Valores humanos en trabajadores de bajo nivel educativo en Natal (Brasil)Human values in workers of low educational level in Natal (Brazil)

Abstract

Las investigaciones sobre valores humanos se han incrementado bajo la influencia de la teoría de los tipos motivacionales que abarca una tipología de valores y una estructura dinámica. En dicha perspectiva, se han desarrollado cuestionarios para la medición de los distintos tipos de valores, siendo uno de ellos el Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ). En Brasil existe la necesidad de contar con instrumentos de investigación útiles para segmentos de la población de bajo nivel educativo. En la presente investigación se aplicó el referido cuestionario a 474 trabajadores de sectores económicos en los que predomina un nivel educativo bajo. Para analizar las respuestas se aplicaron el análisis factorial (AF) y el smallest space analysis (SSA). A partir de los resultados del AF se identificó una estructura con cuatro factores—Pacifismo-hedónico, Poder, Religiosidad y Conformidad—mientras que gracias al SSA se identificaron siete tipos de valores: Poder-logro, Poder-estimulación, Autodirección, Hedonismo Religioso, Universalismo, Benevolencia y Conformidad. Los resultados revelaron que, entre las personas de bajo nivel formativo, las diferencias entre tipos de valores pierden en exactitud pero presentan nuevos sentidos.

Full text

Abstract
We compared the living and working conditions and mental health between miners who worked in Mariana when the Fundão dam broke, to other
miners who worked in another city. We based our work on the ecological, social causation, biopsychosocial models, and other contributions. We
applied the General Health Questionnaire-12, Rosenberg’s self-esteem scale, and the Work-Family Conict scales to 164 miners, interviewing
25 of them. We observed that the living and working conditions of the miners of Mariana differ unfavorably and are more prone to common
mental disorders. The impoverishment of the social environment, the loss of social support, the increasing conicts in families , the attribution
of guilt for the dam collapse, and the economic decline of the city contributed to accentuating feelings of malaise, depression, and anxiety.
Keywords: mining, mental health, occupational accident.
Revista Psicologia: Organizações & Trabalho (rPOT)
Psychology: Organizations and Work Journal
Revista Psicología: Organizaciones y Trabajo
ISSN 1984-6657 - https://doi.org/10.5935/rpot/2021.2.22096
Resumo
Comparamos as condições de vida, de trabalho e a saúde mental dos
mineiros que trabalhavam em Mariana quando se rompeu a barragem de
Fundão com as de outros que trabalhavam em outra cidade. Baseamo-nos
nos modelos: ecológico, de causação social e biopsicossocial. Aplicamos o
Questionário de Saúde Geral-12, as escalas de Autoestima de Rosenberg
e de Conito Trabalho-Família a 164 mineiros e entrevistamos 25 deles.
Observamos que as condições de vida e de trabalho dos mineiros de
Mariana diferem desfavoravelmente e estão mais sujeitos a transtornos
mentais comuns. O empobrecimento do meio social, a perda de apoios
sociais, os conitos crescentes na família, a atribuição de culpa pela
ruptura da barragem e a decadência econômica da cidade contribuíram
para acentuar os sentimentos de mal-estar, depressão e ansiedade.
Palavras-chave: mineração, saúde mental, acidente de trabalho.
Resumen
Comparamos las condiciones de vida y de trabajo y la salud mental de
los mineros que trabajaban en Mariana cuando se rompió la presa de
Fundão con las de otros que trabajaban en otra ciudad. Para eso, nos
basamos en los modelos: ecológico, de causación social y biopsicosocial.
Aplicamos el Cuestionario de Salud General (GHQ-12), las escalas de
Autoestima de Rosenberg (RSE) y de Conicto Trabajo-Familia a 164
mineros y entrevistamos 25 de ellos. Observamos que las condiciones de
vida y de trabajo de los mineros de Mariana dieren desfavorablemente
y que ellos están más susceptibles a trastornos mentales comunes. El
empobrecimiento del medio social, la pérdida de apoyos sociales, los cre-
cientes conictos en la familia, la atribución de culpa por la ruptura de la
presa y la decadencia económica de la ciudad contribuyeron para reforzar
los sentimientos de malestar, depresión y ansiedad.
Palabras clave: minería, salud mental, accidente laboral..
Georgina Maria Véras Motta1, Livia de Oliveira Borges2
1 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-1005-2205 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG), Brasil
2 http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2251-1373 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG), Brasil
Mining and Mental Health – The Effects of the Fundão Dam Collapse
Submission: 13/01/2021
First editorial decision: 14/04/2021
Final version: 17/04/2021
Accepted in: 21/04/2021
Mineração e Saúde Mental – Os Efeitos do
Rompimento da Barragem de Fundão
Minería y Salud Mental – Los Efectos de la Ruptura
de la Presa de Fundão
How to cite this article:
Motta, G. M. V., & Borges, L. O. (2021). Mining and Mental Health – The Effects of the
Fundão Dam Collapse. Revista Psicologia: Organizações e Trabalho, 21(2), 1502-1510. https://
doi.org/10.5935/rpot/2021.2.22096

1503
Motta, G. M. V., & Borges, L. O. (2021).
