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Protecting Our Shared Heritage in African-American Cemeteries
Abstract
America's historical cemeteries are cultural treasures, yet they face a variety of threats, ranging from over-eager real estate developers to uninformed property owners, petty vandalism, and grave robbing. This article discusses challenges the author faced while documenting and preserving African-American cemeteries in her home state of Virginia, and offers potential solutions to the problems archaeologists throughout the country will face when undertaking such a task.
... Modern human activity, such as urban development and political conflict, is among the main driving forces that both destroy and displace interred human remains, risking the loss of archaeological and other cultural heritage (Foster and Lovekamp, 2015;Maples and East, 2013;Rainville, 2009;UNESCO, 2018). Unfortunately, it is common for unmarked ancient cemeteries and burials to be discovered through development, their remains being commingled and fragmented in the process (Killoran et al., 2016). ...
The fragmentation and commingling of ancient human remains, particularly those from
disturbed contexts, poses great difficulties to the applicability of bioarcheological and forensic anthropological methods. Depending on the extent of fragmentation, human remains from disturbed contexts are often approached similarly to faunal assemblages. Anderson (1964), for example, states that fragmented and commingled human remains are typically analysed as sets of skeletal elements and not as groups of elements representing an individual, limiting the research that can be done with them (as cited by Glencross, 2014). As a part of the Baikal Archaeology Project, this thesis seeks to extend and develop existing bioarchaeological, forensic anthropological, and zooarchaeological methods to identify discrete individuals from the destroyed remains from the Early Neolithic cemetery Moty-Novaia Shamanka, situated in the Cis-Baikal Region of Siberia, Russia. It asks, how can we further develop and apply existing methods to salvage information from highly disturbed and fragmented human remains in order to better understand the context of MNS and reconstruct the individuality of those interred within it? By testing initial hypotheses generated from qualitative pair matches with osteometric and spatial data, this thesis
argues that individualization is possible beyond estimates of a minimum number of individuals, even in cases of high levels of fragmentation such as Moty-Novaia Shamanka. The methodological approach of this thesis challenges our perception of the informative value of fragmented and commingled human remains and provides an example of how other studies could approach individualization in situations where most context has been lost. Through this approach I was able to identify five discrete individuals from 1245 human bone fragments and make eight associations of multiple fragments form the same individual. Together, these groupings represented at least seven people. Throughout this process 16.23% of fragments were able to refit into 74 conjoins of two or more pieces. These results contribute to the greater understanding of hunter-gatherers in the Cis-Baikal region during the Middle Holocene by salvaging information from Moty-Novaia Shamanka, a site that has not yet been studied and could potentially contribute to key questions surrounding the culture history of the region.
... Contemporary human activity, such as urban and industrial development, is among the main driving forces that both destroy and displace interred human remains, risking the loss of archaeological and other cultural heritage (Foster and Lovekamp, 2015;Maples and East, 2013;Rainville, 2009;UNESCO, 2018). Unfortunately, it is common for unmarked cemeteries and burials to be discovered through development, their remains being commingled and fragmented in the process (Killoran et al., 2016). ...
Bioarchaeological and forensic anthropological methods are limited in their ability to re-associate human skeletal remains that have been both fragmented and commingled. Although many methods for individualizing commingled remains exist, they are rendered ineffective when the level of fragmentation is high. In these contexts, human remains are often approached similarly to faunal assemblages, regarded as sets of fragmented elements rather than as groups of fragments representing an individual. This paper introduces a new, four-stage approach to identifying discrete individuals from unintentionally fragmented and commingled human remains and salvaging information from highly disturbed cemetery contexts. These stages include documentation, grouping, analysis, and evaluation, each incorporating multiple methods so as to be applicable to a wide variety of assemblages or data availability. Through this process, quantitative analyses are used to evaluate qualitative groupings. This method is applicable to skeletal collections of varying levels of preservation. To demonstrate its application, we apply this methodology to an Early Neolithic (7560–6660 HPD cal. BP) hunter-gatherer cemetery, Moty-Novaia Shamanka (MNS), located in the Cis-Baikal region of Siberia, Russia. MNS was destroyed in the 1990s for urban development and flood management, leaving the ancient skeletal remains severely fragmented and commingled. Our results identified five discrete individual groupings from 1245 human bone fragments, and eight further groupings of related fragments. Through a process of elimination, it was determined that these groupings represented at least seven distinct people. The methodological approach of this study challenges our perception of the informative value of fragmented and commingled human remains and provides an example of how future studies could approach individualization in situations where most context has been lost.
