuevo hallazgo dual, producido en el yacimiento leonés de Canto Blanco, con la particularidad de que coexisten en sendos hoyos una inhumación primaria y un depósito secundario de unos pocos huesos de otro individuo que durante algún tiempo habría sido sometido a exposición, sufriendo la acción de animales carro ñeros y de agentes medioambientales. La variabilidad de las prácticas mortuorias podría explicarse a la luz de la ideología que, basada en la oposición entre 'buena' y 'mala muerte', asoma en el ámbito de Cogotas I. Palabras clave: Prácticas mortuorias, Bronce Medio/Tardío, Cogotas I, exposición, dataciones C 14.
Abstract Even though the scarcity of human remains in 'pit sites' of the Cogotas I archaeological culture, some cases of appearance of two or more burials in the same site were already known. This paper presents a new dual finding, produced in the Leonese site of Canto Blanco, with the peculiarity that coexists in two pits a primary burial and a secondary deposit of a few bones of another individual that for some time would have been subjected to exposure, suffering the action of scavengers and environmental agents. The variability of mortuary practices could be explained in the light of the ideology that, based on the opposition between 'good' and 'bad Death', appears in the Cogotas I world.
... O'Connell (1987) described shallow pits, roughly 1 m wide and 50 cm deep, which Australian Aboriginal hunting dogs dug to keep cool. His example fits well within the range of pits and wallows dug by dogs in experimental work by Robert J. Jeske and Laurence A. Kuznar (2001; see also Kuznar and Jeske 2006), which showed that canine digging behavior can easily be confused with human-produced features. Susan Kent (1981Kent ( , 1993 documented similar issues related to the spatial distribution and taphonomy of faunal remains at sites with dogs. ...
... O'Connell (1987) described shallow pits, roughly 1m wide and 50cm deep, which Australian Aboriginal hunting dogs dug to keep cool. His example fits well within the range of pits and wallows dug by dogs in experimental work by Jeske and Kuznar (2001; see also Kuznar and Jeske 2006), in which the authors showed that canine digging behavior can easily be confused with human-produced features. Similar issues related to the spatial distribution and taphonomy of faunal remains at sites with dogs were documented by Kent (1981Kent ( , 1993. ...
This chapter explores the role of hunting dogs in forager groups and their role as the advent of animal biotechnology in the prehistory. It outlines the ways in which dogs can be used as hunting biotechnology, how dogs can be incorporated into existing subsistence models, and how we can identify hunting dogs in the archaeological record. The analysis of cross-cultural utilization of dogs as a hunting tool in the ethnographic and ethnohistoric record is used to suggest insights into the ways dogs may have been utilized as a hunting adaptation by people in the past. Similarly, cost-benefit analyses employed for non-living tools, such as lithics, are employed to contextualize dogs as a quantifiable technology within optimal foraging models.
Zooarchaeology is a growing multidisciplinary field, which can answer questions about the relationship of humans and other animals and its effects on the environment. There are significant advantages to studying faunal data over other types of assemblages. First, bones allow for a culture‐free taxonomy where there is little question of use. Second, faunal data from the past can be matched to species that still exist in the modern day. The latter especially, allows for the use of middle range theory or the ability to create a controlled experiment with living systems based on general principles. The biases in the methods of zooarchaeology can affect interpretation of human activity, therefore taphonomy, recovery, identification, and choice of quantification methods should be taken into account. Each of these methods should be standardized and tailored to a specific research question. Also I believe with the help of ethnoarchaeology we can increase awareness and even reduce some of the biases in zooarchaeology.
This represents one of several sections of "A Bibliography Related to Crime Scene Interpretation with Emphases in Geotaphonomic and Forensic Archaeological Field Techniques, Nineteenth Edition" (The complete bibliography is also included at ResearchGate.net.). This is the most recent edition of a bibliography containing resources for multiple areas of crime scene, and particularly outdoor crime scene, investigations. It replaces the prior edition and contains approximately 10,000 additional citations. As an ongoing project, additional references, as encountered, will be added to future editions.
This section of the bibliography includes references to the effects non-insect scavengers impart to human remains before, during, and after death. A subcategory of bitemark evidence accompanies scavenging more because they share the method than the motive. Although articles on cannibalism are included and might be considered scavenging in some survival situations, most involve research into typically violent sexual encounters between victims and attackers. Because such wound trauma is so often a signature of masochistic or sadomasochistic encounters, references in Criminal and Cultural Behaviour should be considered toward understanding motivations and contexts behind this and other taphonomic clues left on a body. The bitemark citations herein do not focus on all topics of forensic odontology. Instead, those specifically addressing bitemark evidence are included. The collection of DNA evidence should always be from possible bitemarks. Therefore, there are cross-references between this category and DNA Evidence. Likewise, articles on trace evidence such as lipstick/gloss and facial hair may be pertinent to a particular investigation in which bitemarks are found on skin or food associated with a crime scene. If DNA should be considered a component of bitemark evidence, then so should friction ridge detail. Latent and patent hand and finger prints may be recovered from a bitten victim’s skin or substrates near or under the body.
Whether it is the family dog or mountain lion in the wild, animals will exploit available food sources and human remains may be among them. What goes in, must come out; so this sub-category of the bibliography dovetails with Fecal and Coprolite Evidence under Miscellaneous Trace Evidence. The most numerous and voracious of any scavengers are among forensically significant insects. The volume of research and citations in forensic entomology have justified a category of its own within this bibliography.
