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APPLIED RESEARCH
SUMMARY
䉬Compares the cultural values that have shaped
the way documents are viewed, created, and
used in China versus in the United States
䉬Examines a variety of documents to demonstrate
the differences based on cultural influences
Chinese and American
Technical Communication:
A Cross-Cultural Comparison
of Differences
CAROL M. BARNUM AND LI HUILIN
INTRODUCTION
With its 1.3 billion people, China today repre-
sents not only the largest population in the
world, but also the fastest growing economy,
with a current and projected growth of 8%
through 2010. China cannot be ignored, nor should it. Not
only is the individual purchasing power of the average
Chinese worker, especially in the cities, increasing at im-
pressive rates, but also China’s muscle in the international
marketplace has made the need for “practical writing” an
emerging priority for business and industry inside China.
The coauthors of this article, one a professor in an Amer-
ican university and the other a professor in a Chinese
university, have tried separately to foster an understanding
of technical communication in China and a desire to add
technical communication courses at the university level in
support of China’s position in the world marketplace. Pool-
ing the joint perspectives of our respective cultures allows
us to share our knowledge of the issues with the technical
communication community and to foster continued discus-
sion.
Our purpose
The aim of this article is to review the reasons why China’s
present need for technical communication is a result of the
post-Mao economic boom, the issues that have prevented
its development within the educational system in China,
and the cultural values that shape the way in which docu-
ments are viewed, created, and used in China versus in the
United States. We hope that readers will find the informa-
tion useful in one of several ways:
䉬Technical communicators in the United States and
other Western cultures may gain insight into the cul-
tural bases for Chinese writing strategies so as to
better craft documents for Chinese users.
䉬Technical communicators in the United States who
work on international teams with Chinese partners
(whether these partnerships are inside or outside
China) may gain an understanding of the cultural
basis for communication differences in style and or-
ganization, thereby improving communication effec-
tiveness.
䉬Technical and professional communication teachers
of students from China (and teachers who are teach-
ing these students in China) may learn how to ex-
plain differences in writing styles, organization, and
approach on the basis of culture, thereby improving
the understanding of how to change communication
styles to suit the appropriate context and users.
䉬EFL (English as a Foreign Language) teachers in the
U.S. and in China may be able to use the examples
to understand the cultural basis for designing and
presenting technical communication documents.
Our methodology
In support of our cross-cultural analysis, we present a
variety of examples and analyze, in particular, two types of
instruction. To the extent possible, we have chosen exam-
ples that are fresh, current, and indicative of the variety of
types of practical writing in use in China.
We have used, for instance, samples of proposal and
feasibility studies from the translations that Li Huilin has
Manuscript received 24 July 2005; revised 29 December 2005;
accepted 2 January 2006.
Volume 53, Number 2, May 2006
•
Technical
COMMUNICATION 14 3
been hired to provide to businesses and government agencies
seeking outside investors for projects inside China. We have
also used examples collected by Li Huilin from students in his
technical writing classes, which he has been teaching for
several years at two universities in Kunming, China.
As well, we have used examples that Carol Barnum
collected and used in teacher training seminars conducted
in China. These examples, in some cases, have been “us-
ability tested” in her most recent training sessions in 2005,
in which she asked the teachers to explain their under-
standing of the cultural basis for the differences in ap-
proaches used in the samples presented, as well as the
contrasting examples they created and discussed during
the seminars. The strikingly similar explanations of their
reasons for the cultural differences match our own, and
although this phenomenon does not “prove” the basis for
differences, it does lend credibility to the points we later
make about the cultural basis for the examples we present.
Our methodology is based on the discipline called
“contrastive rhetoric.” Originating with the work of Robert
Kaplan (1966) and other writing instructors, it is based on
the realization among some English as a Second Language
(ESL) instructors that writing styles of international students
in their classes were markedly different from writing styles
of native English writers and that these differences could be
grouped into patterns that were culturally distinct.
We are not the first to apply this approach to an analysis
of technical and professional communication documents, nor
do we claim to have definitive explanations for the basis of
the differences we present in Chinese versus American com-
munication styles. Our citations throughout the article give
appropriate credit to the excellent work of others, both gen-
erally in the field of culture studies (particularly the work of
Edward T. Hall in coining the terms high-context and low-
context cultures) and specifically in the field of culture’s im-
pact on technical and business communication.
As we will discuss, a small number of faculty from both
U.S. and Chinese universities have taken an interest in tech-
nical communication education and have attempted linkages
to foster its development in China. The same is true for us.
Carol Barnum first taught in China in 1987 as an ex-
change visiting professor at North China University of
Technology in Beijing. Although Barnum did not teach
technical communication, she did teach English teachers
and graduate students in science and engineering. As a
result, she became interested in exploring both the cultural
bases for Chinese communication and the types of writing
Chinese do professionally.
In five subsequent trips to China, she studied and
traveled with educational groups, participated in an explor-
atory trip to universities in Jiangsu Province to learn of their
interest in technical communication, organized a lecture
tour the following year on topics related to technical com-
munication, and directed the first technical writing institute
for university teachers in China, partially sponsored by an
STC Special Opportunity Grant. In 2005, she directed a
second technical writing institute for teachers at Northeast
Normal University (NENU), in Changchun, where her uni-
versity and NENU have established the first known dual-
degree program in technical communication approved by
China’s Ministry of Education.
Barnum’s association with Li Huilin began in 1998
when she invited him to be a visiting scholar at her uni-
versity, based on his interest in research in contrastive
rhetoric. When Li Huilin arrived at Southern Polytechnic
State University in 1999, he learned about technical com-
munication and became very interested in expanding his
research in contrastive rhetoric to study technical commu-
nication. After more than a year in the United States, in
which he taught at several universities, he returned to
Kunming, where he developed and now teaches technical
writing courses, while also promoting the need for a gen-
eral technical writing text book, written by American and
Chinese teachers.
Over the years since he first met Barnum, he has
shared numerous examples of technical writing in China,
some of which are his own translations of Chinese docu-
ments into English for professional audiences and some of
which are from his students. This ongoing, informal com-
munication has led to the desire to open the discussion to
the larger technical communication community.
We believe that our joint perspectives from our sepa-
rate cultures and teaching experiences, as well as our
exposure to teaching in the other’s culture, allow us to use
our distinct cultural lenses to offer possible interpretations
of the differences we see in the samples we compare.
Before comparing the sample documents, however, we set
the stage for our analysis by summarizing the relevant
historical, economic, and educational issues that influence
the current situation.
CHINA’S EMERGENCE IN THE POST-MAO ERA
Economic changes
After secluding itself from the outside world for almost 30
years, China opened its doors for the second time in its
modern history in 1978. Deng Xiaoping, who assumed
leadership in China the year after Mao’s death in 1976,
initiated economic reforms; but Deng is also credited with
the most significant change in focus when he purportedly
stated in a trip to the south of China in 1982, “To get rich is
glorious.” The Chinese, culturally accustomed to interpre-
tation of the subtext of messages, took this as a signal that
the government was encouraging free enterprise. Since
then, China’s economy has grown so impressively that it is
now the second largest economy in the world, with only
the United States being larger.
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Volume 53, Number 2, May 2006
As part of this economic boom, an increasing number
of Chinese companies want to establish a global presence,
especially with the big economies such as the United
States. U.S. business also wants to take advantage of the
opportunity to gain a foothold in China to sell products or
to partner with Chinese companies to build products for
sale abroad. After decades of partnering with Chinese en-
terprises in equity joint ventures, the automotive and aero-
space industries, the big soft drink companies, and fast
food restaurant chains have been making slow but now
steady progress toward profits.
China’s entry into the World Trade Organization
(WTO) in December 2001 has accelerated this process of
opening up to world markets, both by external companies
wanting to do business in China and Chinese enterprises
eager to find customers around the world. In the current
climate made possible by WTO membership rules, Western
companies are allowed to operate on their own as wholly-
owned foreign enterprises in a number of fields, such as
entertainment, insurance, energy, and transportation; and
many trade restrictions on Chinese businesses that want to
operate in foreign countries have been lifted.
Inside China the rising demand for consumer electron-
ics, household appliances, and automobiles has led to a
push to supply this demand with Chinese-manufactured
goods. In 2003, the official statistics for China’s automobile
production showed a staggering 80% increase over the
prior year. That same year there were 113 million new
Chinese subscribers for telephone lines (equal to the pop-
ulations of Britain and France combined) for a total of 532
million telephone subscribers (Xinhua News Agency 2004).
On the world stage, China has begun to make its move
from a manufacturer of routers, switches, and other compo-
nents for computers and cell phones manufactured in Europe
and the United States, to that of a manufacturer of its own
products for the world market, including the Haier brand of
home appliances, which has its American headquarters in the
former Landmark building in New York and its industrial
headquarters in South Carolina. Haier’s recent offer to pur-
chase Maytag made headline-grabbing news. Similar major
news stories include the Chinese company Lenovo’s purchase
of IBM’s personal computer business and brand, and the
state-run China National Offshore Oil Corp’s $1.3 billion USD
unsolicited bid to buy oil giant Unocol.
A recent special report entitled “China’s new revolution”
produced by Time magazine sums up the seemingly sudden
interest in the U.S. on China’s growing economic muscle:
To say that China is both an economic partner and a
rival is no revelation. There has been so much talk, for
so many years, about the potential of China’s opening
up to the West. Still, the extent of its rise somehow
managed to sneak up on the U.S. (Elliott 2005, 32)
Lost in translation
For U.S. companies wanting to do business inside China, as
well as for the corresponding Chinese companies seeking
overseas customers, the commonplace assumption has
been that documents need only be translated into the
appropriate language to be effective. Some companies are
now beginning to recognize that documents intended for
international markets need not just translation but localiza-
tion.
Localization may mean nothing more than surface-
level changes to the treatment of dates and times, or it may
mean more substantive changes to the types of examples,
graphics, choice of colors, idiomatic expressions, meta-
phors, and so forth. Some companies have gone a step
further to internationalize their documentation by estab-
lishing guidelines for content creation that result in the
absence of country- or culture-specific references from the
start, thereby eliminating the need for localization efforts.
Other companies, such as Hewlett-Packard, have resorted
to “wordless” manuals to save the high cost of translation
into many languages.
As important as these efforts are in reaching audiences
in different countries, they do not adequately address the
vastly different cultures of the United States and China and
the impact these cultural differences have on how infor-
mation is presented, understood, and used. Such differ-
ences affect not only how product information is under-
stood, but also how communication within organizations is
understood. The latter point has been well documented in
articles and books.