... It will consider environmental alterations, much like n-transforms in behavioral archaeology, as taphonomic processes that can either obscure or mimic bioarchaeological data. Figure 3 illustrates the interplay between environmental alterations, cultural alterations, and archaeological interpretations under the proposed model with the consideration that culture is one of the driving taphonomic factors (Lieverse, Weber, and Goriunova 2006) and that modern development is one of the largest threats to cultural heritage (Rainville 2009;UNESCO 2018). ...
Anthropology, in general, has recently been working toward reworking their systems to be better suited to the needs of descendent communities. Bioarchaeology, however, has been slower to adopt these efforts. In the spirit of reconciliation, it is important for all disciplines to self-reflect and critique the colonial systems that have been institutionalized their teaching and research. This paper serves as a theoretical exploration into the current practice of bioarchaeology and seeks to provide a theoretical model that could contribute toward the decolonization of the discipline to be appropriate for application in Canada. It discusses how to better orient theory to compliment ancestral knowledge and reorganize bioarchaeology so that it could be more useful to responding to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada Calls to Action (2015) and benefit the needs of descendants. It will proceed by reviewing the integration of social theory in bioarchaeology, providing a critique of the biocultural approach, and finish by proposing a theoretical model that seeks to contribute to the ongoing decolonization of bioarchaeology. The model that this paper proposes serves is a suggestion of how to better structure and conduct a project including ancient human remains to better optimize the application of archaeological theory as a compliment to traditional knowledge. It is formed on the bases of theories of personhood, shared histories, behavioral archaeology, and biocultural approaches to provide a pragmatic synthesis of theory for a community driven bioarchaeology.
... The passage of more recent legislation is forcing additional ethical considerations in the treatment of cemeteries particularly in the cases of Virginia and Maryland. However, while there are federal laws that protect cemeteries and burials in some instances, much of the onus still remains within the jurisdiction of state law, which is replete with inconsistences and lacks enforcement [16]. ...
In ground penetrating radar (GPR) surveys of African‐American cemeteries suspected to contain unmarked graves, determining the proficiency of a new GPR practitioner is vital and perhaps even more fundamental than that of the GPR hardware, deployment configuration and software. Proficiency may be defined as the practitioner's true‐positive, true‐negative, false‐positive (i.e., false alarms) and false‐negative (i.e., misses) percentages. We embarked on this research as a means to improve our own proficiency in unmarked grave detection and to develop an algorithm by which to improve the proficiency of any new GPR practitioner. After surveying the Salem Cemetery in Brazos County, TX, and the Old Danville‐Shepherd Hill Cemetery in Montgomery County, TX, we first classified subsurface targets based on in‐field, visual inspection of the real‐time, onscreen, unprocessed (except for an automatic gain control) GPR B‐scans. We then developed a proxy for ground‐truthing that allowed us to calculate the proficiency of the in‐field classifications. From this proxy, we established a quantitative prevalence threshold for identifying or rejecting a subsurface object as a target of interest. Its quantitative nature allowed us to quantitatively control and adjust that threshold, a threshold we set at 70% likely to be to a specific target of interest. We show that our classification accuracy increased from 66.2% at the Salem Cemetery to 75.0% at the Old Danville‐Shepherd Hill Cemetery and, through use of diagnostic evaluations originally developed for medical imaging and herein applied to geophysics, showed that the accuracy improved due to increases in true‐negative classifications, that is, in examining real‐time, onscreen, mostly unprocessed GPR B‐scans, discerning a potential target and correctly concluding it was not an unmarked grave. This research outlines the procedure we developed to measure the proficiency of a new GPR practitioner.
