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The EU and Ukraine: Rhetorical Entrapment?
Abstract
Employing the notion of `rhetorical entrapment', this article offers a discussion of Ukraine's EU membership prospects. It argues that while, for material reasons, the EU may want to keep Ukraine at arm's length, normative commitments made earlier may compel it to offer much more. The study first looks at the domestic situation in Ukraine in light of the country's call for accession talks to be opened in 2007, before it goes on to analyse the distribution of support for and opposition to the Ukrainian membership perspective among the EU member states.
... Hence, the EU's 'open-doors' policy towards the Central and Eastern European states (CEES), which offered a clear path towards EU membership for these countries, was not extended to Ukraine, notwithstanding Ukraine's close proximity to the EU and its expressed commitment to a 'European way.' This reluctance can be attributed partly to Ukraine's failure to meet the democratic criteria required for EU accession (Molchanov 2004;Wolczuk 2013), partly to the EU's weakened capacity to absorb new members (Splidsboel Hansen 2006), and partly to the EU's willingness to maintain good relations with Russia at the time. During this period, Russia itself was hesitant to acknowledge Ukraine's independence, fostering a strained relationship. ...
... In a broader sense, this analysis can contribute to an understanding of the ambiguity displayed by the EU towards Ukraine noted by Hansen (2006) This is especially relevant in the current context of EU-Ukraine relations in which Ukraine has been awarded candidacy status. Further research should determine whether this ambiguity is still present in the EU's discourses and actions towards Ukraine, or whether the renewed Russian invasion is indeed the dealbreaker that the EU claims it to be. ...
The recent expansion of the war in Ukraine calls for a better understanding of EU-Ukraine relations. This paper explicates the legitimation of EU foreign policy regarding Ukraine during and after the Orange Revolution. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, this research aims to uncover the intent behind the EU’s legitimation discourse vis-à-vis Ukraine following the Orange Revolution. An analysis of the EU’s legitimation discourse vis-à-vis Ukraine after the Orange Revolution fulfils the second aim of this paper: filling a gap in International Relations scholarship on EU-Ukraine relations. Following a formal- and content-related analysis of argumentation schemes, this paper argues that the EU perceived the Orange Revolution as an opportunity with which it could test its European Neighbourhood Policy in order to legitimise it taking action on the global stage. Since this paper helps to understand the legitimation of EU foreign policy towards Ukraine, it might provide a basis for the analysis of EU foreign policy regarding Ukraine in other timeframes and towards other states in the post-Soviet space.
... The formal mandatory requirements for future membership included an established market economy, free and fair elections, and the rule of law. The informal ones were those that built on the idea of "we feeling" and conforming to European values (Hansen 2006;Castiglione 2009). Applicant states' identification with the values in a common community, such as the EU, was perceived as necessary for sustaining political stability within the EU. ...
The role of the EU in the promotion of Europeanization and the EU political identity in potential member states of Eastern Europe prior to the 2004 enlargement was important for these states’ future acceptation in the EU community. However, most research and literature have discounted the role of the EU and its attractiveness in the countries neighbouring with the EU that did not have a prospect of joining the EU in 2004. This article studies the process of formal and informal Europeanization in Ukraine before and after the Orange revolution, which occurred five months after the bloc’s 2004 enlargement, and Euromaidan of 2013. Despite the EU’s passive leverage in Ukraine between 2004 and 2013, and the country’s weak prospects for potential membership, the EU’s soft power of attractiveness was still an effective tool that was used by Ukrainian political elite and media in promoting informal Europeanization after the 2004 enlargement. Furthermore, confidence in the EU was associated with support for such liberal values as human rights, tolerance of minorities, and political efficacy. This article posits that notwithstanding weak incentives and support offered from the EU to implement formal Europeanization in Ukraine, the EU attractiveness was successfully applied by local elite and media to promote the informal Europeanization.
... The literature on rhetorical entrapment reminds us that actors do not have to be persuaded in order to adopt a position or 25 agree to an outcome to which they were hitherto opposed. It is enough for them to be unable to argue against a proposition for them to accede to it (see Hansen 2006, Krebs and Jackson 2007, Schimmelfennig 2001. Thus adding political bullshit into the mix allows us to posit situations where it becomes impossible to argue against claims that have near to zero veracity. ...