For an excellent, early example of the cross-cultural
communication issues that can arise when Chinese and
U.S. companies join forces, one need look no further than
the classic story of Jeep’s joint venture with its Chinese
partner Beijing Automotive Works, as reported by Jim
Mann (1989) in Beijing Jeep. The account paints a picture of
the massive scale of miscommunications in leadership,
management, and decision-making, and the inherent mis-
trust that resulted in the failure of the business, which
served to curtail the interest of other U.S. companies in
such joint ventures.
Despite the distance in time from that early effort, the
current situation in which U.S. companies set up business
in China continues to reflect similar frustrations and mis-
communications, as frequently reported by the business
press, both in the U.S. and now in China as well.
What can be done to improve the situation for those
U.S. and Chinese companies that must cooperate or partner
to create a win-win situation for both sides? Chinese and
American business managers commonly assume that the
problem is only a matter of using the basic linguistic code
properly. With a good translator or interpreter, they expect
that they can perform the task well. But this assumption
APPLIED RESEARCH
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Volume 53, Number 2, May 2006
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Technical
COMMUNICATION 14 5
does not accommodate the cultural differences in how
Chinese and Americans use language to communicate.
For example, American business executives, on first
arriving in China, may expect all the words said by their
hosts to be generous and meaningful, such as the introduc-
tory remarks of a municipal official who welcomes them or
the large banner that greets them on arrival. Americans are
from a low-context culture (Hall 1989), in which meaning is
transparent in the words used, whereas Chinese are from a
high-context culture, in which meaning is largely within the
construct of the situation rather than the actual words used.
Chinese know that certain situations require a formal-
ized response. American business executives may be puz-
zled, however, when they soon notice that the arrival
speeches they hear and banners they read are remarkably
similar as they travel from city to city. As a result, they may
conclude that the Chinese are disingenuous, speaking plat-
itudes rather than heartfelt sentiments. On the other hand,
a Chinese visiting delegation in the United States may think
that American business executives, in their casual wel-
come, do not use the correct speech formula and are
therefore impolite or disrespectful. Simply achieving a per-
fect translation of the spoken greeting does not solve the
problem of communicating across cultures.
The popularity of international business etiquette
books, such as Kiss, bow, or shake hands (Morrison, Con-
away, and Borden 1994) attests to the fact that executives
seeking business opportunities in China rely on such
guides as their preparation for going to China and other
countries when they do not know the business culture and
associated etiquette. In such popular books, guidelines for
conducting business are typically presented as checklists of
do’s and don’ts without the background explanation to
provide the business traveler with an understanding of the
cultural basis of such practice.
The Internet is a rich and ready source of these guide-
lines, as well. Executiveplanet.com, as one representative
site, offers advice in snippets. Here’s one example:
Negative replies are considered impolite. Instead of say-
ing “no,” answer “maybe,” “I”ll think about it,“ or
”We“ll see” and get into specifics later. You’ll find that
the Chinese will do the same. When your Chinese coun-
terparts smilingly and politely or even enthusiastically
say “No big problem” or “The problem is not serious,”
they usually mean “There are still problems.” (Chen
2003)
The American businessperson who reads such advice and
considers this adequate preparation may arrive in China
not only unprepared to understand how to communicate
but also perhaps have preconceived notions that the Chi-
nese cannot be trusted to say what they mean.
Up to this point, we have presented the interest that
exists on both sides for doing business in and with China
and the U.S., as well as the problems that persist because of
a lack of understanding of the cultural differences affecting
communication. In the next two sections, we compare and
contrast the development of the profession of technical
communication in China versus the United States and the
corresponding development of education in technical com-
munication.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF TECHNICAL
COMMUNICATION IN THE U.S. AND CHINA
As a fledging discipline in China, technical communication
is developing along a path similar to its earlier develop-
ment in the United States. Although it is easy to argue that
both the United States and especially China have long
histories of producing documents that could be called
technical writing, most scholars agree that the discipline of
technical writing emerged in the twentieth century in the
United States to support the technology created during
World War II. In the 1950s, this technology was converted
to industry applications, which resulted in a growing need
for more technical writers. These technical writers were
typically men with engineering backgrounds and work
experience in the military or for defense contractors (see
Schriver 1997).
A similar development process is occurring in China,
based on a similar need to support technological growth
and an expanding economy. The first government-
approved technical communication association was
formed in 1995 when five science and engineering univer-
sities in Beijing cooperated to host a technical communi-
cation conference, which was attended by a representative
from STC, Fred Klein. Subsequent conferences expanded
the membership and scope to include information manage-
ment and related disciplines.
The 3rd annual conference, held in 1999 and hosted by
the Department of Information Sciences at the University of
Science and Technology of China, was attended by 50
scholars and professionals. The theme of the conference
was “technical communication makes the country pros-
per.” At that conference, the Society of Chinese Technical
Communication was officially established, with most of the
major science and engineering universities affiliating with
the organization. Since 2002, this society has become a
sub-group of the Society of Chinese Scientific Journalism,
and it now meets with that organization’s annual confer-
ence. The focus of the organization is on improving public
understanding of science and technology.
In recent years, with increasing economic develop-
ment, China has witnessed a corresponding interest in
practical writing. Many associations for practical writing
have been formed, including the International Association
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Chinese and American Technical Communication Barnum and Li
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Technical
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Volume 53, Number 2, May 2006
for Practical Chinese Writing, the Association for Judicial
Writing, the Association for Business Writing, the Associa-
tion for News Writing, the Association for Governmental
Document Writing, and the Association for Military Writing.
The first professional journal, called Ying yong xie zhuo,or
Practical writing (www.appliedwriting.com) was launched in
1985, with columns or sections devoted to basic theory,
governmental writing, business writing, advertising writ-
ing, science and technology writing, law writing, military
writing, news writing, daily practical writing, English prac-
tical writing, teaching writing at vocational schools and
colleges, appreciating good articles, correcting articles, a
writing guide for civil servants’ writing test, and computer
writing. The readership includes government officials at all
levels, military units, state-run enterprises, private compa-
nies, secretaries, teachers and students.
Despite the presence of such specialized organizations
and journals, there is no known equivalent organization to
STC with an equivalent journal, one that serves the multi-
faceted communities representing the diversity of technical
communication as it is practiced in business, industry, and
academe. Nor is there yet a chapter of STC in China (PRC),
although a chapter has been formed in Taipei, Taiwan
(ROC).
THE DEVELOPMENT OF TECHNICAL WRITING
EDUCATION IN THE U.S. AND CHINA
Just as there are parallels in the development of the pro-
fession of technical writing in the United States and China,
there are also parallels in the development of technical
writing education in China, compared with the United
States. In the U.S. the first technical writing courses and text
books were written by engineers and taught to engineers,
with a focus on writing reports and procedures. Ron Blicq’s
early, popular technical writing text book was titled Tech-
nically—Write!: Communication for the technical man (in
later editions the subtitle was changed to Communicating
in a technological era).
As technological advances, including, of course, the
computer, became an increasingly important component of
business, the need for documents and documentation to
serve a more diverse user population increased. Thus, as
the discipline of technical communication developed, its
academic focus shifted from the restricted role of an indi-
vidual service course for engineers to a collection of
courses with a rhetorical focus comprising a curriculum in
technical communication. Although associations to support
professionals were chartered in the 1950s, the first profes-
sional organizations for teachers and program administra-
tors did not emerge until the 1970s.
In the U.S., teachers of technical writing had a difficult
time finding an academic home. The earliest home for such
courses was in schools of engineering, mining, and agri-
culture, and a few programs are still housed there. As more
universities added technical writing courses, the more typ-
ical home was within an English department, where writing
was taught, but liberal arts universities did not embrace
technical writing. It was most commonly viewed as a ser-
vice course or courses taught to non-English majors by
low-ranking faculty. Newly minted Ph.D.s in English were
assigned to teach technical writing without any practical
experience or education, as there were very few graduate
programs in technical communication. Credibility for the
faculty teaching and publishing in technical communica-
tion was hard-fought and more than occasionally lost at
tenure and promotion time.
Over time and partially to serve the scholarship re-
quirements of faculty seeking promotion and tenure, the
focus of technical writing journals shifted from pedagogy to
research. As a reflection of this change in direction, the
Association of Teachers of Technical Writing, which
launched its journal The technical writing teacher in 1973,
changed its name and focus to Technical communication
quarterly in 1992. Coupled with the continuing develop-
ment of the profession, the growing body of research, and
the growing demand for technical communicators by busi-
ness and industry, the argument for respectability has now
basically been won for technical communication faculty.
Still, the Ivy League universities, such as Harvard, Brown,
and Yale, have shown little interest in offering technical
communication courses in their curricula.
The same credibility and respectability issues seem to be
present in China today. Traditionally, Chinese academics in
literature and foreign language departments have focused
scholarly pursuits on literary criticism of classical poetry and
prose, much as was the case in English departments in the
United States until perhaps the 1980s or even more recently.
In China, as early as 1919 during the May Fourth
Movement (a short-lived but important student-led demo-
cratic movement), some prominent Chinese writers, such
as Liu Bannong, Qian Xuantong, and Zhou Zuoren, advo-
cated that attention should be paid to practical writing as
being essential for modernization. Some changes were
made in the education system, including the abolishment
of the imperial examination system, which was begun
during the Han dynasty (starting in 206 BCE) and which
tested candidates on their ability to reproduce a rigid in-
terpretation of the Confucian classics. Those who scored
highest on the examination became government officials.
Although the May Fourth movement brought an end to
this examination system and a change in emphasis in ed-
ucation, most of the push for a Western style of education
was in support of the need to strengthen education in
science and technology so that China would be better
equipped to fight off an attack from Japan, which had
successfully modernized to defeat China.
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Re-emergence of China’s
interest in practical writing
In much the same way that interest in technical communi-
cation in the U.S. has been tied to scientific discovery and
technology breakthroughs, a similar need has led to the
re-emerging interest in practical writing in China and the
accompanying interest by Chinese scholars to establish a
theoretic system of practical writing. Books on practical writ-
ing are widely available in Chinese bookstores. However,
studies of the writing of foreign-oriented technical documents
have not yet caught on, in part because most of the Chinese
scholars studying practical writing cannot read English.
Even those who can read English have limited access
to books on technical writing published in the United
States, as such books are not generally available in China.
The majority of the available books are merely translated
from business communication or cross-cultural communi-
cation books originally published in the West and now
re-published with commentary by Chinese compilers. The
result is that interested Chinese scholars frequently lack
knowledge of what their American counterparts are doing
and also lack knowledge of how to prepare students to
meet the needs of multinational companies with regard to
effective technical communication.