Are plantations places where visitors can mourn enslaved Africans/African Americans? In this article, the author traces her time as the Historical Consultant on a project centred on a presumed graveyard for enslaved African Americans that brought forth disparate views and understandings on African American mourning and burial spaces. Over the course of the two-year research, what transpired was how the Friends of Mount Harmon (non-profit who took ownership of the property in 1997) grappled to reckon with their identity as a southern plantation and how this identity shaped and ultimately hindered a fuller more complex understanding of a graveyard for enslaved Africans/African Americans. Ultimately, the author describes the process of coming to understand the graveyard that also provided a new narrative of reimaging it as a site of mourning.
University-based anthropology museums are uniquely positioned to pursue nuanced decisions concerning the disposition of collections in their care, setting best practice for the field. The authors describe a three-staged approach to repatriations that they led during their concurrent service as head of cultural policy and repatriation (Jordan Jacobs) and director (Benjamin Porter) of the University of California, Berkeley’s Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology between 2015 and 2019. Examples involving human remains and cultural objects from Australia, Canada, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Japan, Mexico, Panama, Peru, Saipan, Senegal, Vanuatu, Venezuela, and South Carolina in the United States demonstrate the benefits of transparency, open communication, and rigorous investigation of provenance and provenience, which may or may not lead to transfer based on the criteria and priorities of potential recipients. This article also provides a history of the Hearst Museum’s Cultural Policy and Repatriation division, which was disbanded in 2021.
The cultural landscapes of African American communities in the 19th century were often anchored with a church, cemetery, and school. Sectarian and secular dynamics interacted in shaping the terrains of those social networks. This article explores such developments in the impacts of religious beliefs, practices, and congregations on the strategic locations and configurations of churches and cemeteries before and after the Civil War, with a focus on the U.S. Midwest. For example, the founding and placement of African Methodist Episcopal churches in the antebellum period often aided routes of escape from slavery. Cemeteries could provide spaces for continuing developments of African heritage practices. In landscapes where residential and commercial environments could, at times, be racially integrated, placement of churches and graveyards were subjects of both pragmatic choices and symbolic associations.
Universities and museums must catalogue the remains of Black Americans in their collections, and pause research pending consultation with descendant communities. Universities and museums must catalogue the remains of Black Americans in their collections, and pause research pending consultation with descendant communities.
In 1914, following the passage of Jim Crow segregation laws, over a dozen African American graves were exhumed from the primarily White Cedar Grove Cemetery in New Bern, North Carolina and reburied in the nearby Black Greenwood Cemetery. A century later, local community activists contacted anthropologists at East Carolina University to investigate the site of this atrocity. Archaeological work relocated the reburied remains and found them to be in such poor condition that the city elected to post signage commemorating this history rather than moving the graves yet again. The collaboration between the city and the university was able to produce an acceptable, if not perfect, solution to a potentially volatile problem.
In its origins as a concept, wealth in people depended on the circulation and accumulation of rights and obligations among and over the living. But if a person is a source of wealth, what happens when the person dies? Would the person be excised from the relationships upon which wealth in people depends, or might his or her wealth remain accessible to the living? To address this question, we present the case of Oberlin Cemetery in Raleigh, North Carolina. The cemetery was the core of Oberlin Village, a freedperson's African American community founded in the mid‐nineteenth century. Today, development threatens historic resources surrounding the cemetery, but a community organization founded by descendants and neighbors has emerged to preserve and promote their heritage. We are a group of anthropologists, geologists, and historians who live and work near Oberlin Village and who collaborate to help this organization achieve its goals. Here we report how our efforts to document the cemetery's history have bolstered their advocacy and validated their claims to wealth in the people buried there. Thus we show how wealth in people extends to the dead when graves and the people within them are potent sources of value for the living.