Debates about economic policy in Britain have been dominated by claims that sovereign debt problems are due to loose fiscal policy and excessive spending rather than volatile capital flows and flawed monetary policy. There are strong grounds for believing that these stories are largely nonsense, yet they inform policy and are widely believed among mass publics, and have proved almost impossible to refute in everyday political discourse. The answer to this puzzle, we suggest, is that such claims are better thought of as bullshit (as conceptualised by Harry Frankfurt 2005) rather than outright falsehoods: in other words, as speech acts that are indifferent to the truth and proceed without effective concern for the veracity of the claim in question. In this paper, we examine the characteristics of political bullshit applied to economic policy debates since the financial crisis, and seek to explain its hold on the popular imagination. We assess what makes some particular brands of bullshit more successful than others, and argue that in a world of competing realities as well as competing theories, the power of rhetoric is more likely to settle an argument than evidence and logic.
... According to Baun, doubts are also expressed about whether the EU and Enlargement Fatigue can expand indefinitely, which raises debates about "what is Europe" and creates a bipolarity within the Union between those who support versus those who oppose further enlargement (Baun 2000). Hansen in 2006 argued that EU risks violating its own rules and ideals by refusing to admit new states into the Communities if their administrations succeed in introducing reforms that will draw their countries closer to common European standards (Hansen 2006). The European and domestic debates that accompany the process, but take place outside of the immediate circles of people directly involved, not only can, and often do, question the preparedness of the EU and its aspiring members, but also necessarily imply that conditionality is not sufficient to successfully eliminate the fears of enlargement. ...
Introduction It was at the Thessaloniki summit in June 2003 that the future of the Balkans was defined such as European and part of EU (EU-Western Balkans Summit – Declaration, 2003). For Croatia, this future began on July 1, 2013. Thirteen years after the start of the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) for the countries of the Western Balkans 2 , and ten years after the promise of membership was affirmed at the Thessaloniki summit, the first of the accession hopefuls joined the ranks of member states (Töglhofer, 2013. p. 2). This process for the applicants from South Eastern Europe has followed an individual approach. The speed of EU association depends on reforms carried out by each state to implement the political and economic criteria and adopt acquits communitarian. This paper is going to focus on the impact of the Europeanization processes over the countries of the Western Balkans. Despite the fact that in WB the EU rapprochement thus found its common starting point for all states in 2000, today the situation is much more different. Montenegro is the only country of the Western Balkans that began negotiating its entry in 2012. While the European Council has offered to begin accession talks with Serbia in 2014, in Macedonia's case, its name dispute with Greece has delayed the start of negotiations since 2009. Three additional accession hopefuls in the region, Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, have not yet been granted EU candidate status by the EU (Töglhofer, 2013).
... It rings of double standards and reinforces the image of the EU as a " Fortress Europe " shielding its precious acquis behind the Schengen border . As a consequence , by relinquishing enlargement , the EU is in danger of not only losing its capacity for effectively stabilizing its nearest neighbours , but it is also in danger of losing its legitimacy and justification in the eyes of them ( see also Hansen , 2006 , p . 130 ; and Nicolaïdis and Howse , 2002 , p . ...
[from the introduction]. The paper is divided into three parts: First, the role of enlargement as the primary vehicle
for the Union’s normative power in Europe is discussed. Next, the prospects of ENP in alleviating some of the likely problems and shortcomings are briefly analysed. The
emphasis is put on the Union’s Eastern neighbourhood as it is the main forum on which
the Union’s claims for normative hegemony in Europe will be put to a test in the future.
As such, Ukraine is selected as a case to be discussed, as it can – due to its size and
location alone – be seen as the litmus test for the viability of the Union’s new approach.
The paper ends with some conclusions.
The article analyzes a number of public diplomacy projects that were successfully implemented in the Middle East, specifically in the Republic of Lebanon, by Ukrainian diplomats together with individual experts and artists during 2022, during the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. The content and uniqueness, the importance of the author’s projects of cultural diplomacy as one of the important directions of public diplomacy are revealed, and their impact on the Arab and, in particular, the Lebanese audience is indicated. The important political results of systematic activity in the field of public diplomacy and the value of these results in the conditions of war are separately mentioned.
In response to challenges to Asia’s security order, regional powers such Australia, India, and Japan have adopted new “Indo-Pacific” strategic narratives to promote and defend the “rules-based order.” These narratives use China’s maritime disputes with smaller neighbors in the South China Sea as a key example of Beijing’s revisionist intentions. Yet such narratives expose “rules-based order” advocates to risks of “rhetorical entrapment” as other actors compel them to abide by the standards they have set. To what extent have Indo-Pacific powers been forced to follow the rules in their own asymmetrical maritime disputes? This article examines three Indo-Pacific cases: Timor Sea Compulsory Conciliation between Australia and Timor-Leste, the Chagos Island Marine Protected Area Arbitration between the United Kingdom and Mauritius, and the Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration between India and Bangladesh. To varying degrees, this article finds that strategic narratives constrained the policy options of all three Indo-Pacific powers.