Brazil is one of the world’s leading exporters of minerals. In
the rst semester of 2020, the export of iron ore (the second in
the world) represented 82% of the country’s total mining exports
and 9.3% of Brazilian exports (Brasil, 2020b). In this period, the
state of Minas Gerais (MG) ranked second (38%) in the Royalties
for the Exploitation of Mineral Resources, (CFEM, Financial
Compensation for the Exploration of Mineral Resources).
According to the Instituto Brasileiro de Mineração (IBRAM,
2020) in 2019, it was the state with the highest percentage (31.6%)
of direct jobs in mining (62,667 workers), about three and a half
times the number of jobs in the mineral processing industry and
up to eleven times the number of direct workers in the production
chain. Therefore, mining is a relevant activity that generates jobs
in the state. It has a mean income of BRL 3,438.44, which is above
the Brazilian mean, BRL 1,638.33 (Brasil, 2020a).
However, this economic performance contrasts with physical
illnesses and psychological suffering related to mining work
(Minayo, 2004; Moulin & Moraes, 2010; Parreiras, 2017; Seaton,
Bottorff, Oliffe, Medhurst, & DeLeenheer, 2019). This situation
is probably accentuated among the miners of the city of Mariana
(MG), Brazil, after the collapse of the Fundão tailings dam, on
November 5, 2015. It destroyed the district of Bento Rodrigues
(Mariana), caused 19 deaths, injured 256 people, and damaged 33
cities, in the 700 km course that the 34,000,000 m3 of mining
tailings traveled toward the Atlantic Ocean (Azevedo & Freitas
2019; Santos & Wanderley, 2016). Studies after the collapse, such
as the ones carried out by Azevedo and Freitas (2019), and Motta
and Borges (submitted), found the existence of psychic changes
and low prevalence of psychological well-being among these
miners. We asked if these sufferings are specic to the miners
who experienced such an event.
We then carried out this study with the objective of
comparing miners who worked in Mariana when the dam broke
with others who worked in another city, in terms of working
and living conditions, as well as mental health. For the second
city – Conceição do Mato Dentro (CMD) – mining was also an
important sector of its economy. Both cities are in the state of
Minas Gerais and were founded in the Brazilian colonial period as
a result of gold mining (Dias & Oliveira, 2018; Rosa, 2019).
The rst city, Mariana, is in a region known as the iron
quadrilateral, a place of economic and social relevance. In 2017,
its GDP per capita was BRL 48,407.28 (IBGE, 2020). It reduced
its municipal tax collection in 2017 (BRL 40.7 million) compared
to 2013 (BRL 89.6 million), attributing such CFEM reduction
to the crisis that followed the Fundão dam collapse (Prefeitura
Municipal de Mariana, 2019). The second, CMD, is located in the
Serra do Espinhaço. In 2017, it registered a GDP per capita of
BRL 44,742.28 (IBGE, 2020), which possibly increased, given its
growing mining production since, in 2020, it was the city with the
highest quarterly CFEM collection in the state and the third in
Brazil (Brasil, 2020b).
Mental Health and Work: Theoretical Framework
The denition of health has evolved from its conception
as the absence of interrelationship between the biological and
psychic and social events (Melo, Cavalcante, & Façanha, 2019) to
the positive concept – a complete physical, mental, and social well-
being – and not consisting only of the absence of illnesses. The
latter, proposed by the World Health Organization in 1948 (WHO,
2006), broke the paradigm of the health-illness opposition,
introduced psychic and social aspects, and proposed an integral
view of the human being. However, there are difculties in
applying it due to its breadth and lack of measurable indicators
(Benavides, Ruiz-Frutos, & Garcia, 2004).
Consequently, we incorporated contributions from authors
(such as Batistella, 2007; Benavides, Declós, & Serra, 2018a;
Benavides et al., 2004; Canguilhem, 2009) to the WHO concept
that recognize the involvement of individuals in the process
of illness, prevention, and treatment, as well as the State’s
responsibility in developing public policies. They approach health
as being multi-dimensional and dynamic, inuenced by socio-
cultural, environmental, and economic factors, enabling the
development of measurable indicators, considering living and
working conditions as antecedents (Batistella, 2007; Benavides,
Declós & Serra, 2018b; Canguilhem, 2009; Llosa-Fernandes,
Menéndez-Espina, Agulló-Tomás, & Rodríguez-Suárez, 2018;
Melo et al., 2019; Mirowsky & Ross, 1989; Warr, 1987).
Compatible with this conception of health and work,
F. R. C. Fernandes, Araújo, and Olivieri (2014), focusing on
the mining sector, signaled the potential of contamination by
dangerous substances, heavy metals, and radioactive substances,
the socioeconomic impacts (e.g., increase in violence) and
environmental issues, such as water, soil, and air pollution
and the collapse of dams. Such risks affect different types of
populations, including traditional communities. Parreiras (2017),
in turn, warned of health problems for miners due to exposure
to physical, chemical, and re and explosion risks, accidents, and
factors resulting from the organization and work processes. These
injuries are not independent of psychological suffering and illness
(Ansoleaga & Toro, 2010; Minayo, 2004; Moulin & Moraes, 2010;
Motta & Borges, submitted). Seaton et al. (2019) considered the
presence of a culture of toxic masculinity, presuming this kind of
work as a hard one and, at the same time, rejecting the expression
of stress or mental health problems.