In the nineteenth century, African Moravians used Moravian church cemeteries on Barbados, and their use of such spaces was mediated by their situations in contexts of race, class, and religion. Mortuary practices from slavery to freedom represented social constraints as well as social freedom for individuals and communities. The extent to which we can explore through burials the history and development of mortuary practices in Moravian cemeteries is complicated by each cemetery’s preservation and modification projects. Church cemeteries exist in varying degrees of stability, use, and disrepair. They may have been destroyed, as in the case of Bunker’s Hill, or they may have been differentially preserved and modified as reflected in the Sharon, Mt. Tabor, Calvary, and Clifton Hill cemeteries. Through church cemetery care and analysis, it is possible to enhance awareness of historical complexity in African Moravian life and death on Barbados.
This thesis involved researching the significance of African-American burial sites, how and why they were and continue to be created. The legacy of these types correlate to the formation of Eden Cemetery. I researched existing scholarship on the subject of African-American burial sites, cultural factors driving these types, and the history of Eden Cemetery to gain insight into the history of the black community’s responses to burial site relocation in Philadelphia. I discovered that Eden derives its significance from being the only available place for condemned black sites in Philadelphia in the beginning of the twentieth century due to the efforts of those who continued the legacy of establishing a burial place of respect for blacks that was seen in condemned sites such as Lebanon Cemetery and Olive Cemetery, black churchyards, and as well as petitioning to section off the black-only sections of Philadelphia’s potter’s fields. The result formed the beginnings of cultural landscape report that could be used to analyze and interpret other black burial sites that are part of the larger history of cultural and political factors that affect African-American burial history. Also, highlighting issues present at Eden (maintenance and lack of a complete historical record) in tandem with the research done on the evolution of black burial sites could provide an opportunity to gain more public attention for Eden. This could prove useful in efforts to amend Eden’s 2010 National Register of Historic Places Register Nomination and apply the cemetery for National Historic Landmark status.
I address change and continuity in mortuary practices from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries within enslaved and free populations on the former Danish and current US Virgin Island of St. John. Based on the evidence I present, St. John’s former residents created diverse burial sites for practical and symbolic reasons related to environment, kinship, socio-cultural politics, and religion. The following analysis reveals how people historically transformed identities of selves and communities as they perceived and commemorated the dead through meaningful mortuary sites and practices within dynamic local and regional contexts.
Orlando Patterson has proposed that the institution of slavery caused the "social death" of slaves, in that the inherited meanings of their ancestors were denied to them through control of their cultural practices by slave owners and over- seers. A survey of archaeological evidence for mortuary practices in African-American society, however, shows that this was not the case, as such inherited meanings were present throughout the early historical period, and in some communities are still present. The careful identification of such occurrences can only be made through comparison to African archaeological and ethnographic evidence. Such oc- currences do not negate the horrors of the dominance of slaveholders over slaves in the New World, but do give an opportunity to celebrate the unique nature of African-At- lantic culture.
This article examines late-eighteenth-and nineteenth-century mortuary practices in Hanover, New Hampshire, and tests the assumption that gravestones and associated mortuary rituals serve as an accurate indication of an individual's socioeconomic status. Unique among historic gravestone analyses, this essay analyzes the entirety of a community's eschatology between 1770 and 1920 and contextualizes gravestones within the accompanying mortuary rituals. This article investigates possible correlations between multiple gravestone variables and Hanover Township residents' ideas about death, social structure, family organization, and individual identity. For the 150-year time span considered in this essay, I conclude that beliefs about death (rather than individual social status or ethnic identity) often dictated the style, material, and form of the gravestone.
IN THEIR WELL REASONED and lucid description of seriation methods employed in the lower Mississippi Valley, Phillips, Ford and Griffin (1951:219–223) state the basic assumptions which form the foundation for their analytical procedure. These assumptions can be briefly summarized as follows:
1.
Population was stable in the survey area.
2.
The majority of sites were of short duration of occupation.
3.
Cultural change in the area in question was gradual, and migration had not occurred.
4.
Pottery types used in seriation would show a single peak popularity curve when measured through time.
5.
Pottery type frequency curves would differ somewhat in each part of the area at any point in time.
