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International Perspectives on Linguistic Diversity and Language Rights
Abstract
RESUMO
Internaciaj perspektivoj pri lingva diverseco kaj lingvaj rajtoj
La aktuala debato en Usono pri oficiala lingva politiko havas siajn precedentojn en aliaj landoj. En la antikva mondo, ciuj gravaj statoj kaj imperioj estis multlingvaj, same la cefaj mezepokaj kaj frumodernaj statoj. Multaj hodiae gravaj landoj estas multlingvaj. Efektive la ekvacio "unu nacio/unu lingvo" estas relative lastatempa eltrovaĵo. Pledantoj por oficialigo de la angla en Usono argumentas, ke la lando riskas "disŝiriĝi" pro multling-veco, sed landoj kiel Astralio kaj Sovetunio proponas modelojn de sukcesa mastrumo, ec apogo, de multlingvismo. Tie kie oni uzas la lingvojn por obstrukci aliron al postenoj, klerigo, progreso kaj povo, konflikto povas ekesti. La solvo estas konservi egalecon, ne devigi al ciuj uzi unusolan lingvon.
SOMMAIRE
Perspectives internationales sur la diversité linguistique et sur les droits linguistiques
Le débat qui se déroule actuellement aux Etats-Unis au sujet d'une politique linguistique officielle a eu des précédents dans d'autres pays. Dans l'Antiquité, tous les états et empires principaux étaient multilingues et il en allait de même des principaux états du Moyen-Age et du début de l'ère moderne. Aujourd'hui, de nombreux pays sont multilingues. En effet, l'équation "une nation = une langue" est une invention relativement récente. Ceux qui défendent la position d'officialiser l'anglais aux Etats-Unis prétendent que le pays risque d'être "déchiré" par le multilinguisme, mais des pays comme l'Australie et l'Union Soviétique présentent des modèles intéressants pour une gestion efficace, et même une promotion du multilinguisme. Un conflit peut naître là où la langue est utilisée pour empêcher l'accès à certaines professions, à l'éducation, au progrès et au pouvoir. La réponse est de maintenir l'égalité, et non pas d'imposer une langue unique pour tous.
... Duke u mbështetur në idenë se gjuha shërben si rezervuar për kujtesën dhe identitetin e përbashkët, bëhet e qartë se masat legjislative për ruajtjen e gjuhës janë më shumë se thjesht formalitete; ato janë mjete kritike për ruajtjen e shumëllojshmërisë kulturore. Rassool e thekson këtë çështje duke argumentuar se, megjithëse njohja e gjuhëve dominuese globalisht mund të rrisë lëvizshmërinë shoqërore të një individi, ruajtja e shumëllojshmërisë gjuhësore ka "fuqi të fuqishme simbolike" në ruajtjen e integritetit kulturor (Rassool, 2004 Përveç temës së kornizave arsimore dhe infrastrukturës sociale, Guy (1989) argumenton se evolucioni historik i njohjes ligjore për të drejtat e gjuhës së emigrantëve është jetik për ruajtjen e trashëgimisë gjuhësore dhe kulturore. Kjo njohje legjislative jo vetëm që vërteton përpjekjet, por gjithashtu krijon një precedent për përhapjen e masave mbrojtëse në gjuhët e tjera të pakicave në rrezik të margjinalizimit ("GR Guy -Problemet gjuhësore dhe planifikimi gjuhësor, 1989"). ...
The European Union's enlargement has brought about a diverse linguistic landscape, fostering multilingualism as a hallmark of its cultural and political identity. This paper delves into the intricate linguistic and translation issues arising from EU enlargement, examining their implications on communication, policy-making, and societal cohesion within the expanded union. Drawing on theoretical frameworks from linguistics, translation studies, and EU integration literature, this study investigates the complexities of navigating multiple languages in the enlarged EU context. It explores how the expansion of the EU has necessitated the accommodation of an array of official and working languages, posing challenges for effective communication and decision-making processes. Currently, there are 9 EU candidate countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Moldova, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, Türkiye, Ukraine and 1 (Kosovo) is a potential candidate. In our study, we argue, whether the EU will be able to retain its unique policy of language equality, considering that despite the European Commission's commitment to language equality, there are bound to be some changes in the current language policy that limit the rights of the ‘smaller’ official languages. Furthermore, this paper scrutinizes the role of translation as a crucial tool for bridging linguistic divides and facilitating cross-cultural understanding within the EU. It analyses the dynamics of translation practices, highlighting the tensions between linguistic diversity and the quest for efficient communication in multilingual settings. Through a comprehensive review of scholarly literature, policy documents, and empirical studies, this research offers insights into the strategies employed by EU institutions and member states to address linguistic and translation challenges.