The aim of this thesis is to analyze the impact of the European Union policy on the developments in Georgia and Ukraine, focusing on the period between 2004-2020. This thesis argues as to what has been the impact of external governance of the European Union towards Ukraine and Georgia. The dissertation outlines two casual factors: the difference between European Union (EU) and two post-soviet countries, particularly, Georgia and Ukraine and also the impact of external governance of the European Union towards Georgia and Ukraine that, rests on completion of visa liberalization because it allowed Georgian and Ukrainian citizens to open up the European Union. The first part of the paper answers the following question: What has been the impact of external governance towards Georgia and Ukraine?
The thesis argues that as to what has been the impact of external governance and Foreign Policy strategies of the EU towards Georgia and Ukraine.
To obtain in-depth analysis and explanation around the topic of the research, the mixed methods of the research analysis will be utilized in the paper. As the research paper will mainly bear the interpretive approach, which aims to produce more contextual knowledge and analysis of information, the leading approach of the methodology will be the qualitative one, however, the quantitative analysis will be provided additionally. The selected method for research is qualitative. The reason behind this selection is the depth analysis of positions and situations. The study utilizes philosophical-historical approaches to IR theory in social science theories. The data for the research will be retrieved from the existing books, publications, archival data, newspapers, and the research papers from the authors, relevant to the topic (Lindo, 2005); (Heckmann, 2006); (Bommes, 2012); (Lavenex, 2001); (Schimmelfenig, 2006); (Lehmkuhl, 2001).
The liberal approach would be more suitable as it reflects the importance of democracy and cooperation between states. The predominance of the word 'liberal democracy' is a distinguishing characteristic of the western world, since it represents free and equal elections, the rule of law and secured civil liberties countries. Yet liberalism has grown as a distinct force within the framework of IR philosophy. Liberalism contains multiple ideas and arguments about the control and alleviation of the coercive influence of the states by structures, behavior, and economic relations.
The thesis consists of eight chapters. The thesis starts with the introduction, a brief overview of the EU Foreign Policy strategy, and a small description of Georgia's and Ukraine's political course after the greatest enlargement of the EU. The methodology has discussed the methods, which are analyzed in this research. In the literature review are discussed the main books and reports, used in the research. The literature review is followed by information about the theoretical framework of the research.
In the content of the report, it is paid to the EU strategy in the field of approximation, EU-Georgia Association agreement, level of democracy in Georgia and Ukraine, the major challenges and obstacles that those countries face.
The aim of this thesis is to analyze the impact of the European Union policy on the developments in Georgia and Ukraine, focusing on the period between 2004-2020. This thesis argues as to what has been the impact of external governance of the European Union towards Ukraine and Georgia. The dissertation outlines two casual factors: the difference between European Union (EU) and two post-soviet countries, particularly, Georgia and Ukraine and also the impact of external governance of the European Union towards Georgia and Ukraine that, rests on completion of visa liberalization because it allowed Georgian and Ukrainian citizens to open up the European Union. The first part of the paper answers the following question: What has been the impact of external governance towards Georgia and Ukraine?
The thesis argues that as to what has been the impact of external governance and Foreign Policy strategies of the EU towards Georgia and Ukraine.
To obtain in-depth analysis and explanation around the topic of the research, the mixed methods of the research analysis will be utilized in the paper. As the research paper will mainly bear the interpretive approach, which aims to produce more contextual knowledge and analysis of information, the leading approach of the methodology will be the qualitative one, however, the quantitative analysis will be provided additionally. The selected method for research is qualitative. The reason behind this selection is the depth analysis of positions and situations. The study utilizes philosophical-historical approaches to IR theory in social science theories. The data for the research will be retrieved from the existing books, publications, archival data, newspapers, and the research papers from the authors, relevant to the topic (Lindo, 2005); (Heckmann, 2006); (Bommes, 2012); (Lavenex, 2001); (Schimmelfenig, 2006); (Lehmkuhl, 2001).
The liberal approach would be more suitable as it reflects the importance of democracy and cooperation between states. The predominance of the word 'liberal democracy' is a distinguishing characteristic of the western world, since it represents free and equal elections, the rule of law and secured civil liberties countries. Yet liberalism has grown as a distinct force within the framework of IR philosophy. Liberalism contains multiple ideas and arguments about the control and alleviation of the coercive influence of the states by structures, behavior, and economic relations.
The thesis consists of eight chapters. The thesis starts with the introduction, a brief overview of the EU Foreign Policy strategy, and a small description of Georgia's and Ukraine's political course after the greatest enlargement of the EU. The methodology has discussed the methods, which are analyzed in this research. In the literature review are discussed the main books and reports, used in the research. The literature review is followed by information about the theoretical framework of the research.