These mining characteristics are antecedent aspects in
explanatory mental health models, namely: ecological, social
causation, and biopsychosocial models. Warr (1987), when
proposing the ecological model, contemplated the positive
conception of health, describing mental health in ve dimensions:
a) Affective well-being, resulting from the relationship/
combination of pleasure and excitement.
b) Personal competence, related to the person’s ability to deal
with environmental pressures and solve problems.
c) Autonomy, dened by the person’s ability to deal with the
inuences of the environment and develop their own opinions
and actions.
d) Aspiration, related to the person’s interest and involvement
with the environment and in establishing goals and means to
achieve them.
e) Integrated functioning, dened by the balance and/or
conict between the functioning of different social roles (work
and/or employment, leisure, and family relationships).
According to Warr (1987), self-esteem reects the assessment
of indicators of competence, autonomy, and aspiration, as these
are feelings that jointly self-direct contribute to an opinion about
oneself (self-esteem). The environment inuences mental health
dimensions from nine aspects: opportunity to exercise control
over the environment, opportunity for skill use, externally
generated goals, variety of tasks and/or activities, environmental
clarity (information), availability of money, physical security,
opportunity for interpersonal contact, and valued social position.
Individual differences, such as personal and/or social values and
skills, intrinsically related to the work content, can mediate the
inuences of the environment.
Mirowsky & Ross (1989) assumed that differences in
social position (related to income, educational level, gender,
race, ethnicity, and marital status) contribute to the process of

1504 Revista Psicologia: Organizações & Trabalho, 21(2), 1502-1510.
elaborating beliefs and valuing assumptions about society and
human relations. Three core aspects inuence individual and
social malaise patterns, namely:
a) Alienation, seen as a rupture in social identity, is expressed
in ve basic types: impotence (an objective impossibility in
reaching personal goals), self-estrangement (perception of third
parties controlling their thoughts, actions, and experiences),
isolation (distance from the social interaction), the lack of meaning
(unknowable perception of the world and the purpose of life),
and the lack of norms (rejection of social patterns of behavior).
b) Authoritarianism, the perception of the world limited
to the values of individuals’ personal networks, considered as
universal and unique, above any other, regardless of time, place,
and situation.
c) Inequality, characterized by the power gap in relationships,
favors social injustices and generates anxieties such as violence
and guilt linked to the perception of being a victim or exploiter.
Mirowsky and Ross (1989) treated these aspects as links
between objective social conditions and subjective suffering. It
converges to the ecological model of Warr (1987), among other
aspects, for explaining health from the relationship between
people and the social environment and for including the social
position among the environmental factors.
In the biopsychosocial model, Marchand and Durand (2011)
incorporated, among the antecedent variables of mental health,
work and its conditions, the family, and community aspects. They
also signaled the moderating and controlling role of aspects such
as: psychosocial conditions (gender, life cycle, stressful vital events,
and psychic traits), economic variables (related to the company
and the markets), and unionization. However, like Martín (2010),
despite contributing to the recognition of the nexus between
work and health, covering the mental health background aspects
of different levels of analysis, from individual to societal, they
considered only changes or psychic disorders as health indicators.
Such models apprehend distinct and complementary aspects of
the relationship between mental health and work and, as a whole,
expand the possibility of analysis.
Method
We str uctured the research into two complementary strategies:
1) mapping the workers’ mental health conditions at the time of
the research, through structured questionnaires; 2) understanding
the workers’ perception about the impacts experienced at work and
in their lives by the Fundão dam collapse, using semi-structured
interviews. We performed eld activities in two periods: the rst
from August to September 2018, in Mariana, and the second from
April to May 2019, in CMD.
Participants
A total of 163 mining workers answered a questionnaire,
109 individuals (102 men and seven women) working in Mariana
at the time of the Fundão dam collapse and 54 (44 men and 10
women) working in CMD. The sample had a mean age of 39 years
old (SD = 10.4) and 13.4 years (SD = 3.6) of formal education,
with 12.3% still studying. The mean time in the current activity
was 26.4 months (SD = 46.4), and 79.0 months (SD = 82.7) in
their previous professional activities. Regarding their current
professional activities, 57% declared to be working in mining
activities and 11.7%, other activities. The remaining participants
were self-employed (8.6%), informal workers (9.8%), while others
had retired (5.5%) or were unemployed (7.4%).
Regarding their previous professional activities, 84.6%
declared themselves to be miners, 1.2% self-employed, 13.5%
in other activities, and 0.6% unemployed. Regarding marital
status, 67.5% of participants were married or living in a stable
relationship, 63.7% had children, and 72.9% had dependents.
We interviewed 25 workers from the total number of
participants (24 men and one woman), including 15 workers
from the company that owns the Fundão dam and four miners
from CMD. Regarding age, two were under 30 years old, 23 were
between 31 and 50 years old, and four were over 51 years old.
Regarding marital status, 16 were married, ve participants were
in a stable union, and four were single or separated. Seven had
worked in mining activities for ve years, six had worked between
6 and 10 years, ve between 11 and 20 years, two between 21 and
30 years, and ve for over 30 years. Among the interviewees, 15
were born in Mariana or in the region, seven in other locations,
two in another state, and one considered himself as being born in
Mariana. Concerning the last positions held in the mining sector,
14 were in medium-rank operational positions (such as mobile
equipment operators, belt operators, mechanics), three in technical
operational positions (as pipeline station technicians, industrial
maintenance technicians, physical laboratory technicians), and
eight worked in administration (as storekeepers, team leaders).