Despite new findings of tombs (often with secondary remains) the funerary information about the Cogotas I archaeological group remains too scanty. Consequently, non-preserving burial rites, including the exposure of corpses, have been suggested at some point. The discovery of a number of skeletons in burial pits at the site of Tordillos encourages us to explore further the potential of that approach, since the bioarchaeological study has shown unambiguous evidence of that practice (canid teeth marks and other postdepositional alterations) in two of them dating in the Protocogotas I phase. Based on this, and considering ethnographic and anthropological references, it is hypothesized that corpse exposure has been the Cogotas I funerary standard. Therefore, human remains that have subsisted would belong to a small fraction of the population, those who died in unforeseen or anomalous circumstances ('bad death') and hence were relegated to burial pits. Thus, these tombs, that have been considered so far to be the Cogotas I standard funerary practice, would really be an exception.
[EN] Despite new findings of tombs (often with secondary remains) the funerary information about the Cogotas I archaeological group remains too scanty. Consequently, non-preserving burial rites,including the exposure of corpses, have been suggested at some point. The discovery of a number of skeletons in burial pits at the site of Tordillos encourages us to explore further the potential of that approach, since the bioarchaeological study has shown unambiguous evidence of that practice (canid teeth marks andother postdepositional alterations) in two of them dating in the Protocogotas I phase. Based on this, and considering ethnographic and anthropological references, it is hypothesized that corpse exposure has been the Cogotas I funerary standard. Therefore, human remains that have subsisted would belong to a small fraction of the population, those who died in unforeseen or anomalous circumstances (‘bad death’) and hence were relegated to burial pits. Thus, these tombs, that have been considered so far to be the Cogotas I standard funerary practice, would really be an exception.
[ES] La información funeraria del grupo arqueológico Cogotas I sigue siendo, pese a nuevos descubrimientos de tumbas –a menudo con restos secundarios–, demasiado reducida, por lo que alguna vez se sugirieron ritos no conservadores, entre ellos la exposición de cadáveres. El hallazgo de un buen número de esqueletos sepultados en el campo de hoyos de Tordillos invita a profundizar en ese planteamiento, ya que el estudio bioarqueológico ha permitido reconocer en dos de ellos, datables en la fase Protocogotas I, mordeduras de cánidos y otras alteraciones postdeposicionales, inequívocos indicios de haber sido expuestos. Sobre esta base, y con apoyo etnográfico y antropológico, se plantea como hipótesis que la exposición fuera la norma funeraria en Cogotas I, habiendo subsistido solamente los restos de un mínima parte de la población, aquella que, fallecida en circunstancias imprevistas o anómalas (‘mala muerte’), habría sido relegada a la sepultura en hoyo. Así, estas tumbas, que pese a su escaso número pasaban por ser la regla funeraria de Cogotas I, en realidad serían su excepción.
Since its origins, Archaeology has evolved by interaction with other disciplines, and, in particular, the Earth Sciences have provided major tools for archaeological analysis. Among the branches of Earth Sciences, Ichnology represents a new, promising field for application in Archaeology. The present work explores the application of ichnological methods and themes in Archaeology, as Ichnoarchaeology. Despite case studies on archaeological traces, a uniform, consistent approach has been lacking. As a consequence, archaeologists are still not taking full advantage of traces. This study aims to establish a basis for a coherent, uniform framework by presenting the major themes of Ichnoarchaeology through state-of-the-art case studies. It demonstrates the potential for the study of archaeological traces, and encourages collaboration among scientists of different fields to deepen the knowledge of our cultural heritage.
Colonialism redefined indigenous cultural orders, especially the meaning and value of gendered production. The differential gender effects of and responses to processes of colonialism are apparent in the difference in location and style of storage between two coastal western Alaskan sites. The late-prehistoric-to-historic shift of storage from inside the dwelling to outside can be interpreted as a decline of women's exclusive control over surpluses during the early-colonial market period, when subsistence products were reclassified as valued market-bound commodities. This redefinition and concomitant loss of full productive authority put women on a path from producers to auxiliary processors in the colonial market economy.
Despite new findings of tombs (often with secondary remains) the funerary information about the Cogotas I archaeological group remains too scanty. Consequently, non-preserving burial rites, including the exposure of corpses, have been suggested at some point. The discovery of a number of skele-tons in burial pits at the site of Tordillos encourages us to explore further the potential of that approach, since the bioarchaeological study has shown unambiguous evidence of that practice (canid teeth marks and
other postdepositional alterations) in two of them dating in the Protocogotas I phase. Based on this, and
considering ethnographic and anthropological references, it is hypothesized that corpse exposure has been
the Cogotas I funerary standard. Therefore, human remains that have subsisted would belong to a small
fraction of the population, those who died in unforeseen or anomalous circumstances (‘bad death’) and
hence were relegated to burial pits. Thus, these tombs, that have been considered so far to be the Cogotas I
standard funerary practice, would really be an exception.
Despite new findings of tombs (often with secondary remains) the funerary information
about the Cogotas I archaeological group remains too scanty. Consequently, non-preserving burial rites,
including the exposure of corpses, have been suggested at some point. The discovery of a number of skeletons
in burial pits at the site of Tordillos encourages us to explore further the potential of that approach, since the bioarchaeological study has shown unambiguous evidence of that practice (canid teeth marks and
other postdepositional alterations) in two of them dating in the Protocogotas I phase. Based on this, and
considering ethnographic and anthropological references, it is hypothesized that corpse exposure has been
the Cogotas I funerary standard. Therefore, human remains that have subsisted would belong to a small
fraction of the population, those who died in unforeseen or anomalous circumstances (‘bad death’) and
hence were relegated to burial pits. Thus, these tombs, that have been considered so far to be the Cogotas I
standard funerary practice, would really be an exception.