In the content of the report, it is paid to the EU strategy in the field of approximation, EU-Georgia Association agreement, level of democracy in Georgia and Ukraine, the major challenges and obstacles that those countries face.
Policy related to Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’ is widely cited as one of the most notable recent successes in European foreign policy, in which member state governments and EU institutions acted in a united and concerted fashion in favour of democratic transition. This chapter seeks to explain how such unity arose, when prior to the latter stages of the revolution significant differences had persisted within the EU over the appropriate role that Europe should play in relation to Ukraine’s political evolution. In line with this book’s theoretical focus (Thomas, ch.2), it is suggested that a combination of ‘normative entrapment’ and ‘cooperative bargaining’ help us explain policy agreement in the case of Ukraine. The dynamics of rhetorical entrapment were particularly potent in explaining why a number of member states initially reluctant to back the Orange Revolution did eventually do so. At the same time, it is pointed out that such dynamics were enabled by very specific circumstances and that unity was also facilitated by other exogenous factors; in this sense, policy also exhibited elements of cooperative bargaining and reaction to changing geostrategic factors.
Ukraine provides evidence of very different Common Foreign and Security Policy negotiating dynamics. In the run up to the country's Orange Revolution, significant differences persisted between member states over how the European Union (EU) should support Ukraine's democratic transition. A combination of normative entrapment and co-operative bargaining ensured that `maximalist' and `minimalist' member states united around a common position in support of the Orange Revolution. In subsequent debates over whether the EU should offer Ukraine a membership prospect, however, lowest common denominator dynamics prevailed. This case additionally demonstrates that both before and after Ukraine's democratic transition very specific external geostrategic factors played an important role in conditioning EU policy outcomes.International Politics (2009) 46, 358-375. doi:10.1057/ip.2009.10
While the WTO secretariat, key delegations, several NGOs, and industry publicly present the August 30th 2003 WTO decision as an attempt to reconcile intellectual property with access to medicines, our research shows otherwise. We draw on qualitative analyses of 54 interviews and a lexicometric analysis of press releases to show that their enthusiastic public statements contrast deeply with their internal, cynical beliefs. Most of these actors not only consider the WTO decision to be fundamentally flawed but claim to have known this prior to its adoption. We argue that a procedural norm of consensus-seeking impeded traditional bargaining over this sensitive issue and that distrust among participants hindered truth-seeking deliberation. Caught between strategic and communicative actions, state and non-state actors found themselves trapped in their own rhetoric of reconciling intellectual property with access to medicines. They realized that the appearance of a solution, rather than a functional solution, provided the only realistic solution to a fruitless and publicly damaging continuation of debate. From a theoretical perspective, this case study sheds a new light on the gray zone between rational choice and constructivism, where both discourse and strategies matter. From an empirical perspective, it illustrates the risk of seeking consensus within international regimes when the procedural norm of consensus coexists with a high level of distrust.
Die bisherige Erweiterungspolitik der EU kann als eine der erfolgreichsten europäischen Politiken der vergangenen Jahre begriffen
werden — sowohl nach innen als auch nach außen. Innerhalb der EU hat sie mittlerweile 27 Staaten in wirtschaftlichem Wohlstand
zusammengeführt und ihnen ein friedliches Miteinander ermöglicht. Nach außen wirkt sie zum einen in den jeweiligen Beitrittsstaaten
transformierend im Sinne einer Heranführung an EU-Standards in wirtschaftlicher und politischer Hinsicht. Zum anderen entfaltet
sie gleichzeitig eine stabilisierende Wirkung, da mit der auf Aufnahme abzielenden Anbindung an die EU eine Festigung und
Sicherung der jeweiligen Staatswesen einhergeht. Dieser doppelte Erfolg der Erweiterungspolitik lässt sich zurückführen auf
die Verknüpfung von deutlich identifizierbaren und a priori gesetzten Forderungen, d. h. zuvorderst die Erfüllung der Kopenhagener Kriterien sowie die Übernahme des acquis communautaire, mit einer klaren Anreizperspektive in politischer und besonders wirtschaftlicher Hinsicht, die sich vor allem in der Teilhabe
am Binnenmarkt festmacht. Die Balance zwischen Forderungen und Anreizen fehlt anderen Außenpolitiken der EU zumeist, weshalb
der EU der Konnex zwischen Transformation und Stabilität bisher außerhalb dieses Politikrahmens nicht gelungen ist, wie beispielsweise
häufig mit Blick auf Politiken wie die Euro-Mediterrane Partnerschaft angemerkt wird (Schmid 2006: 118).