Cross-cultural communication
efforts and raised awareness
At the end of the twentieth century, North American tech-
nical communicators began traveling to China by means of
official delegations, the first one sponsored by People to
People (Tegtmeier and colleagues 1999). Some technical
communication faculty have also explored the status of
technical communication education and taught technical
writing seminars and courses to faculty and students (Bar-
num and colleagues 2001; Dautermann 2005; Ding and
Jablonski 2001).
Likewise, Chinese students and teachers have been
arriving at American universities in increasing numbers
since China opened up to the West in the late 1970s.
Among the more than 100,000 students who have come to
the United States, most have received graduate degrees in
engineering or science, with only a limited few coming to
study technical communication.
Those who have been exposed to technical communi-
cation are more typically teachers who have come as lec-
turers and visiting scholars in English, linguistics or com-
position/rhetoric, but who have learned about technical
communication courses and programs through their in-
volvement in English departments. The Chinese coauthor
of this article is one of these. As these teachers return to
China, a few have tried valiantly, although generally un-
successfully, to offer courses in technical writing at their
home universities.
A very few articles have been published in China about
the need for teaching technical writing (see Duan 1999).
We know of one book on technical writing written by
Chinese and published in English in China, English for
technical communication (Duan, Gu, and Ma 2001). This
book is an important first step, despite the fact that it is
designed for use with non-English majors in science and
liberal arts.
Some programs in practical writing have recently got-
ten started in Chinese universities. One is in Shenzhen,
which is the most successful of the “special economic
zones” established by Deng Xiaoping to promote eco-
nomic growth in rural, undeveloped locations in China.
Shenzhen has prospered, in part from its close proximity to
Hong Kong, and certainly in no small part because of its
special tax breaks and incentives for investment as a spe-
cial economic zone.
The English Department of Shenzhen Polytechnic of-
fers four majors: Business English, Applied English (for
Foreign Affairs), Applied English (for International Busi-
ness Communication), and Secretarial Administration (for
International Business). The goal of these programs is to
“provide students with well-rounded development, espe-
cially in English communicative competence, comprehen-
sive understanding of fundamental business theories and
practical operating procedures, suitable for the front-line
highly qualified practical skills.” Careers options for grad-
uates include “English secretaries in large businesses and
government agencies, clerks and administrative staff in
large trading and finance companies, administrative assis-
tants and interpreters in joint ventures.” Courses in the
curriculum include Business English, International Busi-
ness Communication, Practice of International Trade, Prac-
tical Writing on Foreign Affairs, Etiquette in Foreign Affairs,
Text Production (for secretaries), and Modern Technology
in Communication (see http://foreign.szpt.edu.cn). There
are no courses in technical communication, although text
production for secretaries may be similar to a course in
desktop publishing, which used to be a mainstay of tech-
nical writing programs in the U.S.
Challenges to the teaching of
technical communication in China
A number of issues have prevented the adoption of tech-
nical communication as a course that can or should be
taught in China. Among them is a belief among English
teachers in China that technical subject-matter expertise is
required. This assumption about the technical nature of
technical communication may partly derive from the fact
that the term technical communication cannot be trans-
lated easily into Chinese. Because the word technical has a
strong association with technology, technical communica-
tion is generally assumed to mean “communication of tech-
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nology” or “communicating technology.” It is not likely to
be known as a rhetorically-based discipline with strong
roots in the humanities.
Duan and Gu characterize the problem as stemming
from “a traditional separation between the humanities and
sciences in China....[where] [m]ost English instructors are
unwilling to learn—and even afraid of learning—science”
(2005, 438). Even for those Chinese teachers who have
become interested in technical communication through
exposure to it, they may not feel comfortable teaching
outside their discipline, especially as Chinese teachers are
viewed within the Confucian cultural tradition, even today,
as authority figures. Because Chinese academics typically
have little or no exposure to the world of business and
industry, it is difficult for them to feel confident about the
subject matter they would be called on to teach.
A further impediment to the adoption of technical
writing courses at the university level is the current focus in
English classes on language acquisition and precision in
vocabulary and grammar, which leaves little room for
teaching principles of technical communication. The highly
structured curriculum is aimed at students’ success on na-
tional English tests. These tests are of two types, one
designed for English majors and one for humanities and
science majors.
English majors take the first test in their junior year.
The writing part of the test consists of two parts: one is to
write an essay of 200 words with a topic such as “My view
of the arts festival”; the other is to produce a type of
practical writing, such as a letter of complaint, a note of
apology, or a notice for a meeting.
In their fourth year, English majors take another na-
tional test, the writing task of which is an expository essay
of about 400 words, with a topic such as “The most impor-
tant personal quality of a university student.”
Humanities and science majors also have a writing test,
but it is about 150 words. Topics might include a letter of
complaint or an essay on “How I finance my college edu-
cation.” Still another national English test is designed for
those who want to go to graduate school. The writing part
of the test also consists of two parts: one is a 200-word
expository essay based on the interpretation of a picture;
the other is a piece of practical writing, such as a memo or
a letter of resignation. One Web site (http://www.sina.
com.cn) offers sample essay topics with sample responses.
Figure 1 shows one example with the directions for writing
the essay, followed by a sample essay response.
It is interesting to note that the Chinese writing require-
ment to respond to a picture may reflect the cultural im-
portance of being able to interpret meaning from pictures
in a way that is different from that of Americans. At a young
age, Chinese students are taught to interpret what they
have read—whether text or pictures—by providing a sum-
mary. This method of reading, writing, and interpreting
reflects a greater tendency among Chinese readers to value
intuition over direct statement. Liu Xie, a fifth-century Chi-
nese rhetorician, describes it as “flower on the surface but
internally veined.”
Special topic courses: An
opportunity for technical writing
The few technical writing courses currently being taught in
China are permitted under the English for Special Purposes
(ESP) designation, a course title approved by the Chinese
Ministry of Education. Duan and Gu (2005) report on their
use of this designation to teach a course to medical stu-
dents. More typical, however, is the use of the ESP desig-
nation for business writing courses. Despite the fact that
business writing is also taught in many programs in the
United States, the Chinese course content does not align
with the standard topics taught in an American business
communication course, as the Chinese course focuses on
Figure 1. Sample illustration of essay in response to a picture.
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foreign trade, including bills, notices, agreements, and in-
vitations to trade shows.
More recently, a different approach to teaching busi-
ness communication courses is being adopted through the
Cambridge BEC (Business English Certificate) series (2002)
of three courses (http://www.cambridgeesol.org/exams/
bec_vantage.htm), each of which leads to an examination/
certificate that is widely respected in China as evidence of
business English communication skills. Topic coverage in-
cludes not only writing letters, but also short reports,
thereby resulting in a closer alignment with some elements
in business and technical writing courses taught in the
United States.
In addition to the course designation for ESP, China’s
Ministry of Education has also approved “practical writing”
for a group of such courses. The Cambridge BEC courses fit
this designation. However, individual teachers are gener-
ally not free to adopt specific new courses, such as those in
technical communication, using this designation. Because
the course designers are typically those with seniority, they
are less likely than junior faculty to have had exposure to
technical communication. Those few faculty who have
been convinced of the need to offer such courses find
themselves swimming up stream to sell the need at their
universities.
One could argue that from China’s point of view, given
the amazing strides made in economic development so far,
technical communication courses are not necessary. But, as
we look to the future of our mutual interrelationships in
business and industry, we come back to the issue of how to
promote technical communication principles in China, so
that the companies doing business in China—whether Chi-
nese or multinational—can continue to prosper in the
future and their users can experience increased under-
standing and customer satisfaction. The solution does not
lie in imitation of genres or translations of technical com-
munication books written by and for American readers.
These “solutions” do not address the profound cultural
differences that shape writers within their respective cul-
tures. In the next section we address some of these differ-
ences.
CULTURAL COMPARISON OF CHINESE AND
AMERICAN COMMUNICATION DOCUMENTS
In comparing Chinese and American technical communi-
cation documents, we have selected, wherever possible,
examples that represent current usage and current think-
ing. Most of these examples are unpublished; the pub-
lished examples come from recent books on practical writ-
ing, with explanations by the authors of the method
presented. Throughout our analysis, we have adopted the
method of contrastive rhetoric, looking at each example in
its cultural context and attempting to set the differences
within that cultural framework. Our comparison focuses on
differences in page design, organizational approach and
structure, and style.
Page design reflects cultural preferences
Effective page design, or document design, is a basic
tenet of technical communication as it is practiced and
taught in the United States and many other Western
nations. Compared with American technical documents,
Chinese technical documents, especially those intended
for officials or decision-makers, usually lack page design
elements such as controlled use of white space, in-text
emphasis, diagrams, lists, a variety of type sizes and
fonts, and so forth. In a Chinese document, headings
may be used grudgingly but sparingly, and paragraphs
are generally quite long.
One reason for the difference in approach to page
design is that Chinese writers tend to give priority to the
content of a document over its design. Compared with
their American counterparts, Chinese technical commu-
nicators (in whatever capacity they are creating technical
documents) do not take into account that readers may be
busy and therefore in a hurry to stop reading. Nor do
they take into consideration that there may be different
audiences for a document, as the concept of audience is
unfamiliar to those writing technical communication
documents. Duan and Gu (2005), having been exposed
to technical communication courses and texts in an
American university and understanding that “audience”
is a concept not readily understood by Chinese writers,
included a discussion of audience in their chapter on
document design in their technical communication text-
book.
More typically in China, the expectation is that readers
are supposed to read every word of any document consid-
ered “important.” The cultural basis for this expectation,
called “reader responsibility” (Kaplan 1990), is derived
from the way in which language is used in China. Linda
Beamer (1994) cites Kaplan in her analysis of business
communication differences between Chinese and Ameri-
can writers, particularly with regard to the structure of
thought and language, which she attaches to explicit versus
implicit messages. Explicit language coding puts the re-
sponsibility on the writer, whereas reader-responsibility
writing
calls upon the reader to take responsibility for interpret-
ing the meaning. Asian literature has a long history of
reader-responsible writings, and much of the discourse
of modern Chinese culture is also full of allusion, pro-
verbial phrases, analogy, and inference—the writer’s
tools for indirect communication and implicit messages.
(13)
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We discuss some of these tools more specifically in later
examples.