The New York African Burial Ground Project embodies the problems, concerns, and goals of contemporary African-American and urban archaeology. The project at once has informed and has been informed by ever-watchful African Americans and New York public. It is a public that understands that the hypothetical and theoretical constructs that guide research are not value-free and are often, in fact, politically charged. An ongoing dialogue between the concerned community, the federal steering committee, the federal government, and the archaeological community has proved difficult but ultimately productive. The project has an Office of Public Education and Interpretation which informs the public through a newsletter, educators' conferences, and laboratory tours. The public, largely students, attends laboratory tours which often provide initial exposure to archaeology and physical anthropology. Much of this public involvement, however, was driven by angry public reaction to the excavation of a site of both historical prominence and spiritual significance.
In this study of an Anglo-American cemetery used between the 1830s and 1907, contemporary mortuary trends and cultural attitudes toward death provide the historical context necessary to interpret variation in mortuary display. Analysis of skeletal remains provides information on dental caries, dental care, and enamel hypoplasia and allows comparison of the relatively high-status Weir family's health with that of other population samples. Analysis of artifacts reveals four styles of grave decoration attributed not to intrasite status variability but to the appearance, peak, and decline of Victorian era cultural expressions of the "beautification" of death. Within this wider cultural trend, intersite comparisons may be made of status display. The rise and decline of the nineteenth-century ideal of the beautification of death adds vital cultural content for understanding the material expression of an observed process that is a cycle of display.
This volume presents a searching critique of the more traditional archaeological methodologies and interpretation strategies and lays down a firm philosophical and theoretical basis for symbolist and structuralist studies in archaeology. A variety of procedures, ranging from ethnoarchaeological studies and computing techniques to formal studies of artefact design variability, are utilized to provide models for archaeologists within the proposed framework and the theory and models are then applied to a range of archaeological analyses. This particular approach sees all human actions as being meaningfully constituted within a social and cultural framework. Material culture is not simply an adaptive tool, but is structured according to sets of underlying principles which give meaning to, and derive meanings from, the social world. Thus structural regularities are shown to link seemingly disparate aspects of material culture, from funerary monuments to artefact design, from the use of space in settlements, to the form of economic practices.
Sociohistorical reconstructions of African American communities in the Midwest are often dependent on diaries and letters that provide a wealth of detail but may not represent the collective pattern. Cemetery and burial records data are used to reconstruct a sociodemographic profile of a small 19th- and 20th-century African American community in the rural Midwest. Surnames of African Americans (and their ancestors) were disproportionately British, suggesting association with or ownership by those of British heritage. Although the mean age of the Black community was significantly younger than that of the White community, childhood mortality was no greater. Rather, Blacks generally did not live as long as Whites in adulthood. However, racial crossover was present. The Black community was disproportionately male, suggesting a frontier phenomenon and instability, and disproportionately experienced violent mortality. Seasonal death patterns among Blacks typified a younger population. Finally, familial measures suggest the Black community was tentative and tenuous.
Cemeteries dot the U.S. urban and rural landscape. They hold genealogical information and more. This guide suggests using cemeteries as an informative resource for classroom study. The guide outlines research strategies, provides additional information for interpreting and understanding cemeteries in rural and urban South Carolina, and contains illustrations. The guide is divided into 14 sections: (1) "Background" (Early Graveyards; Mid- and Late-Eighteenth-Century Graveyards; The Rural Cemetery; Summary); (2) "African American Burial Grounds"; (3) "Locating and Plotting Cemeteries"; (4) "Inscriptions"; (5) "Iconography" (Popular Symbols and Their Meaning); (6) "Gravestone Materials"; (7) "Form"; (8) "Classroom Activities"; (9) "Notes"; (10) "Word Search"; (11) "Parts of a Tombstone"; (12) "Documents"; (13) "Final Resting Places of the Great and Near-Great in South Carolina: A Selection"; and (14) "Published Cemetery Inscriptions in SC: A Selected Bibliography". (BT)
Descendants of people buried in cemeteries on private property have a common law right to access that property to visit the cemetery. That right, which is akin to an implied easement in gross, is recognized by statute in about a quarter of states and by case law in many others. Grave Matters explores the origins, nature, and scope of the little-recognized right and its implications for property theory. It discusses the right as part of well-established property doctrine and its relationship to recent takings cases, as well as the corollary graveyard right against desecration and the correlative right of communities to relocate cemeteries. The right of access, which traces its roots to the early the nineteenth-century, is important because it is one of the few implied rights of access to private property. It limits, by implication, the right to exclude, which is at the core of property rights. Thus, it offers a way of getting access to property without facing a takings claim. Moreover, the right is important because it reminds us that there are limits of the right of exclusion, which were recognized at common law. The right of relocation further illustrates the careful balancing of property rights with the community's right. Thus, the graveyard rights together emerge as vestiges of the nineteenth-century's consideration of community and property. A final section suggests the importance of the right of access for recent discussion about reparations for the era of slavery, for the right of access provides a property right (an easement) in descendants of slaves buried on plantations to access those plantations. The property held by descendants provides important symbolic connections between the past and present and offers hope of a lawsuit for reparations that is not barred by the statute of limitations.