This paper examines European Union (EU) member state attitudes toward enlargement. We use Eurobarometer data for aggregate national support from 1996 to 2002 for the accession of each of 13 candidate countries—the 10 that will join the EU in 2004 plus Bulgaria, Romania, and Turkey. Analyzing our cross-section time series, we find, first, that the level of support correlates positively with the share of the candidate country in the total exports of the member state and negatively with the distance between the capitals of the member state and the candidate country. This finding supports the hypothesis that common identity, or ‘we-feeling,’ grows with interaction (Deutsch et al., 1957). Second, support correlates negatively with the relative importance of agriculture in domestic employment. Since agriculture triggers EU financial flows, this finding supports the view that attitudes toward integration are policy related (Gabel, 1998b, 1998c). Third, support is lower when both the member state and the candidate country are predominantly Catholic. This suggests that, although Catholics may desire a deeper Europe (Nelsen et al., 2001), they oppose a wider Europe.
The neorealist-neoliberal debate about the possibilities for collective action in international relations has been based on a shared commitment to Mancur Olson's rationalist definition of the problem as one of getting exogenously given egoists to cooperate. Treating this assumption as a de facto hypothesis about world politics, I articulate the rival claim that interaction at the systemic level changes state identities and interests. The causes of state egoism do not justify always treating it as given. Insights from critical international relations and integration theories suggest how collective identity among states could emerge endogenously at the systemic level. Such a process would generate cooperation that neither neorealists nor neoliberals expect and help transform systemic anarchy into an “international state”—a transnational structure of political authority that might undermine territorial democracy. I show how broadening systemic theory beyond rationalist concerns can help it to explain structural change in world politics.
In this article, contrary to "neo-realist" and "neo-liberal" arguments that identify identites and interest as given in the system, the author porposes an alternative system perception based on the hypotheses of "constuctivist" theory focusing on the processes. This constructivist explanation that the author defends questions the main consensus in the literature by emphasizing the proceses and provides alternative explanations. In the first part, the author presents the way main stream theories explain the system and as alternative to them he explores how social proceses create and transform identites and interests. In the second part, the author explains how inter-state relations are formed and transformed with the examples from different types of states and emphasize that this relationship system is a process. In the third part, the author discusses the dynamics that define the structure of international relations by exploring concepts like security and sovereignty. In the conclusion, the author argues that the social dynamics are important in creation of the international system and that these dynamics can transform the system into different structures and that these alternative explanations should be explored more in the literature.
The Barcelona process so far has been a valuable systemic/institutional advance in Euro-Med relations and a confidence-building measure on a large scale. But it has not been a sufficient driving force to have created a momentum of economic, political and social advance in the partner states. It is therefore quite plausible that the EU should seek some new advance – through the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) – to build on the positive features of Barcelona and so try to introduce some new driving force. The Action Plans currently being adopted seek to make the often vague intentions of the Association Agreements of the Barcelona process more operational by linking them to either domestic policy programmes of the partner state or to EU policy norms and standards as an external anchor. In this paper we first crystallise alternative approaches for the ENP to become a real driving force under the headings of ‘conditionality’ and ‘socialisation’. The conditionality concept would mean that the EU sets out i) what incentives it offers, and ii) the conditions on which these incentives would be delivered. The socialisation concept relies essentially on a learning process that comes from the extensive interaction between actors in the partner states and the EU, which induces the partner states to engage in policy reforms that are to a degree modelled on EU norms or derive some inspiration from them. For the EU to become a driving force for reform in the region also requires that it does not have to face an uphill struggle against negative tendencies, for example in the widening and deepening of radical Islam – and here the issue of coherence in the approaches of the EU and US together is paramount.
Why did the European Union (EU) decide to expand to Central andEastern Europe? More precisely, since it is still uncertain when andunder which conditions Eastern enlargement will actually take place, whydid the EU open the accession process with the ten associated Centraland Eastern European countries in March 1998 and start concreteaccession negotiations with (only) five of them (the Czech Republic,Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia)? My analysis is embedded in thecurrent great debate between rationalist and sociological orconstructivist approaches to the study of international institutions inthe international relations discipline.
Building on a growing literature in international political science, I reexamine the traditional liberal claim that governments founded on a respect for individual liberty exercise “restraint” and “peaceful intentions” in their foreign policy. I look at three distinct theoretical traditions of liberalism, attributable to three theorists: Schumpeter, a democratic capitalist whose explanation of liberal pacifism we often invoke; Machiavelli, a classical republican whose glory is an imperialism we often practice; and Kant, a liberal republican whose theory of internationalism best accounts for what we are. Despite the contradictions of liberal pacifism and liberal imperialism, I find, with Kant and other democratic republicans, that liberalism does leave a coherent legacy on foreign affairs. Liberal states are different. They are indeed peaceful. They are also prone to make war. Liberal states have created a separate peace, as Kant argued they would, and have also discovered liberal reasons for aggression, as he feared they might. I conclude by arguing that the differences among liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant's internationalism are not arbitrary. They are rooted in differing conceptions of the citizen and the state.