Here, we want to focus on the reason for the Chinese
reader’s acceptance of responsibility for reading docu-
ments carefully and fully. Documents such as proposals,
feasibility studies, reports, and contracts are among those
considered important because they are jinji wenshu (eco-
nomic documents), having an impact on the future of
China. Readers of such documents, especially government
officials and decision-makers, are expected to apply care-
ful, earnest attention to these documents. However, not just
officials and managers have this responsibility. All citizens
are expected to do their best to develop China’s economy
so that everyone can live a happy life. Any effort, even for
personal gain, is ultimately motivated by the common
good; everyone must make contributions to this common
good.
Whether working in the public or private sector, the
Chinese worker is expected to work well. In a narrow
sense, he or she is earning a living; in a broad sense, the
work effort is helping China become a powerful country.
Thus, audience analysis is not an issue for the Chinese
writer, as it is expected that the reader should simply
perform his or her duty well. Skimming, scanning, and
skipping around in documents would be considered a
violation of official ethics.
This view of “reader responsibility” stands in sharp
contrast to the American view of “writer responsibility,”
which requires the writer to understand the needs of read-
ers and give readers clear signals for selective reading.
Teachers of technical communication in American class-
rooms typically emphasize the need to give readers the
option to stop reading, based on the fact that all readers,
but especially executive readers (managers), are too busy
to take the time to read carefully and fully. If the technical
or business writer can serve this reader’s needs by short-
ening the required reading time, the writer is doing an
effective job as a communicator.
Headings are less common in Chinese documents
One important element of document design, as practiced
by technical communicators in the United States, is the
generous use of headings. In contrast, China takes a differ-
ent view of headings, partially influenced by Mao Zedong,
who is said to have criticized the use of headings in reports.
Mao compared the use of a complicated set of headings in
Communist Party writings to a Chinese pharmacy where
one sees cabinets with numerous drawers, each bearing
the name of a drug.
Although Mao was not explicit about what he meant by
complicated headings or by comparing their use to the
drawers of a pharmacy, Chinese writers gave up using
headings altogether out of respect for his supposed dislike
of them. This reaction may be partly attributed to the
respect shown to Mao, but it can also be attributed to the
Chinese practice of hypercorrectness, the desire to take an
idea of correctness to the extreme. Mao supported this
view of hypercorrectness, once commenting that hypercor-
rectness is necessary in righting a wrong. Otherwise one
could correct nothing. Despite the acknowledgement by
the Chinese government today of the mistakes of Mao’s
Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), Mao’s pronouncements
continue to influence the nation, in much the same way
that Confucian thought still does.
Chinese prefer synthetic
to Cartesian thinking patterns
Differences in thinking patterns also affect the organiza-
tional structure of documents in China compared with the
United States. American technical documents tend to reflect
the Western preference for an analytical thinking pattern,
based on Cartesian logic, which dissects an idea into ele-
ments for analysis. Because the Western mind is educated
and trained to dissect information for analysis, American
writers tend to frame an argument and then divide the
presentation into chunks of information in support of the
argument. Headings and subheadings provide the road
map to the points of discussion.
In contrast, Chinese writers more often employ syn-
thetic, or integral, thinking patterns as the basis for orga-
nizational structure. The cultural basis for this preference
has been characterized as “the relational style” versus the
“analytical style” dominant in American culture (based on a
study by Rosalie Cohen, cited in Stewart and Bennett 1991,
43–44). The relational style “lacks clarity from a Western
point of view.... Chinese thought strives for unity be-
tween events or objects and their given signs or symbols.”
To understand the way in which the relational style
affects the Chinese view of the world, we can look for one
example in traditional Chinese medicine, which views the
exploration of illness in a markedly different way from that
of Western medical practice. When treating a patient, a
doctor of traditional Chinese medicine looks at the patient
as an organic whole, viewing the various parts of the body
as closely related to each other and to the external envi-
ronment.
A patient suffering from a severe headache may get
foot treatment, as some acupuncture points (energy points
along the acupuncture meridian, which maps the whole
body) are believed to be connected with certain parts of
the head. A principle of acupuncture is to treat the lower
part of the body when symptoms appear in the upper part,
and vice versa. For example, the large intestine meridian is
used to treat disorders in the lungs, as it passes through the
lungs on its way to the intestine.
Figure 2 (http://www.acupuncture.com/education/
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theory/lichan.htm) shows the meridian points for the large
intestine, which starts near the nail of the index finger,
travels up the finger on the side of the thumb, over the
outside of the arm, passing through the shoulder, over the
throat to the nose, then passing into the body down
through the throat and lungs to the large intestine. This
journey covers 20 points along the skin, where acupunc-
ture treatment can be administered.
A person with such an integral, or synthetic, thinking
pattern about the body and its relationship to the world
focuses on the interrelationships of the parts to the whole. As
a reflection of this thinking pattern, Chinese technical writers
may eschew headings as disrupting the flow of the whole.
They are also very likely to organize information inductively
versus the Western (U.S.) preference for organizing information
deductively. We discuss this difference in the next section.
Chinese prefer inductive versus deductive order
Thinking patterns not only influence document design, but
also the arrangement of information within a document.
The Chinese preference for inductive order sharply con-
trasts with the American preference for deductive order.
Inductive order Inductive order presents specific points
or observations leading to a main point or principle. Also
called the scientific method, it is traditionally used by sci-
entists to present results of experiments or observations,
leading to a conclusion or hypothesis. Technical writing in
the United States was based on the scientific method until
the changing needs of diverse audiences became apparent,
thereby introducing deductive order for managers and
mixed audiences, which presents the main idea or argu-
ment first, followed by supporting points.
Inductive order is the preferred pattern of communi-
cation in all contexts in China. The Chinese preference for
inductive order typically results in a writing pattern that
reflects a spiral, with the main idea developed in a round-
about or spiral pattern that emerges through the paragraph
as well as the document. In “An investigation into the
written discourse pattern of Chinese students” Wang (1996)
presents this pattern:
Today, English has become the most widely-used lan-
guage by scientists reporting results. When a scientist
draws a conclusion after a long period of study, he
wants to let other people know his discovery. How should
he do this? If he writes the paper in his native language,
only some persons can understand it. If he writes in
English, then more persons will know it. So other scien-
tists may discuss it and make different opinions. It is
good for the development of the science field. Other
scientists can get news about the study. English, as a
useful tool, is helpful for scientists to communicate in-
formation. If every scientist knows English, he can see
other’s opinions without difficulty. So English is impor-
tant to scientists. (427– 428)
Although the topic is science writing, the intended audi-
ence is not scientists and the presentation is not about a
scientific discovery, yet the paragraph uses the inductive or
spiral pattern, moving from specific details to a generaliza-
tion based on these details. The author presents the rele-
vant situation at the beginning, with the topic in mind,
but not specifically stated. The author develops around
this hidden topic until the last when the topic finally
appears.
Another example using this pattern is taken from West-
ern writing theories, pedagogies, and practices (Qi 2000,
130), translated by Li Huilin for this article.
[Introduction] We human beings know each other and
understand the world by speaking and writing. [Devel-
opment] Therefore we realize the importance of commu-
nication to knowing ourselves and understanding the
world surrounding us. Computer knowledge, or a skilled
mastery of computer technology such as word processing
and the Internet, etc., is indispensable to effective com-
munication in today’s world. [Transition] Anyone, be he
Figure 2. The large intestine (colon) meridian.
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or she a teacher, a student, a journalist, an engineer, a
salesperson, or a white-collar worker, has to broaden his
or her horizon by communicating with others. Com-
puter knowledge can make this communication effec-
tive, thus helping one realize the goal of broadening his
or her horizon. [Conclusion] Therefore, to master neces-
sary computer knowledge is of important value.
Chinese students are taught that this inductive structure for
prose writing consists of four parts: qi-cheng-zhuan-he
(introduction-development-transition-conclusion): the first
section begins the argument; the second section develops
the argument; the third section, immediately after finishing
the argument, abruptly changes the direction of the argu-
ment toward an indirectly connected sub-theme; and the
fourth section reaches a conclusion.
Deductive order In contrast, American students are
taught to rely heavily on deductive organization, with the
main idea stated first, supported by points to develop the
main idea, with each new point presented in the first, or
topic, sentence of a paragraph. The traditional five-
paragraph theme, when it is taught in composition courses,
is organized as follows:
䉬The opening paragraph contains the thesis statement
(main idea), along with three supporting points or
examples to develop the main idea.
䉬The middle comprises three paragraphs, with each
paragraph stating its point in a beginning topic sen-
tence, followed by the development of that point.
䉬The conclusion returns to the main idea/thesis state-
ment and restates it, also providing a summation of
the points covered.
Comparing the methods If we take a topic like “Does
TV cause violence among its viewers?” we can compare
and contrast the approach to organization between the
Chinese and the American method in the following out-
lines. The Chinese outline is provided by Li Huilin; the
American outline is provided by Carol Barnum. We use
these for illustrative purposes to highlight the differences.
In the Chinese method, students might be given the
following outline to organize their essay:
Writing topic: Is TV an Origin of Violence?
Outline
䉬Present conditions
䉬Harmfulness of violence on TV
䉬My comments
A sample topic sentence for each paragraph topic might
look like this:
䉬Violent programs are frequently seen on TV.
䉬The influence of TV violence on teenagers is widespread.
䉬In my opinion, some programs do have a negative
effect on young people.
A corresponding outline with sample topic sentences for
the American essay might look like this:
䉬Gain the attention of the reader. Example: some
want to blame TV for an increase in violence among
teenagers; others want to say it’s the result of too
much sugar in the diet or the violence in videog-
ames teenagers enjoy.
䉬State position on the topic (agreement or disagree-
ment). I don’t agree with either of these positions,
believing instead that teenage violence is a combina-
tion of factors.
䉬Present points of discussion (forecasting the body
paragraphs). These factors include lack of parental
supervision, expendable income earned by teenag-
ers, and exposure to news reports about violent
events worldwide.
䉬Begin each body paragraph with a topic sentence,
followed by discussion (using each point
above).
䉬Conclude by restating the position taken, with the
reasons.
The significant difference in the two organizational ap-
proaches used is that the American writer presents his or
her point of view first (deductive order), develops it during
the essay, and restates it in the end for emphasis. In con-
trast, the Chinese writer presents the topic, develops it in an
inductive or spiral pattern in the body paragraphs, and
concludes with his or her “opinion,” less strongly stated
than the American writer’s “position.”
Professor Li could provide hundreds of examples of
the inductive writing pattern favored by Chinese students,
as it is so commonly practiced as to be considered the
standard. And he is not alone. In research being conducted
by Professor Yang Yuchen, vice dean of the School of
Foreign Languages at Northeast Normal University, she
discovered that the lack of a topic sentence and the use of
inductive order are cited as two significant problems in
teaching the Western style of writing to Chinese students.
