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I Am Not Dead, but Do Sleep Here: The Representation of Children in Early Modern Burial Grounds in the North of Ireland

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Abstract

The nature of burial practices relating to children within formal ecclesiastical burial grounds in the period from the seventeenth century to the nineteenth century has, to date, been largely ignored by archaeologists. Even a preliminary survey of such memorials, however, indicates that gravestones erected in the memory of children form a substantial component of the overall corpus of memorials within individual graveyards or cemeteries. A child from a wealthy background might be buried with an elaborately inscribed gravestone, while others were buried anonymously within their family plot, with only a brief reference to their short lives recorded on the memorial. In contrast, many un-named victims of epidemics or famine were buried in common pits, whilst unbaptised children denied burial in consecrated ground were laid to rest in the local children's burial ground or cillín, without formal burial rites by the Roman Catholic church. This study examines the commemoration of children in four case study graveyards in the north of Ireland which date to between the later seventeenth century and the end of the nineteenth century. A survey of the number of memorials and the inscriptions they carry enables a more complete picture of the lives and deaths of the children they commemorate to become apparent.

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... T raditionally the study of post-medieval graveyards in west Ulster was focused on the acquisition of genealogical information derived from memorial inscriptions (Maclagain, 1959;Maguire, 1956;1961;Maguire and Maguire, 1958;McMahon and Cowan, 1978;Mearáin, 1963;1966;Mearáin and Ó Gallachair, 1974;Moore, 1954;Ó Gallachair, 1973), although research since the 1970s has demonstrated the extent to which meaningful archaeological information can be drawn out from these unique memorials (Donnelly and Murphy, 2008;Hunter, 2000;McCormick, 1976;1983;McKerr et al. 2009;Mytum, 2009a;Mytum and Evans, 2002;2003b). The majority of this previous research has focused on the grave memorials of south Fermanagh and Monaghan, whilst north Fermanagh and Tyrone have received limited focused study. ...
... In order to understand temporal developments, the memorials were grouped in 20-year increments; these were chosen over blocks of 10 years in recognition of the site's long history of use. It is important to emphasise that not everyone could afford to erect a grave memorial so any analysis of such monuments automatically incurs bias against poorer members of society and it is therefore erroneous to equate memorial erection as a direct reflection of burial activity (McKerr et al. 2009). Establishing dates for grave memorials is not always straightforward in the absence of stated foundation dates and an estimated foundation date was achieved by inference from the date of the first commemorated individual. ...
... This approach, however, is not entirely straightforward: changes in religion and blending of names may occur over time through inter-marriage processes. Nevertheless, the use of names can still provide valuable insights concerning ethnic origins (McKerr et al. 2009). Data derived from the surnames in use at Ardess suggests an almost equal number of memorials commemorating native Irish (45 per cent -200/448) and Planter individuals (49 per cent -222/448), with an additional 26 (6 per cent) memorials that that could not be assigned to either group, due to poor preservation or the absence of any names. ...
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Grave memorials offer archaeologists a combined source of material and visual culture, which almost uniquely in the field of archaeology, can be directly related to named individuals. In the context of post-Plantation Ulster, grave memorials have the potential to provide invaluable insights in relation to the dynamics and subtleties of group identity within a colonial context. Roulston (1998) highlighted the significance of Ulster’s early grave memorials, emphasising the need to study all aspects of these memorials in order to fully understand the societies and associated identities that created them.
... Internationally, McKerr et al. (2009) investigated the visibility of children in early modern burial grounds and the contrast between private grief and the increasingly public nature of the memorialization of death throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They found that children's burials became more visible in the cemetery landscape in the seventeenth century, reflecting their greater presence in public spaces generally, as the family's affection and grief for the child was increasingly seen as "a loss that was deemed worthy of public record and attention" (McKerr et al. 2009, pp. ...
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... Most bioarchaeological studies of subadults have probed questions of achieved or inherited status (Crawford, 2000;Lucy, 1994;McKerr et al., 2009;Palkovitch, 1980). However, using subadult's burials as strict proxies for status and social inequality neglects to acknowledge that the relationship between status and graves may be complicated and that there are other dimensions to burial practices in addition to those named above, such as social identities and personhood (Fowler, 2004;Lillie, 1997) or emotional and mnemonic experiences (Joyce, 2001;Murphy, 2011;Soren & Soren, 1997;Talbot, 2009;Tarlow, 2000). ...
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... Each headstone of these child individuals tells us not only of the family's social and economic position, but also contains material expressions of the feelings of loss, mourning and solace. This is also how we should understand the inscriptions on Early Modern gravestones in Northern Ireland that show not only the sadness at the loss of the deceased, but also the need to represent recognition and affection (McKerr, Murphy, and Donnelly 2009) (Figure 2). ...
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