Critical theory and rational choice theory share both overlapping concerns and parallel theoretical weaknesses. Specifically, both critical theorists and rational choice theorists are preoccupied with determining what rational can mean in the realm of social and political interaction. I show in a provisional way how game theory extends and deepens the critical theorists' basic intuition that unembellished strategic rationality cannot adequately sustain social and political interaction. And I suggest how critical theory identifies a mechanism underlying the force of the “cheap talk” that game theorists introduce in hopes of circumscribing the indeterminacy generated by their models. My goal is to stimulate productive conversation between what are typically considered discordant research traditions.
This article offers a comparative analysis of anti‐EU politics in the newly democratising states of Eastern Europe by looking at a case where Euroscepticism is prominent and a case where it is not. The cases examined are the Czech Republic, in which anti‐EU sentiments have been strongly voiced and appear to play some role in national elections, and Romania where such sentiments have been marginalised and seem to have played little role in recent elections. Several possible explanations for the appearance or absence of Euroscepticism are considered and differences emerge with regard to mass‐to‐elite cues, political culture and socio‐economic expectations.
This study applies constructivist insights to an analysis of Russia's relations with the European Union (EU). Demonstrating the emergence of a post-Soviet identity based on the principles of democracy and market relations, I argue that, since relations between the two parties were established in 1991, Russia has been looking to the EU for recognition of its new identity. This development, in turn, is explained by the ideational weight of the EU it is widely seen as the epitome of Europe. The study also argues that Moscow will continue to attach great importance to this part of its relationship with Brussels; the combination of continued domestic reforms and an enlarging EU makes it even more imperative for Russia to be recognised by this organisation as a state adhering to Western norms. Any failure on part of the EU and other European security organisations to extend this recognition in response to real changes may jeopardise reforms as the Russian population, rather than seeing rewards for its efforts, is subjected to continued rejection.
Norms provide a powerful mechanism for regulating conflict in groups, even when there are more than two people and no central authority. This paper investigates the emergence and stability of behavioral norms in the context of a game played by people of limited rationality. The dynamics of this new norms game are analyzed with a computer simulation based upon the evolutionary principle that strategies shown to be relatively effective will be used more in the future than less effective strategies. The results show the conditions under which norms can evolve and prove stable. One interesting possibility is the employment of metanorms, the willingness to punish someone who did not enforce a norm. Many historical examples of domestic and international norms are used to illustrate the wide variety of mechanisms that can support norms, including metanorms, dominance, internalization, deterrence, social proof, membership in groups, law, and reputation .
An Evolutionary Approach to Norms', p. 1104. The EU and Ukraine: Rhetorical Entrapment? 135 Downloaded by
- Axelrod
Axelrod, 'An Evolutionary Approach to Norms', p. 1104. The EU and Ukraine: Rhetorical Entrapment? 135 Downloaded by [University of Newcastle, Australia] at 13:59 31 December 2014
The relationship between these key concepts can be presented in the following way: Norms 0/ identity 0/ norms 0/ behaviour. The norms appear twice as they have both constitutive and regulative effects *they are mediums of social construction and social control at the same time; see Nicholas Onuf
The relationship between these key concepts can be presented in the following way: Norms 0/
identity 0/ norms 0/ behaviour. The norms appear twice as they have both constitutive and
regulative effects *they are mediums of social construction and social control at the same time;
see Nicholas Onuf, World of Our Making (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press
1979) p. 52.
The Dilemma of Legitimacy
- William Connolly
William Connolly, 'The Dilemma of Legitimacy', in William Connolly (ed.), Legitimacy and the
State (New York: New York UP 1984) pp. 225 Á226.
I/6 and the EU Commission
- In European Council
In European Council, Common Strategy on Ukraine (1999), I/6 and the EU Commission,
Proposed EU/Ukraine Action Plan (2004), Introduction.
Morocco's Argument to Join the EEC
- Ali Bahaijoub
Ali Bahaijoub, 'Morocco's Argument to Join the EEC', in George Joffe (ed.), North Africa:
Nation, State, and Region (London: Routledge 1993) pp. 235 Á246.