In an Internet-based technical English learning program
offered by Shanghai Communication University, the Amer-
ican professor grading the Chinese students’ papers docu-
mented that “30% of the compositions have problems with
the top portion and that the topic sentence is the critical
problem for the Chinese learner to pay attention to in
writing English” (Yang Yuchen personal interview 2005).
Duan and Gu report the same problem, which they at-
tribute to “Chinese students’ lack of familiarity with West-
ern rhetorical patterns; instead they wrote following tradi-
tional Chinese rhetoric” (2005, 438).
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Not only do American students learn deductive order
for the organization of essays in their college composition
classes, but those American students who take journalism
courses learn its elaboration in the 5Ws and H (who, what,
when, where, why, and how) as the basis for covering the
essential points of a news story. When diagrammed, this
deductive organizational pattern is an inverted pyramid
(see Figure 3), with the most important information pre-
sented first (the broadest part of the pyramid), narrowing
down in decreasing order of importance to the smallest
part or least essential information last.
This inverted pyramid structure is frequently used as a
model for technical report writing, especially when the readers
are familiar with the subject and therefore want “the news” first.
In contrast, the Chinese preference for indirectness is
evident not only in written communication but also in oral
communication. Observations about this pattern of commu-
nication have puzzled Westerners for some time. For exam-
ple, a staff member at the Foreign Language Press in Beijing
described his reaction to the Chinese pattern as follows:
It took me a long while to learn the [Chinese] custom of
starting with a little polite palaver, then sidling up to the
problem and circumlocuting all around it, before actu-
ally identifying it and diffidently suggesting a solution.
(Shapiro 1979, 78)
Similar conclusions are reported by Young (1994) in her
study of the communication patterns of the Chinese.
Different ways of structuring information receive differ-
ent valuation in English-speaking and Chinese-
speaking cultures. Viewed callously, Chinese discourse
appears imprecise, unwieldy and downright inept. Seen
charitably, it emphasizes cooperation, prudence and
clear-headed caution. (39)
As can be seen from these observations and analyses, the
differences in communication patterns are dramatic when
comparing Chinese and Western approaches. These differ-
ences are also evident in the presence or absence of report
elements, as we discuss in the next section.
Document elements differ in usage and purpose
A key component of basic technical writing courses in U.S.
universities is the report. The elements of an effective
report are presented from the perspective of audience and
purpose. As we discussed earlier, American readers expect
to be able to extract the information they need through the
efficient design of the report, including the use of headings.
They also expect to have interest in some parts of a docu-
ment but typically not all parts. Knowing this reading pref-
erence, the American writer accepts the responsibility to
direct specific information to particular readers in different
places in the document. For example, reports that contain
a cover letter or memo of transmittal use this element to
speak directly to the individual who may have requested
the work so as to address issues reflecting prior communi-
cation between the writer and reader. A critical element,
the executive summary, synthesizes the main information
of the proposal or report for the busy executive. If a report
contains appendixes or attachments, these are placed in
the back of the report to provide information of limited
interest to most readers.
Although Chinese writers are taught that documents
should assume a structure, the structure is less specifically
defined, consisting of a beginning, a middle, and an end.
The inclusion of other, more specific elements is not part of
standard practice. For example, Chinese documents rarely
include an executive summary, letter or memo of transmit-
tal, or attachments. Instead, the typical format uses a chro-
nological structure, starting with the introduction and end-
ing with conclusions and suggestions.
We attribute these structural differences in report ele-
ments to the Chinese cultural environment we explained
earlier in comparing reader responsibility (Chinese) to
writer responsibility (U.S.). As described earlier, the Chi-
nese reader is expected to be a good citizen and to serve
the nation. In this context, to read a document carefully
means to do one’s job earnestly, a practice that is praise-
worthy. Although work efficiency is valued, readers are still
expected to read every word so that potentially important
items are not missed. Therefore, it would not be appropri-
ate (or socially acceptable) to command the attention of
one reader through a letter of transmittal or to suggest the
desire for partial reading through an executive summary, or
to remove certain information to the back of the report in
an attachment, thereby suggesting a lesser value.
Purpose of the introduction The typical Chinese re-
port begins with an introduction. The purpose of the in-
troduction is to make a good impression on the readers.
Although American report writers might also acknowledge
Figure 3. Inverted pyramid organizational pattern.
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that their purpose is to make a good impression on their
readers, the focus of their report writing, at least as it is
taught in technical writing courses, is to deliver the infor-
mation that readers need in an effective and efficient man-
ner. Thus, the introduction of an American proposal or report
typically comes after the executive summary because its pur-
pose is to provide relevant background, an overview of the
rationale for the report or proposal, and perhaps a description
of the organization of the document that follows.
The American expectation for a purpose statement at the
beginning of a report will not generally be found in the
introduction to Chinese reports. Because the intent of
the Chinese introduction is to make a good impression on the
reader, the Chinese introduction may contain much informa-
tion that seems irrelevant or out of place to the American
reader. Figure 4 presents a sample introduction in its entirety
so that it can be understood in context. It is the introduction
of a feasibility study for new highway construction; the orig-
inal is intended for the Yunnnan Provincial government, and
the English translation (by Li Huilin) is intended for Malaysian
investors. We include it because it is a representative example
using the pattern of numerous such reports.
Several points to note about the format and ap-
proach in this sample introduction are that it does not
use any headings or other document design elements;
the information is presented indirectly using an induc-
tive approach, with the main idea stated at the end; there
is no purpose statement (the purpose must be inferred);
and there is no illustration to support the description of
the highway’s location in relationship to the existing
roads, thereby making it more difficult to picture the
design.
Change may be in the offing, however, as some re-
cently published books in China are now advocating a
more typical Western structure for feasibility studies to
include the following parts, as needed (He 2004, 378):
䉬cover
䉬summary
䉬table of contents
䉬table of lists
䉬glossary
䉬preface
䉬body, conclusions, and suggestions
䉬bibliography
䉬appendices
As well, the Cambridge BEC books, described earlier,
present the structure for reports as containing an introduc-
tion, findings, and conclusion. The books in the series also
present a planning process for writing reports, which in-
cludes consideration of audience and purpose.
Figure 4. Sample report introduction.
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Purpose of the recommendation/conclusion It is
common practice for Chinese writers to present all sides of
an issue and let the reader decide. It is difficult for Chinese
writers to make a recommendation; when urged to do so,
they will typically take great pains to couch it in very
indirect language so as to avoid the appearance of a con-
frontational or argumentative tone. For this reason, recom-
mendations are generally made in the form of suggestions.
Chinese reports often end with an optimistic view of
the future, in which the purpose of the document can be
inferred, rather than stated directly. The following example
from the conclusion of a proposal (translated by Li Huilin)
illustrates the subtlety of the call to action:
Yunnan, the “kingdom of animals and plants,” with its
mild weather and unique topography, rich natural re-
sources and hospitable local minorities, is expecting
farsighted investors to tap the natural resources with us,
sharing the developing opportunities and benefits that
will be generated from our intimate cooperation.
The cultural basis for such an approach is perhaps ex-
plained in Crosstalk and culture in Sino-American com-
munication (Young 1994, 53–54):
What appears as passivity—the speaker’s subdued ex-
pression of self—actually makes it possible to draw the
other into active collaboration.... This helps explain
why the direction of Chinese arguments might often
appear so slight as to be practically invisible. The means
of persuasion are subtle and the advantages for a Chi-
nese speaker are many. It is a sort of soft sell rather than
a hard sell; it evokes rather than provokes; it gives a hint
rather than a direct hit; it works by invitation rather
than imposition.
Not only are Chinese and American organizational patterns
different, as shown in the examples we have provided, but
differences in style, already alluded to in some of the
examples, are more clearly seen in the discussion of sam-
ples that follows.
Chinese style reflects cultural values
Chinese style differences can be observed in the preference
for a formal writing style, verbose prose, poetic language,
proverbial expressions, and military metaphors.
Formal writing style Because Chinese technical docu-
ments are generally considered to be any with an economic
impact or official sanction, the preferred style is formal, as
opposed to the more conversational style commonly used
in similar documents written by and for American readers.
A preference for a formal writing style also fits well within
the Confucian hierarchical structure of respect for ones
elders and those in senior positions. Such preference may
also explain the long-standing use of British English text-
books, which reflect a more formal discourse, as shown in
the following examples recommended for Chinese busi-
ness correspondence:
䉬We have pleasure in acknowledging receipt of your
favor of the 10th May ....
䉬Herein we have the pleasure to hand you ....
䉬We thank you in advance for the anticipated favor
....
䉬Further to your letter dated 15 November, I am writ-
ing concerning ....
The preference for the British English style continues with
the popularity of the Cambridge BEC (Business English
Certificate) books described earlier, which suggest such
“essential report writing phrases” as the following:
䉬No conclusions were reached regarding ....
䉬It would be advisable to ....
䉬It is suggested that ....
䉬It is felt that the above measures will result in ....
American students are often given sentences such as these
to edit for conciseness, as well as a more conversational
tone. Chinese students are taught that attention should be
paid to correctness, concreteness, courtesy, consideration,
and completeness. A similar list of “C’s” is taught in Amer-
ican business and technical communication courses, but
the missing “C” in the Chinese list is “conciseness.”
The application of the principle of conciseness, if ap-
plied in Chinese communication, would likely result in an
inappropriate tone. While it might be acceptable to use
informal language when speaking casually, written com-
munication demands formal prose, as the examples from
the Cambridge BEC series in Table 1 suggest.
Verbose prose A more formal prose style tends to result in
a greater number of words per sentence. The Chinese admire
this style of writing, as the following translation of what is
characterized as a “well-knit sentence” shows (Jia 2001, 39):
With a view to expanding the opening-to-the-outside-
world and accelerating the foreign investment promo-
tion so as to bring about in the city an economic devel-
opment in a steady, fast and healthy way, the Municipal
Party Committee and the Government have, according
to the relevant stipulations documented by higher au-
thorities and taking into consideration the actual con-
ditions of the city, put forward after the discussions the
proposals for encouraging foreign investment as follows.
Even in daily conversation, formality is highly admired and
sometimes used to express politeness and respect. For
example, when receiving a distinguished guest, a Chinese
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host may be expected to say, “This humble abode of mine
has been honored by your presence.”