During the survey period, fteen of them were employed in
mining, six in other activities, six were unemployed, and two were
performing informal activities.
Instruments
Structured questionnaires. To understand the participants’
mental health conditions, we chose questionnaires based on the
mental health indicators of Warr’s model (1987) and included
a measure of psychic disorders, considering studies by other
authors (e.g., C. Fernandes & Pereira, 2016; Kotera, Green, &
Shefeld, 2019; Marchand & Durand, 2011; Martín, 2010; Palma
Contreras, Ahumada Muñoz, & Ansoleaga Moreno, 2018; Rabelo,
Silva, & Lima, 2018; Seaton et al., 2019). We applied the following
questionnaires:
a) General Health Questionnaire-12 (GHQ-12), used to
measure common mental disorders and function as an inverted
measure of affective well-being. Created in 1972 by Goldberg,
it is recommended for screening cases (Sá Junior & Wang,
2016), reputable in epidemiological research (Banks et al., 1980;
Borges & Argolo, 2002). We used the unifactorial solution of the
occupational use version (Borges & Argolo, 2002), whose answers
range from 1 to 4.
b) Rosenberg’s Self-esteem Scale (RSES) to analyze self-
esteem for, according to Warr (1987) indicators of competence,
autonomy, and aspiration are interdependent and synthesized by
self-esteem. We used the version adapted by Hutz and Zanon
(2011), a one-dimensional measure, with ten items related
to feelings about oneself, positive (self-esteem) or negative
(depreciation), whose answers vary from 1 to 4.
c) Work-Family Conict Scale to estimate the Work to
Family Interference (WFI) and Family to Work Interference
(FWI), that is, mutual impacts between the roles played in family
and work situations, as we consider them as indicative of integrated
functioning (Warr, 1987). Netemeyer, Boles, and McMurrianem
created this scale in 1996. Aguiar and Bastos (2013) translated and
adapted it for use in Brazil. It provides answers according to a
Likert scale, ranging from 1 to 6.
Interview script. The semi-structured script covered 22
questions, about: 1) the living and working conditions in the cities
where these mining companies were operating; 2) the worker’s
experience of a breaking dam and its impacts on work and life;

1505
Motta, G. M. V., & Borges, L. O. (2021).
3) the psychosocial context and its repercussions on work, health,
and life expectations. The script and the development of the
interviews were guided by Warr’s health indicators (1987) and the
environmental aspects of the previously mentioned models.
Data Collection Procedures And Ethical Considerations
After the dissemination of the survey in the electronic media
of mining unions, we applied the questionnaires and conducted
individual interviews. We applied both techniques, under
voluntary authorization of each participant in this research, with
care to maintain his/her anonymity. In Mariana, we performed
them in the unions’ ofce: the Metabase Mariana Syndicate and
the Metabase Incondentes Syndicate. In CMD, we adopted the
snowball technique to access workers and the participants chose
the locations of the activities.
We recorded the answers to the questionnaires in a palmtop-
like computer (Pocket PC), compatible with the Statistical Package
for Social Science (SPSS) software, which we used to estimate
the scores of all factors of the scales, for the statistical analyzes
of sample characterization and the others necessary to reach the
research objective.
We recorded the interviews under the authorization of each
participant, and transcribe them in full. In the literal excerpts we
used in the presentation of the results, we removed any details that
would allow the identication of the participant and used the letter
“I” (interviewee) followed by the assigned number. For analysis,
we adopted Minayo’s (2014) orientation of articulating categorical
content analysis (Bardin, 2011) with hermeneutic-dialectical
reection, aiming to simultaneously contemplate the historicity of
the identied meanings, ruptures, and contradictions.
Data Analysis Procedures
To organize the material and the codications, we used the
QDA Miner software. We started with oating reading (Bardin,
2011; Turato, 2003), understanding the characteristics that would
allow us to outline the categories and dene the analysis corpus
(Turato, 2003), and identifying the nuclei of meaning (Bardin,
2011). We gathered these groups in more synthetic categories,
trying to understand the historical meanings and contextualize
them with the results of the questionnaires, the documentary
information, and the specialized literature.
Results
Result of the Interviews
We organized the results of the interviews as addressed in
the script, the contextualization of living and working conditions
in both cities, the experience of a breaking dam, the psychosocial
context, and the repercussions on work, health, and life.
Living and working conditions in the cities of CMD and
Mariana. The CMD ofce is small, “I liked the city (...) I am from
a small city in Bahia, right? (...) It reminded me of (...) the city I
used to live in (...) (I23). According to this participant “CMD has
the advantage of being the cradle of tourism in the state of Minas
Gerais, with several waterfalls (...) The Tabuleiro waterfall, (...) One
of the largest in Brazil (...) they don’t explore this part here” (I25).
Another reported: “I always heard my father’s stories (...) People
here are suffering, they were always exploited (...) practically slave
labor (...) In exchange for food, clothes” (I26).