The Power of Human Rights (Cambridge: CUP 1999) p. 15, and Frank Schimmelfennig, The EU, NATO and the Integration of
- See Thomas Risse
- Kathryn Sikkink
See Thomas Risse and Kathryn Sikkink, 'The Socialization of International Human Rights
Norms into Domestic Practices: Introduction', in Thomas Risse, Stephen Ropp and Kathryn
Sikkink (eds.), The Power of Human Rights (Cambridge: CUP 1999) p. 15, and Frank
Schimmelfennig, The EU, NATO and the Integration of Europe (Cambridge: CUP 2003) p. 219.
Yuschenko Outlines Ukraine's desire to 'Return to Europe
- Taras Kuzio
Taras Kuzio, Yuschenko Outlines Ukraine's desire to 'Return to Europe', 28 January 2005, avilable
at http://www. taraskuzio.net/media/ukraine_europe.pdf (accessed 1 July 2006).
Europeans and the Accession of Ukraine to the European Union *Wave 2
- Yalta European Strategy
Yalta European Strategy, Europeans and the Accession of Ukraine to the European Union *Wave
2, p. 6.
Public Views on Ukraine's Development, Election Law Changes, and Voter Education Needs
- Freedom House
Freedom House, Public Views on Ukraine's Development, Election Law Changes, and Voter
Education Needs, 10 January 2006, 1.1, available at http://freedomhouse.org/pdf/programs/
ukrainepollanalysisjan18%20.pdf (accessed 1 July 2006). By contrast, 18.6 per cent find that it is
moving 'in the right direction' while 21.7 per cent are undecided.
Which Priority for Ukraine's Trade Policy? ''Single Economic Space'' 132 F. S. Hansen (SES) vs. World Trade Organization (WTO)', Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consultating Position Paper
- Simon Evenett
- Carlos Braga
- Igor Burakovsky
- Pavel Ferdinand
For a discussion of this, see e.g. Simon Evenett and Carlos Braga, 'WTO Accession: Lessons from
Experience', World Bank Trade Note 22 (2005), Andrew Rose, 'Do We Really Know that the
WTO Increases Trade?', American Economic Review 94/1 (2004) pp. 98 Á114, Igor Burakovsky
and Pavel Ferdinand, 'Which Priority for Ukraine's Trade Policy? ''Single Economic Space''
132 F. S. Hansen
(SES) vs. World Trade Organization (WTO)', Institute for Economic Research and Policy
Consultating Position Paper (2003), available at http://pdc.ceu.hu/archive/00001781/, as well as
James Dean, Igor Eremenko and Nadiya Mankovska, 'Will WTO Membership Really Improve
Market Access for Ukrainian Exports?', Canadian Economics Association Paper 282 (2003),
available at http://economics.ca/2003/papers/0282.pdf (both accessed 1 July 2006).
Results of Ukraine elections
- European Parliament
European Parliament, Results of Ukraine elections, P6_TA (2005)0009, 13 January 2005, articles
14 and 16, respectively.
Benita Ferrero-Waldner, The EU and Ukraine *What Lies Beyond the Horizon?
- Ferrero-Waldner
Ferrero-Waldner Welcomes Adoption of Ukraine Action Plan, 21 February 2005, available at
http://ec.europa.eu/comm/external_relations/ukraine/intro/bfw_210205.htm and Benita Ferrero-Waldner, The EU and Ukraine *What Lies Beyond the Horizon?, 26 April 2005, available at
http://ec.europa.eu/comm/external_relations/news/ferrero/2005/sp05_257.htm (both accessed 1
July 2006).
Ukraine Gets Enlargement Wink
- Andrew Rettman
Andrew Rettman, 'Ukraine Gets Enlargement Wink', EU Observer, 6 October 2005, available at
http://euobserver.com (accessed 14 October 2005).
The EP, so Knud Erik Jørgensen adds, is criticised for 'frequently promulgating moral principles or absolutes [suggesting a high degree of norm internalisation] which are divorced from political reality'; its
- John Peterson
John Peterson, 'The College of Commissioners', in John Peterson and Michael Shackleton (eds.),
The Institutions of the European Union (Oxford: OUP 2002), p. 88. The EP, so Knud Erik
Jørgensen adds, is criticised for 'frequently promulgating moral principles or absolutes
[suggesting a high degree of norm internalisation] which are divorced from political reality'; its
January 2005 declaration on Ukraine may illustrate this, in 'Making the CFSP Work', in Peterson
and Shackleton (eds.), The Institutions of the European Union, p. 226.
EU Sign Three-Year Action Plan
- Lobjakas
- Ukraine
Lobjakas, 'Ukraine, EU Sign Three-Year Action Plan'.
Ukraine obviously has a right to a perspective similar to that of Turkey'; in 'Eine bittere Lektion
Minister's Annual Address 2005, 21 January 2005, available at http://www.mfa.gov.pl/Ministers,
Annual,Address,,2005,2157.html (accessed 1 July 2006). In a subsequent interview, Rotfeld
elaborated on this, explaining that in the view of the drivers, 'Ukraine obviously has a right to a
perspective similar to that of Turkey'; in 'Eine bittere Lektion', Der Spiegel 9 (2005), p. 130.