Key words: multilingualism, EU enlargement, language, translation, policy
... In such a regime, the ruling political elites often use the discourses of "national unity" and "social cohesion" (Phyak, 2016) to justify their one-nation-one-language approach (as part of their nation building project), which is typical of how linguicism operates to maintain the dominant position of one language at the expense of others (Phillipson, 1988). The modernist national principle of one nation one state one language is a by-product of the rise of European nationalism since the nineteenth century (Guy, 1989;Lo Bianco, 2009), which was then applied by a number of post-colonial nations as a way of asserting their independence (Spolsky, 2004). This attempt to equate the linguistic landscape and the political map is perhaps based on assumptions that the common language is a "protective layer" that can shield the country from the dangers of the outside world (Kamusella, 2018), and that citizens who speak the (same) language have a close bond to the state (Caraccioli et al., 2020). ...
This article examines linguistic discrimination against minority students in Vietnamese mainstream schools, as represented in administrators’, teachers’ and minority students’ experiences and perspectives. The concept of educational linguicism and three manifestations of educational linguicism, namely stigmatisation, glorification and rationalisation, are used as a theoretical lens to gain insights into linguistic discrimination occurring in this context. Semi-structured interviews and informal conversations with the participants are the main data source. Findings suggest that the administrators and teachers (1) stigmatised the value of minority languages as well as the minority students’ practices of their ethnic language (L1) and Vietnamese, (2) glorified the value and position of Vietnamese and English as compared with minority languages, and (3) rationalised the relationship between minority languages and Vietnamese in explaining how learning Vietnamese was necessary for the students’ social integration, development, and mobility. The participants’ linguicist beliefs and practices, which contributed to enacting and mobilising the structural ideologies and discourses nurturing linguicism against minority people, were perhaps unconscious, as they might try to emphasise the capital associated with the glorified languages which minority students could gain. Findings also reveal a tendency to construct internal linguicism among some minority students regarding the value and position of their L1 in Vietnamese society. Implications for reducing educational linguicism are then suggested.
... According to Grin (1995), in recent papers, both types of rights are considered, but the focus is alternately put on immigrant and autochthonous language rights (Guy, 1989;Skutnabb-Kangas & Phillipson, 1989). ...
The aim of Council of Europe language education policies is to promote plurilingualism, linguistic diversity, mutual understanding, democratic citizenship and social cohesion. For migrant communities, the current approaches for linguistic integration are Linguistic Integration of Adult Migrants (LIAM) and Linguistic and Educational integration of children holding a migrant background. Nevertheless, due to the current refugee crisis in Europe, the realization of these strategies is quite limited and facing unexpected difficulties, which both are the core issues discussed in this paper. The Vietnamese arrived in Czech Republic in 1970s and 1980s as guest-workers. According to the 1985 census data from CZSO (Czech Statistical Office), there were 19,350 Vietnamese living in the Czech territory, but by 1994 the number decreased to approximately 8,000. Then, according to the census in 2014, due to the changes in both political and economic environment, the number of the Vietnamese in the Czech Republic increased from 18,210 to 52,612, spanning from 2001 to 2011. Nevertheless, this figure seems to greatly underestimate the real number of the Vietnamese living in the Czech Republic, mainly due to numerous undocumented immigrants of illegal migration. According to CZSO, the Vietnamese community constituted 12.5% of migrant population in the territory of the Czech Republic in 2014, serving as the third largest migrant community after Slovak and Ukraine communities. The Czech government conducts language policy programs for migrant integration, while the development has brought both positive and negative impact to the whole society, which will be further discussed in this paper and expanded into as an empirical study of the situation in the European context. The conclusion of this paper will enlist the problems and influence of Taiwan’s current new immigrant language education policy, serving as a reference for the current refugee crisis, along with specific focus on its linguistic integration in Europe. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2335-2027.9.4
... Kim (1990, p. 207) in talking about Korean immigrants in Canada, for example, concludes that "these institutions may have buffered the effects of stressful acculturation events." 12 Support in this sense is not restricted to the ethnic community; how the host culture views incoming members can go a long way in helping new arrivals acclimatize to their new surroundings (Erickson, 1987;Guy 1989;Murphy, 1975). 13 It is not merely having a positive attitude (as Schumann and others have suggested) that is needed; host communities need to provide programs and services specifically designed to help immigrants in this process. ...