Some participants stated that the company contributed to the
development of the city: “I think what really came to have an
impact, economically, was the company. (...). Apart from mining
we have small jobs, some stores, that sort of thing (...) practically,
mining is what maintains the whole region” (I25). An interviewee
highlighted “people (...) who had their rst job (...) rst car (....)
built houses because of mining” (I23). Another interviewee,
however, pointed out deciencies “Leisure, health, education also
have some difculties (...) some things are lacking, do you get it?”
and comments “today I have some difculties here, in being here
alone, without my family because of that” (I24).
Despite the benets, a participant acknowledged the negative
impacts of mining: “Mining, it is really (...) like many others, like
livestock and everything has deforestation, there is a lot. (...).
Progress has a price, right? ” (I23). And another signaled that
there is a conict with the population: “the population accepting
and knowing that mining is a way of exploitation (...) It is an
inheritance from gold mining, which we used to have, from
charcoal, (...) wood”. And added: “I think that putting the mining
companies together with people, and having this information more
aligned, I think it could be much better” (I26). They afrmed the
responsibility for inspection by the government to prevent further
damage: “We have agencies that control this, right? We have laws
to comply with” (I23). Another participant adds: “I think that
every inspection (...) Is an inspection ... by surprise” (I26).
Mariana, according to an interviewee, is “a very old, beautiful,
a historic city and ... that has always survived, right ... with more
resources from mining itself ” (I1). Another participant stated: “a
very prosperous region of employment since my childhood” (I5).
According to an interviewee “the city used to be full of people
from other cities, sometimes from other states” (I16). Currently
they are experiencing the opposite, due to the dam collapse,
according to a participant: “today the city is a chaos (...) Of
unemployment, due to the basic conditions that we do not have ...
(...) A lot of unemployment, violence has increased a lot (...) in this
precarious situation ”(I17).
In both cities, the contractual and legal conditions practiced
by the mining companies were similar. The company in CMD
and the owner of the Fundão subsidiary adopted the Brazilian
private contracting regime, the Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho
(Consolidation of Labor Laws), with Prot and Results Sharing
(PRS), the workers’ right to a share of the economic result (Brasil,
2000). They encouraged people to study, as the Mariana participants
reported: “it [the company] paid up to 80% of our studies” (I10),
and “let’s move, let’s grow” (I21). Similarly, a CMD participant
commented on the intention of the employing company: “they
wanted us to study, to go to college (...) always specializing (...) to
facilitate our growth within the company” (I23).
Regarding the benets provided to their workers, there were
similarities. Both provided health care (medical and dental), free
of charge, to the interviewees. However, only the Mariana workers
reported additional benets during the Christmas holidays or the
existence of a credit cooperative, job stability and the incentive to
an extended career (Motta & Borges, submitted).
The mining processes were similar. Both companies adopted
standard operating procedures. The two groups considered shift
work uncomfortable, by to physical complaints: “there is fatigue,
tiredness. As we work shift after shift, we change our lifestyle all
the time”, and for hindering social and family relationships as
interviewed: “I could be spending time with my family, son (...)
you can’t, you have to be sleeping, to get ready for the night shift”
(I24).
Both groups reported that mining is a high-risk activity,
“level 4 risk” (I15), according to the miner: “There is a matter
of risk, yes, we cannot hide it. But there we take our measures
(...) To minimize or even eliminate the risk during work” (I23).

1506 Revista Psicologia: Organizações & Trabalho, 21(2), 1502-1510.
They mentioned the rigid safety system at work - the golden rule,
according to respondents, noncompliance to it caused them to get
red: “They were red because of that” (E3) and “this person was
invited to leave because the rule is: better one person, alive, out
there, than a fatality within the company” (I25).
In both periods of the survey, the workers reported pressure
to produce and its increase on certain occasions: “There are times
when the pressure is enormous. Because we have, we have goals,
we have numbers to meet, right? The company has targets to
meet, monthly, yearly” (I24), and noted its harmful effects: “if
they charge us too much, the risk of an accident increases, and the
psychological pressure, fatigue, the mental aspect of the workers
will be affected” (I25). A Mariana participant reported: “in a little
while everything hurt me, my production fell, I said I was not
feeling alright” (I14).
However, workers from both cities did not associate the
production requirement with the management style. They consider
it satisfactory: “Great! Nothing to complain about” (I25). On
the contrary, the Mariana group interviewees reported illnesses,
attributed to the process of their activities: “it is an occupational
illness, just like the doctor said: this is a chronic illness” (I20). Such
report contrasted with the ones of the CMD participants who did
not mention them.
The different experiences of the Fundão dam collapse.
Regarding the collapse, the participants of the Mariana group
actively experienced it. At the time, some were working, others
were starting their working day, or preparing to leave their homes.
In addition to the impacts generated, victimizing co-workers and
family members, there were those who attributed responsibility:
“You killed more than thirty people” (I12). The participants also
reported feelings of surprise and indignation “it cannot have
happened, because I even (...) up until the last minute I spoke like
this… a lie, I defended [company name] for any reason. Then,
until I tasted it, I was still working for [company name]” (I12).