In addition to what Americans would describe as
wordy prose associated with a formal style, Chinese doc-
uments also display a greater use of adjectives and adverbs
than in the equivalent American documents. Thus, while
some parts of a Chinese document lack specificity, others
may be viewed by American readers as overly descriptive
or wordy. Some typical examples from Chinese documents
follow (bold emphasis added):
䉬The functions and levels of urban public utilities
and services should basically satisfy the needs of
economic and social development by preliminarily
setting up the relatively perfect overall social ser-
vice system.
䉬We shall actively promote an industrial manage-
ment of agriculture to get production, processing
and marketing organically integrated and support-
ing each other so that agriculture will develop to-
ward commercialization, specialization and modern-
ization.
䉬We should further simplify procedures and take
prompt and vigorous action to import urgently
needed technology and earnestly organize scien-
tists, technicians and the mass of workers to assimi-
late and popularize imported technology.
In English usage in the United States, people who write in
such an effusive manner are often thought to be trying to
dress up their work by resorting to excesses of vocabulary.
Strunk and White (1979, 72) caution against this style of
writing for the following reason: “Rich, ornate prose is hard to
digest, generally unwholesome, and sometimes nauseating.”
Poetic language In addition to a preference for rich,
ornate prose, Chinese writing reflects a preference for po-
etic language, which may have its roots in the origins of
calligraphy, Chinese script. The earliest known examples
are found on the bones of oxen and on shells of turtles
(about 1200 BCE) and are thought to be a form of commu-
nication with ancestral spirits.
The mythical creator of the Chinese writing system,
Cang Jie, was said to have invented the ideograms (Chinese
characters) by observing natural forms, such as prints left
by bird claws and shadows cast by trees. Thus, Chinese
writing has long been associated with metaphor and poetic
expression. Influenced by this tradition, Chinese technical
communicators tend to use poetic language in preparing
technical documents. Such poetic language, by tradition,
demands that the audience use their imagination to fill in
the details. The following example shows this use of poetic
language in a speech given by a university president in
celebration of its 50th anniversary. Li Huilin, who has heard
many of these sorts of speeches, says that the speech
pattern is typical for any such occasion. The English trans-
lation of the speech is printed in a brochure for foreign
guests who attended the celebration:
As time flies with turning stars shining and with every-
thing having taken on a new look, Kunming University
of Science and Technology (KUST) is seeing its 50th
anniversary after fifty years of wind and rains and fifty
years’ battle along the journey. This is a milestone in the
school’s development history and a great event for
higher education of Yunnan Province. In such a season
permeated with the fragrance of osmanthus blossoms
and with the flowering Chinese crabapples reflecting
Autumn, you are warmly welcome to the celebration of
KUST’s 50th anniversary.
The Chinese would find nothing unusual in the rich visual
and sensory language used. But an American audience,
whether reading or listening, would perhaps find the dis-
course amusing but certainly inappropriate for an Ameri-
can audience.
Another example comes from a brochure for foreign
visitors publicizing the Dragon Boat Festival, a traditional
Chinese festival, again, displaying the use of poetic lan-
guage:
TABLE 1: EXAMPLES OF INFORMAL AND FORMAL EXPRESSION
Informal Spoken Phrases Formal Written Phrases
What about It is suggested that
It looks as if It would seem that
We’ve decided to It was agreed that
We’ve got problems with The following areas of concern have been highlighted
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The divine land of China has its rivers flowing across;
the brilliant culture of China has its roots tracing back
long .... The light-some dragon boats appear on the
river like the stars twinkle in the Milky Way. The richly
decorated pleasure boats look like a mirage. The splen-
did awnings in green and gold change into a palace of
crystal. Is this a fairy-land or a mere dream? Looking
above, one can see the doves flying about; looking be-
low, you can see the sailing lamps [candles] glittering.
Crackling are then fireworks, which present you with a
picture of fiery and silver flowers.
Proverbial expressions As we have noted, Chinese ap-
prove of a rich prose style as a natural extension of lan-
guage. The Cambridge encyclopedia of China describes the
Chinese language as
immensely rich in metaphors, allusions and proverbial
phrases, which have become a natural and indispens-
able part of everyday language. The great majority of
these expressions are in the classical style, which is
highly suitable for the purpose because of its terseness.
Many of them can be traced back to the time of Con-
fucius and even those in colloquial style have been in
existence for hundreds of years. (Hook 1991, 334)
Some examples of common expressions in current usage
include the following:
䉬Qing chu yu lan, er sheng yu lan. Indigo blue is
extracted from the indigo plant (yet is bluer than the
plant it comes from). Meaning: The pupil surpasses
the teacher.
䉬Xian ru wei zhu. He who enters first becomes the
master. Meaning: First impressions stick.
䉬Ge xue sao yang. Scratch an itch from outside one’s
boot. Meaning: Attempt an ineffective solution (334–
335).
These are called 4-character expressions because, when
written in Chinese characters, they each use only four
characters, resulting in an economy of expression with
much hidden meaning. The Chinese continue to find these
expressions useful in communication.
American proverbial expressions such as “a stitch in
time saves nine” or “a bird in the hand is worth two in the
bush” would be viewed as weak writing because they have
become cliche´s, no longer carrying the vividness of expres-
sion they once did. An American English sentence such as
“He slept like a dog and woke up at the crack of dawn, fresh
as a daisy” would not be considered well-written by editors or
English teachers. But it would very likely be seen as a good
sentence in the eyes of the Chinese, because originality in
word choice is not encouraged, while literary language and
classical expressions are appreciated for their conciseness.
Military metaphor We have seen how the use of met-
aphor is a popular form of expression in Chinese writing.
American writing makes ample use of metaphor, too, es-
pecially with sports metaphors, such as “level playing
field,” “out of bounds,” and “off sides” in reference to
business issues. Chinese writing tends to reflect a prefer-
ence for military metaphor.
This tendency may have its roots in China’s ancient
past, where worship of famous generals is part of China’s
appreciation of its long history; or it may result from the
more recent experience of many governmental officials,
who in the 1950s and 60s were demobilized soldiers and
commanders of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). In
their speeches to civilians, these former soldiers often use
military terms, as if still speaking to soldiers. As a result, a
big project involving a lot of personnel would be likened to
a decisive battle; a teacher with supervisory responsibility
would be called “the commanding person of this teaching
staff”; the younger generation might be described as “the
fresh and combat-worthy troops in building the mother-
land”; and the effort of tackling the most difficult part of a
task might be likened to gongjianzhan, a battle in which
fortified positions are stormed.
This tradition of using military metaphor has been
handed down to the present generation and become a
linguistic habit. For example, the China Translation and
Publishing Company has the following tagline on the
English-language version of its Web site: “What we are
doing is to demolish the barrier of languages” (www.ctpc-
.com.cn).
Up to this point, we have shown excerpts from various
documents to illustrate cultural differences in communica-
tion styles. In the next section, we focus on documentation
(or instructions), using two examples. The first example is
a comparison of two approaches to the same recipe, one
written for a Chinese cook and the other for an American
cook. The second example is from a manual for a refrig-
erator manufactured in China, with its documentation writ-
ten in both Chinese and English.
CASE STUDY: INSTRUCTIONS
As support for our analysis of instructions, we find much of
interest in the report of a usability study comparing cell
phone users in China and Germany, which found signifi-
cant differences in the ways in which new users from both
cultures used the documentation. Because the Chinese
used more “imitating” strategies than the Germans, they
had little need for the user manual to master basic func-
tions. Chinese test participants described their approach by
saying that
normally they would already know how to manage the
basic functions: “Usually my friends would tell me how
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to use a cellular phone. I would just imitate what the
other cellular phone users do.” (Honold 1999, 201)
Honold’s study posits one of the cultural differences we
will consider in our analysis of the two examples that
follow. To lend further support to our analysis, Carol Bar-
num used the examples that follow in a technical writing
seminar for teachers conducted at Northeast Normal Uni-
versity (NENU) in Changchun in August 2005. The teachers
provided valuable feedback on the ways in which the Chi-
nese instructions would be interpreted by Chinese users, and
we have included their feedback in our analysis.
Example 1: Recipe
A Chinese recipe typically presents generalized statements
subject to interpretation by the Chinese cook. According to
the teachers at the NENU technical writing workshop, Chi-
nese recipes take this approach because cooking is an art,
not a science. The recipe is expected to describe the fea-
tures of a dish and leave the cooking to the Chinese cook.
Thus, a Chinese recipe tells the cook to use roughly a little
oil, a little salt, and so on.
When our Chinese coauthor was in the United States,
he marveled at the common usage of a set of measuring
spoons that measures precise amounts down to one-eighth
of a teaspoon. A Chinese cook would have little need for
such measuring spoons because experience teaches the
cook how much of each of the ingredients should be used.
The novice cook is expected to observe the expert per-
forming the process, then imitate the cook until mastery is
attained. This education process is culturally based, not
only in formal education but also in the Confucian tradition
of learning within an imitative process of acquiring knowl-
edge over time until mastery is achieved. As Stewart and
Bennett (1991, 44) describe it:
Learning by use of this [relational] model requires a
strong and well-defined relationship between the
learner and the teacher, who assumes the role of “mas-
ter.” This is the typical pattern of apprenticeship learn-
ing in which the learner assumes a deferential and
subservient role. Not only are skills and knowledge
transferred, but the learner acquires attitudes of defer-
ence to the master, perpetuating the social forms of
authority in the society. Imitation is found throughout
the world, and it is a dominant form of learning in
many societies. It is particularly noticeable in tradi-
tional activities such as the martial arts in China and
the tea ceremony in Japan.
We don’t think it would be inappropriate to add Chinese
cooking to the list of traditional activities revered and
taught in this manner in China.
The following recipe, translated by Li Huilin from a
Chinese cookbook (Qiao 1996, 157), is for a classic Chinese
dish, beef braised in red sauce. It illustrates the approach
typically used in Chinese cooking instructions, in which
almost all of the instructions are stated generally and are
subject to the interpretation (or mastery) of the cook.
Beef Braised in Red Sauce
Main ingredient: beef
Seasoning: edible oil, salt, sugar, soy bean sauce, sliced
green Chinese onion and garlic, minced ginger, Chinese
prickly ash powder, fragrant oil, aginomoto (gourmet
powder), starch.
Cutting method: Boil the beef until it is 80% done. Scoop
it up and let the water trickle out. Cut it into slices 4 cm
long, 2.5 cm wide, and 0.7 cm thick.