European Commission Under Fire For Not Upgrading Kyiv's Prospects', RFE/RL
- Ahto Lobjakas
Ahto Lobjakas, 'Ukraine: European Commission Under Fire For Not Upgrading Kyiv's
Prospects', RFE/RL, 13 January 2005, available at http://www.rferl.org.
the interview with former CDU secretary-general Volker Rü he in
See e.g. the interview with former CDU secretary-general Volker Rü he in 'Europa ist ein Magnet',
Die Zeit 11 (2005), available at http://www.zeit.de/2005/11/R_9fhe-Interview (accessed 1 July
2006).
Nie wieder Politik zu lasten unserer Nachbarn
- In Bundesregierung
In Bundesregierung, 'Außenpolitik', 22 November 2005, available at http://www.bundesregierung.de/ nn_48292/Content/DE/Artikel/2005/11/2005-11-22-aussenpolitik.html and 'Nie wieder
Politik zu lasten unserer Nachbarn', 2 December 2005available at http://www.bundeskanzlerin.de/
Content/ DE/Interview/2005/12/2005-12-02-nie-wieder-politik-zu-lasten-unserer-nachbarn.html
(both accessed 1 July 2006).
Buzan suggest seeing Europe as divided between two regional security complexes *one centred on the EU, the other on Russia
- Ole Waever
- Barry
Ole Waever and Barry Buzan suggest seeing Europe as divided between two regional security
complexes *one centred on the EU, the other on Russia; in Ole Waever and Barry Buzan,
Regions and Powers (Cambridge: CUP 2003).
Iz Moskvy v Kiev cherez Parizh'. Ukraine deployed 1,650 troops in Iraq; they were all withdrawn by the end of
- Sergey Kazennov In
- Shariy
Sergey Kazennov in Shariy, 'Iz Moskvy v Kiev cherez Parizh'. Ukraine deployed 1,650 troops in
Iraq; they were all withdrawn by the end of 2005.
Ukraine: Commission under Fire
- Glen Willard
- Ukraine
- Europe
Glen Willard, 'Ukraine and Europe', The Ukrainian Observer 204 (2005), available at http://
www.ukraine-observer.com/articles/204/582 (accessed 1 July 2006). See also Lobjakas, 'Ukraine:
Commission under Fire'.
Introduction: The Impact of International Organizations on the Central and East European States *Conceptual and Theoretical Issues
- Frank Schimmelfennig
Frank Schimmelfennig, 'Introduction: The Impact of International Organizations on the Central
and East European States *Conceptual and Theoretical Issues', in Ronald Linden (ed.), Norms
and Nannies (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield 2002) pp. 10 Á11.
As explained by Robert Axelrod, after successful internalisation, 'violating an established norm is psychologically painful even if the direct material benefits are positive'; Robert Axelrod, 'An Evolutionary Approach to Norms
As explained by Robert Axelrod, after successful internalisation, 'violating an established norm is
psychologically painful even if the direct material benefits are positive'; Robert Axelrod, 'An
Evolutionary Approach to Norms', The American Political Science Review 80/4 (1986) p. 1104.
The 'soft power' of the EU, in a way the combination of the other types of power, is also considerable *and it appears to be increasing. However, soft power 'rests on the ability to shape the preferences of others', and so it is something that is rather than something that is used
- Ian Manners
- , 'normative Power Europe
Ian Manners, 'Normative Power Europe: A Contradiction in terms?', Journal of Common Market
Studies 40/2 (2002) pp. 235 Á258. The 'soft power' of the EU, in a way the combination of the
other types of power, is also considerable *and it appears to be increasing. However, soft power
'rests on the ability to shape the preferences of others', and so it is something that is rather than
something that is used ; Joseph Nye, Soft Power (New York: PublicAffairs 2004) p. 5.
Instead of a bulwark of stability and moderation, Turkey would become a hotbed of anti-Americanism and extremism'; David Philips, 'Turkey's Dreams of Accession
Witness also the debate over Turkish membership; according to supporters, 'rejection... would
set back domestic reforms and radicalize religious extremists. Instead of a bulwark of stability and
moderation, Turkey would become a hotbed of anti-Americanism and extremism'; David Philips,
'Turkey's Dreams of Accession', Foreign Affairs (September/October 2004) p. 87.
The Nerves of Government
- Karl Deutsch
Karl Deutsch, The Nerves of Government (New York: The Free Press 1966) p. 115.