In addition to these constraints, there were changes in the
work routine; some interviewees were designated, without any
training, to help victims. The company changed its management
policies and adopted measures to reduce costs: paid leave in 2015,
followed by collective vacation, and a new period of paid leave
in 2016, three periods of contract suspension (between 2016 and
2018), Voluntary Resignation (VRP) and Involuntary Resignation
(IRP) Programs. Without the intermediation of managements,
who pressured workers to adhere to the VRP, uncertainty and
insecurity made interpersonal relationships tense: “we think, right,
for a company, will it keep me, or will it keep the other one? (...)
another person who (...) is more qualied. Not that we are not,
right? ” (I13). These actions resulted in a signicant increase in
unemployment in Mariana, the difculty of participants returning
to the job market, making their projects unfeasible: “Wow, terrible,
today, today (...) It is very uncertain” (I14), and it’s making people
suffer: “Ah, depressed ”(I15).
The interviews of the CMD participants took place about
three months after the collapse of another dam, the Córrego do
Feijão dam in January 2019, in which 272 people died (Assembleia
Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais, 2019). Due to the severity,
among other aspects, the participants referred to that accident: “I
was going to get a 16-hour shift (...) So we go to work a little, like
this, more shaken, right?” (I25). Another participant expressed
“And not to mention that they are our colleagues (...). It could
have been with me (...) It is in my work area” (I24). They referred
to an accident within the company: “we went through a not so
good period last year (...), that occurred (...) in our mining, in the
pipeline” (I23).
Effects on work, health, and life. We observed differences
in expectations between the groups of interviewees. The CMD
participants, despite being sensitized and expressing solidarity
with the victims in both accidents, did not report psychological
suffering. They remained focused on their goals and willing to
continue their activities, as the interviewee expressed: “I have a
good personality, a strong one, thanks to God, so regarding this;
it didn’t affect me at all” (I25). Another one said: “it didn’t stop
messing with, with the psychological side of everyone in the
mining area” (I24) and another participant summarized “Thank
goodness, this company that I’m working for (...). It is already
building the dam in the safest way” (I23).
The Mariana group interviewees, however, realized the
negative impact of the collapse on their lives, externalizing their
suffering. They reported difculties in reaching their goals due
to unemployment, the scarcity of nancial resources, conicts
with their families and with themselves, several due to traditional
gender orientations, as the participant expressed: “The man is the
pillar (...), and now?” (I21). They stated that there are workers with
psychic illnesses: “my head got worse” (I17).
Results of the Questionnaires
Table 1 shows the estimated scores and quartiles for each
indicator. In common mental disorders, the means are high. In
Brazil, a 3.0 score is adopted as the cutoff point (Sá Junior & Wang,
2016) in the population of a primary care center, however, scores
above 2.0 are considered an alert for the adoption of preventive
strategies (Álvaro, 1992; Banks et al., 1980). Means and scores of
40.5% of participants exceed the alert score and 17 participants
exceeded the cut-off point. We found, among the participants of
the Mariana group, reports of experiences that can contribute to
this elevation.
Scores in the RSES indicate moderately high self-esteem.
Observing the quartiles, we veried that 50% of the sample
exceeded the mean, with one participant scoring maximum
points on the scale. We observed that there is a greater tendency
for higher scores. Such results corroborate what the interviews
expressed about perceiving themselves as individuals with excellent
professional qualications, despite the few job opportunities.
Regarding the WFI, the mean coincides with the midpoint of
the scale, with a concentration around it. Since the 50% quartile,
the scores are above the sample mean, indicating an increased
perception of WFI and 10% are close to the maximum score
of the scale, in line with what the interviews related about the
impacts of working shifts in the family life. Likewise, the fact
that some participants, due to their jobs, live in different cities to
their families also corroborated such scores. In the distribution of
scores of FWI, the sample mean, as well as the scores of 75% of
Table 1
Scores and quartiles in the different mental health indicators (n=163)
Measures /
Indicators
Common
mental
disorders
Self-esteem
Work
interference
in family
Family
interference
in work
Minimum 1.00 2.00 1.00 1.00
Maximum 3.67 4.00 6.00 5.00
Mean 2.03 3.18 3.50 2.24
Standard
deviation 0,65 0,39 1,27 2,15
Quartiles
25% 1.50 2.90 2.60 1.40
50% 1.91 3.20 3.80 2.20
75% 2.42 3.40 4.40 3.00

1507
Motta, G. M. V., & Borges, L. O. (2021).
the participants, are below the midpoint of the scale, indicating a
decreased perception of family interference in work.
We applied cluster analysis to approximate the general mental
health settings shared by the sample, based on the measured
indicators. We identied ve different proles (Table 2).
The examination of the referred Table, allowed us to describe
the ve proles as follows:
• Prole I (18 participants). These individuals had a
conicting work-family relationship, with the highest mean scores
among the proles of these indicators. In other words, they
experience a high degree of difculty in matching work demands
with family members and, at the same time, perceive a moderately
high family interference in work. They had the greatest tendency
to common mental disorders and, despite they have achieved
a moderate score on the self-esteem scale, their mean in this
indicator is below the sample.
• Prole II (35 participants). These individuals perceived
high WFI, but low FWI (lower than the sample mean and below
the midpoint of the scale). The common mental disorders mean
is above the alert point and is worrying because it corresponds to
21.5% of the participants. The self-esteem score is moderately
high, close to the sample mean.