Cooking method: Heat the oil until it is hot. Put in sliced
Chinese green onion, garlic, and ginger, and stir-fry them
until they smell good. Then put in the beef, soy bean sauce,
and sugar, and stir-fry them until they change color. Then
put in salt, Chinese prickly ash powder, and some soup
[probably the water used to boil the beef]. Simmer it for
about 20 minutes until the beef is well-done and the soup
thick. Move it to a big fire [or at high flame on a gas cooker],
put in some gourmet powder, and thicken the soup with
starch. Put it on a plate and serve. Features: The dish is red,
well-done, salty, and smells good.
Li Huilin speculates that the “soup” probably refers to the
water used to boil the beef. The Chinese teachers from NENU
state that the water does not need to be mentioned because it
is taken for granted that the cook will know this. What is not
taken for granted, however, and therefore is the one instance
of specificity, is the cutting method, which leaves no room for
interpretation. One possible explanation for the precision of
the cutting instructions may be to facilitate consumption with
chopsticks. Another possible explanation for this specificity
may be found in the following description of Chinese cuisine
(Hook 1991, 372; emphasis added):
Chinese cooking is seen as at its best and purest in
uncomplicated dishes in which two or three main in-
gredients are combined in a simple and quick prepara-
tion, which may then be further flavoured at the table,
where dip sauces, vinegar, oil and pepper are provided
for the purpose. This principle of allowing the diner to
participate in the culinary creation reaches its highest
development in several styles of chafing dish....Here
the cook’s skill lies in the thickness and evenness of
slicing, and the quality of the sauces provided.
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Although this description of Chinese cooking refers to
dishes with sauces that are served at the table, the precision
required in cutting the meat seems to be the most impor-
tant detail and seems to carry over to cooking any Chinese
food. Li Huilin reports that information about cutting the
meat is one of the main reasons for consulting recipes.
The Chinese teachers at NENU stated that the heading
“preparation” used in the American version of the same
recipe has no meaning other than “cutting” to the Chi-
nese cook.
When we compare the Chinese recipe with its Ameri-
can counterpart (www.about.com) we note a number of
significant differences.
Red Cooked Beef
The perfect warming dish for a cold winter’s day.
Serves 3 to 4
INGREDIENTS:
䉬5 dried black mushrooms
䉬3 large dried Shittake mushrooms
䉬1 large Daikon radish
䉬2 green onions
䉬2 cloves garlic
䉬1 tablespoon minced ginger
䉬2 pounds boneless stewing beef, cut into chunks
䉬2 tablespoons flour, or as needed
䉬3 tablespoons vegetable oil (olive oil can be used)
䉬3 cups water, or as needed
䉬1/4 cup light soy sauce
䉬3 tablespoons dark soy sauce
䉬1 tablespoon Chinese rice wine or dry sherry
䉬1 piece dried orange or tangerine peel
䉬1 star anise, optional
䉬2 teaspoons brown sugar
PREPARATION:
Reconstitute the dried mushrooms by soaking them in
hot water until softened (20 to 30 minutes). Squeeze out
any excess water and chop.
Peel and chop the Daikon radish. Chop the green onions
on the diagonal into 1-inch pieces.
Peel and chop the garlic. Mince the ginger.
Dredge the beef in the flour.
Heat the oil in a preheated wok or a large saucepan over
medium-high heat. Add the garlic and ginger. Stir-fry for a
few seconds, then add the beef and brown.
Add the water, 2 tablespoons dark soy sauce, the Chinese
rice wine, dried orange peel and star anise. Bring to a boil,
then reduce heat and simmer, uncovered, for 1 hour.
Add the vegetables and the remainder of the light and dark
soy sauce. Simmer for another 30 minutes, or until the
liquid is almost reduced. Stir in the brown sugar. Taste and
season with salt and pepper if desired. Cook for 5 minutes
more, and serve. Remove the dried orange peel and the star
anise before serving.
In contrast to the Chinese recipe, this one has many more
ingredients listed, perhaps a result of the availability of such
ingredients at the local supermarket and the larger-capacity
refrigerators typically found in American homes. Or it may be
that the American cook is not influenced by the Chinese
desire for simple dishes, with their focus on blending and
balancing a few key ingredients. In fact, the Chinese teachers
at NENU commented that the inclusion of mushrooms in the
American recipe makes this a different dish.
Another contrast is that the American recipe is quite
specific about the amounts for each ingredient and the length
of time for cooking. What is particularly noteworthy, how-
ever, is that the one place where the American instructions are
not specific is in the size to cut the pieces of meat, here
described merely as cut into “chunks.” This lack of specificity
on this one step, which is quite important in the Chinese
recipe, may derive from the fact that Americans may eat this
dish with a knife and fork. Or the lack of concern for the size
of the meat may derive from a different cultural context in
which the dish is served to each person’s plate, in contrast to
the communal nature of Chinese dining. Or perhaps there are
other reasons beyond our ability to interpret; in any case, the
differences in these two recipes are striking.
In the next example, we look at a precautions page
from a user manual for a refrigerator produced in China.
Example 2: User manual for refrigerator
Documentation for Chinese products frequently reflects the
cultural preference for indirectness and imprecision we
have seen in some of the other types of writing analyzed
earlier. In the usability study comparing German and Chi-
nese cell phone users, the Chinese users wanted “more
pictorial information, saying, ‘First, there should be less
written language and more pictures⬙” (Honold 1999, 204).
However, a study comparing the use of graphics in Chinese
and American manuals for small household appliances
found that the task of assembling or installing a Chinese fan
is illustrated only minimally. The author attributes this min-
imal number of illustrations to the fact that “with real
objects around and the knowledge of a user, it is not
necessary to spell out every detail” (Wang 2000, 558).
The following example, shown in Figure 5, is the
precautions page from a manual for a refrigerator manu-
factured in Nanjing, China, by the Xinlian Machine Building
Company, a joint venture with Siemens. The instructions
are written in both Chinese and English.
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It is interesting to note that the traditional Chinese
characters are used rather than the simplified Chinese char-
acters adopted by the People’s Republic of China in 1956.
The basis for this choice of traditional characters is to allow
for export to Taiwan, which maintains the use of traditional
characters, as well as for use in Hong Kong, which did not
switch to simplified characters until after Hong Kong was
returned to China in 1997. According to Li Huilin and the
NENU teachers, it is assumed that some mainland Chinese
can still read the traditional characters while the rest can
figure out the meaning from the context.
In analyzing the precautions page from an American
perspective, we observe significant differences in the
amount of text explanation, the type and specificity of
illustrations, and the orientation or arrangement of the
information on the page.
Minimal text What may be noticeable immediately to
the American technical communicator is the scant amount
of text to explain safety issues associated with use or
misuse of the refrigerator. It is certainly not uncommon to
see several pages of warnings and cautions in a similar
document produced and intended for sale in the United
States. One can ascribe such lengthy sections in U.S. prod-
uct manuals to the common occurrence of lawsuits against
companies whose documentation may not be deemed
clear and complete.
In China, lawsuits over damage or injury, once un-
heard of, are now becoming more common, but it is still
quite difficult for a consumer to bring a lawsuit against a
manufacturer. More commonly, publicity about damages
resulting from faulty products results in the government’s
move to ban further production, as in one recent case, in
which the government banned production of a gas hot
water heater after some users failed to vent the pipe outside
a window, resulting in injuries and deaths.
However, consumer and manufacturer awareness has
been raised, particularly since the passage of a national
consumer protection law in 1993. It is interesting to note
that the first obligation of the law, as described in article 18,
is to create documentation to accompany consumer products.
As Stefan Just (2005, 192) explains, the law requires that
Business operators [manufacturers and trading part-
ners] shall guarantee that the commodities or service
provided by them are in conformity with the personal
and property safety requirements. In case there is a
possibility that their commodities and service may be
hazardous to personal and property safety, they shall
make truthful presentation and give clear warnings to
consumers and shall explain and label the method of
using the commodities or accepting the service, as well
as the directions for preventing the occurrence of such
hazards.
In light of this legal and ethical imperative to make a
“truthful presentation and give clear warnings,” we note
that the text accompanying the illustrations is non-specific,
leaving the interpretation of meaning up to the user. A
closer examination reveals a number of other features that
may be viewed as different from the corresponding section
of the manual for an American refrigerator.
Starting our analysis in the upper left corner, we note
that the refrigerator and the outlet are shown as separate
entities in which their relative size is not proportional, and
there is no connection drawn or association made between
the two objects. A caption below the electrical outlet spec-
ifies 220 v., but the instruction below the two illustrations
does not refer to the voltage, except tangentially: “No
supply voltage should be allowed to fluctuate excessively.”
Perhaps this lack of specificity about what “fluctuate
excessively” means is in keeping with the same lack of
Figure 5. Precautions page from Chinese/English manual
for refrigerator.
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specificity shown earlier in the cooking instructions. Here,
however, the potential for excessive fluctuation could have
serious consequences. Nor is information provided on how
to avoid excessive fluctuation or what the consequences of
excessive fluctuation might be. It may even be problematic
as to whether the user has any control over fluctuation, as
electricity is provided by the public utility, and electrical
brownouts and blackouts are still fairly common in many
parts of China.
In the same statement, the use of the passive voice–
“should be allowed”–may be deliberate in its lack of iden-
tification of the responsible party, or it may be stylistic in
keeping with the more formal tone in Chinese documents.
Treatment of illustrations If we move down the left
column from the first instruction with the illustration of
“supply voltage” to the one below it with the instruction to
“never use 3-way socket,” a reader might be confused by
the meaning of the large “x” over the illustration of a
socket, which looks similar to the one shown in the first
drawing. Although this socket is square and the one in
the first illustration is round, both have three prongs.
Even after further study of the second illustration, it
might not be clear whether the socket itself is acceptable
but the use of an adapter with multiple outlets or an
extension cord is not.
Because the illustration is shown out of context, it is
not entirely clear what is being described. The illustration
shows two “sockets” in use and the third one crossed out.
Does that mean that it is acceptable to use a 3-way socket
so long as the other two sockets are not used? This situation
may not be an issue for the American user, as electrical
building codes typically require a separate wall outlet for a
refrigerator. In China, however, it is quite common to find
numerous extension cords running to the few electrical
outlets in many homes and apartments.
Moving down the left column to the lower left frame,
we see that the refrigerator is personified as “sweating”
from bearing a heavy load. The illustration shows a TV on
top of the refrigerator to suggest the meaning of heavy
object. No explanation of what constitutes other examples
of “heavy” objects is provided, nor is any guidance given as
to how much weight the refrigerator can bear.
Because Chinese apartments are typically small, it is
common practice to put other objects on top of the refrig-
erator, such as a microwave oven, TV set, or fish tank.