In recent times an ever increasing number of people have either elected to, or have had to, migrate to another land, country, or sociocultural community. The process of moving out of one context and into another (acculturating) can be problematic at best. There has been a considerable amount of research in anthropology, sociology, psychology, and more recently in second language acquisition (SLA)1 looking at how immigrants acculturate, adapt, and assimilate into their new surroundings (see for example Kim, 1988; Larsen-Freeman & Long, 1991; Padilla, 1980 for reviews). Scholars in mainstream (and language) education have also begun to explore issues of identity, language loss, and language maintenance in immigrant student populations. The notion of identity is a central concern both in the process of acculturation and language acquisition/maintenance; a number of studies have highlighted the ongoing struggles of those who are trying to define themselves in their new context (Ghuman, 1991; Henze & Vanett, 1993; Hoffman, 1989; Phelan, Davidson, & Cao, 1991; Stopes-
Roe, & Cochrane, 1990; Wade & Souter, 1992). The manner in which language(s), and language education, mediate this process of identity negotiation can have an impact on how these individuals perceive their cross-cultural adjustment. How immigrant students feel about their evolving identity and the acculturation process they
are undergoing can have an immediate consequence on their academic performance and success. This chapter attempts to provide a conceptual framework for the process of acculturation —however one defines it— in light of some of the studies done not only in SLA, but also in the social sciences. It seeks to explore some of the resulting issues having to do with identity and language. In particular, the chapter will focus on (1) the acculturation process and context, (2) the ‘costs’ associated with acculturation, vis-à-vis one’s social and cultural identity, and (3) the role bilingual education can play in the acculturation process.
The study of polysemy connibutes to our understanding of different topologies of language. Polysemy implies metaphorical richness and provides clues to linguistic
ontology in that it effects translation between the verbal and the non-verbal, linking the articulated and the tacit, i.e. language and silence. Implicit in the Turkish saying bir dil, bir insan (one language, one person) is an image of language as at once the mark of
humanness and the defining feature of human variation, while another formulaic saying, dilin kemigi yoktur (the tongue has no bone(s)), implies a flexibility of meaning and intention which, without language, would be unavailable to humans. Taking certain features of Turkish polysemy as a guide, this thesis steers an analytic pathway through the rich diversity of modem Turkish ideational culture as it is lived by
various members of the Turkish community in Melbourne. Migration to a new environment entails not only physical relocation but also ideational adjustment to new thought worlds. Language is a key to this process of reorientation, as people living in different cultural niches have recourse to different epistemological moorings for reality construal. Changes in cultural niche, as in the case of migration, highlight changes in ideational orientation. Taking a phenomenological approach to language based on the sensory parameters of sound and vision, this thesis explores the various topologies
inherent in language use by focusing on polysemy, against a background of multilingualism and literacy.
Turkish ideational life is an arena of contested realities. Polysemic terms such as yol (pathway), gurbet (temporary absence from home), acik/kapalz (open/closed) and sag/sol (right/left) as well as the tacit inside and outside orientate meaning within and between different discursive practices. Polysemy points also to different concepts of knowledge and power, as well as to different metaphors of humanity. Language itself is a metaphor of humanity and of knowledge/power.
In this article, I address the ?balkanization argument? made by conservatives for English-Only legislation and against bilingualism. The argument here is that the United States faces the sort of linguistic divisions found in other countries. Most frequently invoked are the cases of Canada and Belgium. The claim that the United States should take warning from these countries and avoid the promotion of bilingualism has been made by a number of people, including Linda Chavez, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., and Newt Gingrich. I argue that this claim is alarmist, at best. Data from Canada and Belgium indicate that the linguistic situations in these two countries are far too different to make reasonable comparisons to the United States. I make my case by using data of language shift, language demographics, and language prestige. These data indicate just how far the United States is from being on the same road toward linguistic division. This is not to say, however, that linguistic division cannot occur, and I point out the lessons we should draw from the cases of Canada, Belgium, and other multilingual nations.
In this article a historical overview of the linguistic policy of the Soviet Union is given. Attention is paid to the ideological goals influencing linguistic policy, their realisation and the results. Though the linguistic policy of the USSR is an implicit phenomenon, 3 main periods may be observed, differing in the methods used for achieving ideological goals. These were preceded by an indistinct period without a unified complex of means, due to the struggle for power in the leadership of the USSR. The first period during the Stalin regime may be characterised by urgent and violent measures taken to bring Communist ideals to life by eliminating whole ethnic groups according to the class‐based approach. During the second period—post‐Stalinism—less violence was used, while the main emphasis was laid on rebuilding human nature and eliminating signs of ethnic origin. A special type of education was worked out called international education; for extreme cases psychiatric hospitals and prisons were used. This period, now called ‘stagnation’, was mainly connected with the name of Brezhnev. The third period began when Gorbachev came to power. To get out of the impasse ‘perestroika’ was introduced. Nevertheless, the ideal of the USSR, the Communist empire, was maintained, though Glasnost was allowed.
This paper examines the tension between linguistic unification and language rights in Nigeria and assesses the nature, causes,
and implications of the tension against the backgrounds of the country's history, political development, and language situation.
Drawing upon comparative data, the findings are discussed with reference to the contrasting processes of unifying the linguistic
market and preserving minority language rights. The language planning model evolved by Nigeria in reconciling these two processes
is critically examined within the wider context of language status planning in Africa and elsewhere.
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