• Prole III (39 participants). Individuals in this prole
perceived the moderate existence of conict between work and
family, presenting both indicators in moderate degrees. They
tended to have low scores for common mental disorders, below
the midpoint (2.5 of the scale) and the alert point (Álvaro, 1992;
Banks et al., 1980). The mean self-esteem score is below the
sample mean; however, it remains moderate.
• Prole IV (36 participants). The members of this prole
perceived the WFI to the midpoint, but a lesser extent than the
previous proles. They attributed the second lowest score, among
the proles (below the midpoint), to the FWI. The mean score
for common mental disorders (the third lowest among proles) is
below the midpoint and the alert point (Álvaro, 1992; Banks et al.,
1980). They had a moderately high RSES mean, above the sample
mean.
• Prole V (35 participants). These individuals showed
moderately high self-esteem, which is combined with the lowest
scores for common mental disorders in the sample and little
difculty in matching work demands with family members.
We examined the distribution of participants in the clusters,
according to their workplace (Table 3). The percentages suggest
a slight tendency towards a predominance of workers from the
Mariana group in clusters 1 and 2, however the results of applying
the chi-square do not signicantly reject the independence
between clusters and workplaces (χ2 = 3.19, SD = 4, p = 0.53).
We then applied the t-test to compare the scores obtained in
each scale in Mariana and CMD and found a signicant relationship
between the scores of common mental disorders and the place of
work (F = 19.19, t = 5.96, p ≤ .001), where the Mariana miners
showed a greater tendency towards common mental disorders.
Discussion
We observe that the living and working conditions of the
participants are similar. Such conditions originated in the practice
of mining companies (Minayo, 2004). Despite this, the two cities
are at the extremes of the mining cycle, which is based on soil
contents and measured reserve (quantity of ore in the mine). Ore
reduction generates a higher cost for extraction and may encourage
companies to migrate their investments to more protable areas.
CMD, whose iron content is 65% and with reserves at the beginning
of the mining cycle, is in the initial phase of the process in which
the company seeks to assume an expressive role in the city and in
society, contributing to improvements in living conditions, such
as in health and education, according to interviewees. It seeks to
insert itself in the community and to organize local life (Minayo,
2004), encouraging productive specialization and the emergence
of political and social dependence, the ore dependence (Coelho,
2018).
In Mariana there is a slowdown in the mining process, also
caused by the decrease in the percentage of iron found (currently
45%) and evidenced by the decline in municipal tax collection
(Prefeitura Municipal de Mariana, 2019). This situation led to a
loss of popular support for the company that owns Fundão and
its workers. Despite the demonstrations for the return of the
company’s activities, some people blamed the participants for
the dam collapse and the consequent economic decline in the
city. Applying, then, the concept of social position (importance
of position in the social structure recognized by others) that
we mentioned, considered in the ecological and social causation
models in the introduction, we understand that there were losses
for the miners in Mariana.
Warr (1987) pointed out that the valued social position is
one of the environmental characteristics that inuences mental
health and the negative effect of its loss. According to Mirowsky
and Ross (1989), the social position affects the perception of
society and human relations, which is essential for understanding
the patterns of malaise in individuals. Ansoleaga and Toro
(2010) reported a greater predisposition for the development of
depressive symptoms among Chilean miners, in a situation of
low social support. In the present research, the participants of
the Mariana group showed a greater tendency towards common
mental disorders, corroborating the ndings of these authors.
Similar corporate management strategies, such as better
wages, working conditions, PRS, and indirect wages, contributed to
attracting and securing their workforce, reported by the individuals
of the CMD group as their rst opportunity to acquire goods.
The incentives for continuing education of workers raised their
educational level, contributed to the efciency and productivity of
companies and the creation of an image of excellence by miners,
corroborating a previous study (Minayo, 2004), also contributing
Table 2
Mental Health Proles (N=163)
Mental Health Indicators
Mental Health Proles
I II III IV V
Common Mental Disorders 2.62 2.46 1.93 1.80 1.65
Self-esteem 3.04 3.12 3.02 3.32 3.32
Work interference in family 5.07 4.68 3.71 3.14 1.66
Family interference in work 3.94 1.93 3.04 1.54 1.51
Participants 18 35 39 36 35
Table 3
Distribution of participants per cluster and city of work (N=163)
Cluster City/place of work
Mariana CMD
I72.2% 27.8%
II 77.1% 22.9%
III 66.7% 33.3%
IV 61.1% 38.9%
V60.0% 40.0%
Total 66.9% 33.1%
χ2 =3.19; df= 4; p= 0.53

1508 Revista Psicologia: Organizações & Trabalho, 21(2), 1502-1510.
to the moderately high self-esteem of the sample, observed in
all clusters. It is higher than among Spanish miners (Vázquez
Morejón, García-Boveda, & Jiménez, 2004), similar to the Chilean
sample of Rojas-Barahona, Zegers, and Förster (2009), showing a
high trend regarding to the study with 53 nations, and below the
Argentine population (Góngora & Casullo, 2009).
We believe that a moderately high self-esteem is an aspect
that can favor the search for better working and living conditions
and help the participants of the Mariana group to reorganize
their lives. However, the return to the job market, according to
reports, has been in lower working conditions and wages, with
less training requirements. In terms of the ecological model (Warr,
1987) there is an impoverishment of the social environment in
terms of the opportunity to use skills, the realization of external
goals, and economic availability. These aspects can result in mental
health damage. In the case of the participants, it can represent
suffering, as it affronts the miners’ self-esteem, partly built on
their professional activities, as we have already commented.