Although illegal in Texas in the early twentieth century for the bodies of indigents to be used as medical cadavers, archival
accounts document Dallas’s early medical schools duplicity in such acts, with secret agreements between medical schools and
city and county officials. Evidence of African-American bodies stolen for use as medical cadavers was also uncovered archaeologically
during the Freedman’s Cemetery Project in Dallas, Texas, in the early 1990s. The repercussion of these and other acts of racism
and exploitation are explored.
Skeletal evidence exists for life stresses of 120 Black individuals from 25 sites in Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. Periods for statistical comparison are eighteenth century, 1690-1770; Catoctin Furnace, Maryland industrial slaves, 1790-ca.1820; 1800-ca.1860, nineteenth century; and a twentieth-century Black sample compiled from forensic (accidental deaths) cases. From these archaeological sources, skeletal age at death shifts from 36 years, female, and 30 years, male in eighteenth century (N = 29) to 34.8, female, and 36.3, male in nineteenth century (N = 56). Catoctin Furnace slaves' longevity may reflect special conditions for skilled males (34.6 years, female; 41.2 years, male (N = 16). Nutritional stresses are indicated by dental lesions, hypoplasias, stature, and skull base height and pelvic brim index. Occupational stress occurs in some adolescents and in many adults as exaggerated development of lifting muscles (deltoid and pectoral crests) and early vertebral and shoulder breakdown. Lead content of bone may reflect site of occupation. The most common pathology is anemia or sicklemia; parietal depressions and ulna fractures ("parry") indicate violence-related trauma.
Dental enamel hypoplasia is a putative marker of childhood morbidity (nutritional or infectious stress) which can be analyzed by age-of-occurrence using a calcification standard. We have recorded age-specific occurrence of (a) minor linear hypoplasias, (b) pits, (c) major growth-arrest lines, and (d) combined hypoplasias in 103 specimens of 17-19th century Caribbean slaves. This population is probably unique in terms of environment, nutritional deficiency and other severe environmental stresses, and (especially) association with historical resources that might allow more specific correlation of stresses with hypoplasia chronology. Barbados slaves have a clearly defined central age tendency of 3-4 years at formation of hypoplasias. The lateness of the mode, the percent concentration between 3-4 years, and the residual occurrences at 4+ years are relatively pronounced compared to other reported populations (notwithstanding differences in counting techniques). The age of first hypoplasia occurrence per individual is also probably later in slaves than in other populations. The 3-4 year age range encompasses the year following the historically-documented relatively late time that slave children were weaned (at 2-3 years). Other non-industrial populations show a hypoplasia peak at 2-3 years following a presumed weaning at 1-2 years. Thus the weaning hypothesis and other historical factors (such as periodic food shortages and famine conditions) help explain the mode and the residual distribution of hypoplasia. The historical sources also support the general expectation that the post-weaning period was one of high risk.
Empowerment, Ecology, and Evidence: The Relevance of Mortuary Archaeology to the Public
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