According to Li Huilin, the meaning of this instruction
would not pose a problem for Chinese users. To confirm
this opinion, he asked his students if the meaning was
clear, to which all replied “yes.” However, a follow-up
question to these same students about the actual weight of
an object deemed too heavy to be supported by the refrig-
erator produced a wide variety of responses from his stu-
dents, ranging from 5 kilograms to 80 kilograms, a differ-
ence in range from about 11 pounds to 176 pounds.
Reading orientation Another issue may arise over the
intended order in which to read the precautions page.
Should the reader begin in the upper left or the upper right
portion of the page? The American reader would most
likely begin in the upper left and perhaps read from left to
right. However, the rule (line) down the center of the page
may suggest that the illustrations should be read from the
top to the bottom on one column, then the other.
The Chinese reader might begin in the upper right, but
this beginning point may be sub-culturally specific. As
stated earlier, these instructions are written in traditional
Chinese characters. Traditional Chinese writing begins in
the upper right and descends vertically, such that the
reader reads the column beginning at the right, then read-
ing the left.
When simplified characters were introduced in the
People’s Republic of China, along with a Romanized alpha-
bet (Pinyin), Chinese writing changed to a left-to-right,
horizontal orientation, and no longer used the right-to-left,
vertical orientation. With two different groups of readers
(those more comfortable with simplified Chinese charac-
ters and reading orientation, and those more comfortable
with traditional characters and reading orientation), it is
uncertain as to which way would seem the “natural” or
intended reading orientation.
Perhaps, however, there is no prescribed order for
reading these precautions. Instead, each instruction may be
intended to serve as a separate precaution. This seems to
be the case for some of the illustrations with their text;
however, the middle right and lower right illustrations/text
seem to be interrelated.
Because the middle right text provides examples of
“inflammable matters,” it could be presumed that the ex-
amples provided in this frame are meant to be understood
when encountering the same terminology (without exam-
ples) in the lower right frame.
What may not be clear, however, is whether the “in-
flammable matters” in the middle right precaution are the
same as the “volatile, inflammable matters” in the lower
right. Does the use of the word “volatile” make these
inflammable matters different? Both precautions illustrate
what appears to be an aerosol can, but the lower right
frame also illustrates a bottle and a closed container with a
handle. Also, it is unclear as to whether the precaution in
the upper right column is related to those in the middle and
lower right. If all three frames are related, are a “liquefied
gas bottle” and the other “inflammable matters” to be
treated with the same caution? Or is there a difference in
meaning between the instruction in the upper right—“Do
not place the refrigerator and the liquefied gas together”—
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and the instruction in the middle—“Do not touch inflam-
mable matters . . . with the refrigerator”?
Instructions make the news
Problems with instructions written in China for Chinese
consumers, as well as those being translated into other
languages for sale in the world market, have begun to
make good copy in China, not just from a legal perspective,
but also from the economic perspective of making China
more competitive in the products it sells. An article in the
Chinese newspaper Jinghua shibao (Chen 2004) addresses
the issue in the opening paragraph, as follows (translated
by Li Huilin):
The fashionable life with its fast pace makes us de-
pend heavily on domestic electric appliances. The
appliances with multiple functions and beautiful
shape can meet the demands of consumers for goods.
However, many people have the experience that func-
tions specified by instructions cannot be realized, or
even though you closely follow the instructions you do
not know how to operate the appliance. When these
problems arise, people cannot help asking what an
instruction illustrates.
The writer goes on to list the problems with instructions,
including lack of plain language, exaggeration of claims,
too much technical terminology, and vague language (such
as “three guarantees” for repair, refund, or return without
any specific information about the terms of the guaran-
tees). Of particular relevance to our discussion of the pre-
cautions page for the refrigerator, the writer singles out
problems with content by stating that “the content is too
simple and precautions are not clearly specified.”
In another article issued by the Yunnan Consumers
Association, which appeared on Consumers Day in China
in 2002, a similar warning is issued that “instructions do not
illustrate potential risks.” This problem is listed as the “No.
1 consumer warning of 2001” by the Consumers Associa-
tion (Xinhua Network Yunnan Channel 2002).
CONCLUSION
When Sam Dragga led the first official U.S. technical com-
munication delegation to China in 1997, the consensus was
that “China is hungry for information, equipment, funding,
textbooks, periodicals, and technical expertise” (Dragga
and colleagues 1998, 47). That hunger has grown, espe-
cially since China became a member of the World Trade
Organization, thereby becoming an equal trading partner
with the other member nations. But China is not the only
country hungry for information and technical expertise.
The United States is equally hungry for information and
technical expertise that will increase the opportunities for
success with the vast and growing marketplace of China
today.
Much has been written about the increasing need for
translation and localization services to address the prob-
lem; but as Huatong Sun, a Chinese graduate of American
technical communication programs, has correctly stated,
“cultural factors play an important role in determining the
acceptability and usability of an information product” (Sun
2002).
Contrastive rhetoric studies explore the cultural basis
for differences reflected in the writing patterns of ESL
students in university writing classes. Recent studies have
expanded this exploration of and concern for the issues
beyond the composition classroom. Kristin Woolever, a
technical communication professor, discusses the particu-
lar issues for our discipline:
Many business and industry professionals are only re-
cently realizing the challenges and opportunities inher-
ent in cross-cultural communication and are looking
for ways to address these issues on a macro level. They
recognize increasingly that, as technology has made geo-
graphic barriers negligible, an understanding of cultural
difference in written discourse is essential. (2001, 48)
Woolever calls for the inquiry to move beyond ESL instruction
as part of a “pedagogical reform in higher education to better
reflect the actual needs of global industry and to better pre-
pare students to enter these professions” (2001, 49).
The call is being heard, if still rather faintly. We have
seen the initial step taken by two Chinese professors in
writing a Western-style technical writing textbook and
teaching a course to medical science students (Duan and
Gu 2005). The fact that their research in developing the
course won them a first-place award for higher education
teaching in Beijing in 2004 is an encouraging sign that will
likely inspire others to make additional contributions.
Likewise, we are encouraged by the support given by
China’s Ministry of Education to what is believed to be the
first officially recognized joint-degree program between a
Chinese and American university, which will begin sending
50 students per year to Southern Polytechnic State Univer-
sity in fall 2006. On graduation, these students will hold an
American degree in technical communication and a Chi-
nese degree in English as a Foreign Language.
We are also encouraged by the support Li Huilin is
receiving from his university to share the costs of publish-
ing a technical writing textbook for Chinese students study-
ing English, as these students are likely to seek jobs as
technical writers in China.
We do not know what kinds of jobs these future gradu-
ates will obtain in China. We do know that there is a small, but
growing interest in hiring Chinese technical communicators in
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China. In August 2005, a search for technical writer/editor jobs
at a Chinese jobs Web site (www.zhaopin.com) produced
several, although they all appeared to be jobs in multinational,
U.S.-based, companies doing business in China. However,
a return to the same Web site in November 2005 pro-
vided a larger variety of offerings. One in particular may
reflect a trend for the future in its requirements descrip-
tion (emphasis added):
Must be hard-working, diligent, and meticulous. A
knack for good design is essential. Must also be very
organized and possess an ability to be responsible for
many different projects at once. An open personality is
required. Curiosity about the world and the industry of
knowledge exchange is an absolute must!
We know that some studies are being undertaken for Amer-
ican companies interested in hiring technical communicators
in China. Comtech Services, a U.S. consulting group, has
prepared a benchmark study regarding the state of technical
communication in China (Hackos 2005). The purpose of the
report is to help North American technical publications orga-
nizations make informed decisions about setting up working
groups of technical communicators in China.
We also know that a Finnish technical writing consult-
ing company is currently doing business in Hangzhou,
southwest of Shanghai, with half a dozen technical writers
and other staff, some of whom have been hired locally. It
is among the very first Western companies to offer such
services in China. Others will surely follow.
But what has not yet emerged—or what we have not
been able to discover—is a Chinese company offering
services in technical communication for the Chinese mar-
ket or the international market. So there is much work to be
done. As Woolever rightly states:
Increasingly, business is realizing that the best way to
deal with cultural differences in communication is nei-
ther to deny the contrasts nor to focus on them. Instead,
companies are beginning to view the middle ground of
collaboration as the solution to doing global business in
the Information Age. (2001, 52)
Perhaps, as you are reading this, your company is explor-
ing the challenges of preparing technical communication
products in China. Perhaps you are working with transla-
tion services in translating the documentation for your
products, but you wonder whether translation is providing
the solution to serving your Chinese customers. Perhaps
you are a Chinese student studying in the United States or
in China, who hopes to work as a technical communicator
for a Chinese company seeking international markets. Or
perhaps you are an instructor interested in international or
intercultural issues affecting technical communication doc-
uments produced by and for Chinese users.
Through our coauthored collaboration on this article,
we have attempted to add to the voices in this essential
conversation about how to best understand and then meet
the needs of our Chinese/American audiences from our
differing cultural perspectives. We recognize that we each
have a limited view based on our cultural perspective, but
we hope that in exchanging our views, sharing the views of
others, and providing a variety of examples, many of which
have not been discussed before, we have contributed to
the conversation and fostered its continuation.
T
C
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CAROL BARNUM is a professor of technical communica-
tion at Southern Polytechnic State University and a Fulbright
senior specialist in technical/business communication with an
Asian focus. She first went to China in 1987 as a visiting profes-
sor at North China University of Technology in Beijing. She has
returned to China often, including teaching in a specially devel-
oped technical writing institute for EFL teachers in Nanjing,
sponsored in part by an STC Special Opportunity grant. On her
most recent trip in August 2005, she taught a technical writing
program to EFL teachers at Northeast Normal University in
Changchun in support of a dual degree program in technical
communication between Southern Polytechnic and Northeast
Normal. Contact: cbarnum@spsu.edu.
LI HUILIN is an associate professor of English at Kunming
University of Science and Technology, where he teaches techni-
cal writing, and an adjunct professor at the Business School of
Yunnan Normal University. He majored in Chinese language
and literature at Yunnan Normal University from 1978 to 1982
and did his master’s degree in applied linguistics (teaching En-
glish as a foreign language) at Hunan University/Queens Col-
lege, City University of New York from 1985 to 1987. He stud-
ied technical communication at Southern Polytechnic University
and the University of Alabama as a visiting scholar from 1999 to
2001. He has published several articles on contrastive rhetoric
and technical communication, and is compiling a text book on
technical communication for Chinese students. Contact:
lhuilin@hotmail.com.
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