We also observed that there were no reports of illnesses
related to the work process by individuals of the CMD group.
We considered that it can be related to the difference in the
time of activity of the mining companies, which have operated
for 43 years in Mariana and 12 years in CMD (Dias & Oliveira,
2018; Rosa, 2019). This may imply both less exposure to risks
and the use of new technologies, a fact that seems to support
this belief among the CMD workers, of greater security in the
mining process, especially of the tailings dam. We also consider
the possibility of constraints in expressing illnesses at work, due
to a culture of toxic masculinity, based on hard work to acquire
goods, and the lack of expression of emotional stress/tension or
mental health problems detected in this type of activity (Kotera et
al., 2019; Seaton et al., 2019).
The adversities in the work process reported by the CMD
group refer to working in shifts, a possible cause of work
interference in the family (Barbosa & Borges, 2011) as well as
the fact that several participants live in a different city from their
families, which can accentuate the work-family conict.
Regarding the collapse and its consequences, the
interviewees of the Mariana group reported pressure to adhere
to the termination programs, as well as the worsening of
interrelationships. Both aspects constitute a risk to mental health
(C. Fernandes & Pereira, 2016; Palma Contreras et al., 2018;
Rabelo et al., 2018; Warr, 1987). Likewise, reports of difculties
in achieving their goals due to unemployment and/or scarcity of
nancial resources, according to Llosa-Fernandes et al. (2018),
increases the risk of depression and anxiety. We also observed an
increase in family conicts due to the difculty in providing the
same previous living conditions. Among the participants, several
expressed guilt, signaling traditional gender role orientations,
which Eby, Maher, and Butts (2010) pointed out as responsible for
accentuating the work-family conict. Such situations, in addition
to the already mentioned losses of social support, generate
stressful psychosocial conditions, which can negatively contribute
to mental health (Marchand & Durand, 2011).
Although the reports of the CMD interviewees denote that
the ruptures of the dams caused apprehensions regarding the
exercise of their activities and demonstrate empathy for colleagues
who were physically victimized by the tailings, they showed fewer
tendency to common mental disorders.
Therefore, we can observe that, from the Fundão dam
collapse, the group of workers from Mariana experienced
signicant losses, showing unfavorable environmental conditions
considering Warr’s model (1987).
Such losses also mean marked changes in social position that,
according to Mirowsky and Ross (1989), can generate impotence
and social isolation (types of alienation), accentuate inequality,
generating the feeling of injustice, which contribute to the
increased feelings of malaise (depression and anxiety). For these
authors, the conditions that produce certain events and/or their
consequences, as well as the active answers to them, are largely
responsible for the psychological impact of the event, which we
understand to have occurred to the participants of the Mariana
group.
Closing Remarks
We reached the objective of this study, by empirically
evidencing that the working and living conditions, as well as
the mental health, of mining workers, who were working when
the dam broke in Mariana, differ from those miners working in
another mining location, and are unfavorable considering the
ecological, social causation, and biopsychosocial models that
explain the relationship between mental health and work.
We emphasize that the accentuated changes in social position
contributed to intensifying feelings of malaise, depression, and
anxiety (Mirowsky & Ross, 1989; Warr, 1987).
A limitation of the present study resulted from the choice,
in the eld activities, of two groups with people who are overly
sensitive to the collapses of tailings dams. This fact led us to decide
not to use structured questionnaires that cover living and working
conditions, as we believe that an extensive protocol would be
impossible to apply. Such aspects which, in the models mentioned
in the introduction, are antecedent components, were explored
exclusively in the interviews. Although we report statements by
interviewees of the Mariana group that refer to the nexus between
such aspects and mental health, we did not directly explore them,
since it was not the objective of this study. Researchers who can
build other means of access to participants can explore this link.
Additionally, this obstacle has grown in CMD, preventing
us from reaching a closer number of participants to the Mariana
group. This difculty, perhaps, may have contributed to hiding
differences in the distribution of clusters. With more participants
in the CDM group, we would be able to go deeper into some
statistical analysis. The situation also reected the inuence of
living and working conditions in mining, as the CDM eld activity
took place in April 2019, about three months after the Córrego
de Feijão dam collapse that killed 272 people (ALEMG, 2019),
and workers were afraid to participate, many because of possible
retaliation by their company.
Finally, we note that we must understand the results in order
to focus on the need to develop protective and follow-up actions
for workers involved in large-scale events/accidents, even if they
have not been physically affected, as the psychosocial effects are
numerous.
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1510 Revista Psicologia: Organizações & Trabalho, 21(2), 1502-1510.
Information about the authors:
Georgina Maria Véras Motta1
Av. Getúlio Vargas, 1244, apto 201, B. Funcionários
30112-021 Belo Horizonte, MG, Brasil.
E-mail: georginavmotta@gmail.com
Livia de Oliveira Borges2
E-mail: liviadeoliveira@gmail.com
1 Doutoranda pelo Programa de Pós-graduação em Psicologia da UFMG.
2 Professora titular aposentada atuando voluntariamente no Programa de Pós-graduação em Psicologia da UFMG e Bolsista de Produtividade em Pesquisa pelo CNPq.