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The Military and the Media in the Twenty-First Century: Towards a New Model of Relations

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... The media do not always fulfil their watchdog role. For example, during the 2003 Iraq war, the method in which the United States military and government performed its positive spins and relations about the need for the war with the media, was startling for many, and that damaged the trust in both the media and the military (Limor & Nossek, 2006). The uncritical stanceof the media in the gulf war of 1991 as well as the war in Afghanistan show the consequence of complicit media and botched responsibilities. ...
... The uncritical stanceof the media in the gulf war of 1991 as well as the war in Afghanistan show the consequence of complicit media and botched responsibilities. This failure in the part of the media gave rise to a new pattern of military media relations (Limor & Nossek, 2006;War-Room, 2019). The fulcrum of the new model is one of warfare managed and waged, "far from the eyes of the media, essentially deactivating the latter's ability to act freely" (Limor & Nossek, 2006, p. 484). ...
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Contemporary war and conflict research have often centred on media representation and the relationship between the media and military actors. While this provides insights into the dynamics of contemporary war and conflict, these approaches to mediatised war and conflict fail to engage with how social media enables militaries to communicate directly to their target audience by circumventing legacy media. Consequently, this paper interrogates the military use of social media for national security communication. The discourse creates a research trajectory on Nigeria by investigating the themes from the Nigerian Military social media posts regarding their involvement and progress in the conflicts in Northern Nigeria. Using qualitative content analysis technique, this paper analysed 10,750 posts, comments, and tweets from the Defence Headquarters Nigeria (@DefenceinforNG) Facebook and Twitter pages. Findings showed that social media play a significant role on how the Nigerian Military communicates their involvement and progress in the conflicts in Northern Nigeria. Data further showed that the Nigerian military social media pages are used for deterrence and demoralisation of the insurgents as well as trust building with the Nigerian public. It was, therefore, recommended, among others, that Nigerian military increase their social media use in conflict communication.
... Following the Yom Kippur War (1973), the 'master-servant' relations began to crack, with journalists beating their breasts for having cooperated with such enthusiasm (Peri, 2001). However, since the Oslo peace process in 1993, and intensely following the second Intifada of 2000, the cracks have opened into a rift (Nossek and Limor, 2005). Whereas the army wishes to cooperate with the media (see the next section), the media has taken an independent trajectory that includes exposure of transgressions in the midst of fighting, and in parallel, disclosure of misconduct by generals off the battlefield, sometimes related to their private lives. ...
... Can generals at present expect a political shield of the type received by Dayan? The fundamental changes that democracies underwent during the last decades, namely the reconstruction of politics around the issue of (mis)trust, have broadened and sharpened the critical view of journalists toward powerful figures, army generals included (Nossek and Limor, 2005). Generals today, as we demonstrate in what follows, are targets for forensic analysis, not only in relation to their professional, lethal jobs, but also in relation to their private lives. ...
Chapter
Different media, different level of editorial control: The genres of media events and of disaster marathons are inventions of broadcast journalism at two points in time, demonstrating, first, the process of the deteriorating control of the editor, and second, the transition from one set of national players to a new set of subversive players. The latter invention of broadcast journalism, the disaster marathon, is just one format of a larger category, that of ‘action news.’ Here, editors find themselves helpless vis-a-vis live and immediate broadcast technologies airing from the scene of action, and constrained by the ruthless competition among commercialized news organizations. However, ‘action news’ formats — i.e. Breaking News, embedding in the scene of battle, — are only a few formats in the ongoing broadcasting of the 24/7 news channels, all based on immediate, live reporting that bypasses editorial synthesis and control. The main news bulletins, in which audiences can be updated at a time of their convenience, are nothing but recycled information about the main stories of the day. In this format, the editor serves mainly as a ‘flight supervisor’, creating order among second-hand items. The editor, however, does have the opportunity to provide in-depth analysis of the larger context and the broader implications of the news. This practice could function as the last bastion of the editor, in which s/he still holds the reins. Unfortunately, as others argue (Lewis et al., 2005) and as we show later in this chapter, s/he doesn’t.
... Following the Yom Kippur War (1973), the 'master-servant' relations began to crack, with journalists beating their breasts for having cooperated with such enthusiasm (Peri, 2001). However, since the Oslo peace process in 1993, and intensely following the second Intifada of 2000, the cracks have opened into a rift (Nossek and Limor, 2005). Whereas the army wishes to cooperate with the media (see the next section), the media has taken an independent trajectory that includes exposure of transgressions in the midst of fighting, and in parallel, disclosure of misconduct by generals off the battlefield, sometimes related to their private lives. ...
... Can generals at present expect a political shield of the type received by Dayan? The fundamental changes that democracies underwent during the last decades, namely the reconstruction of politics around the issue of (mis)trust, have broadened and sharpened the critical view of journalists toward powerful figures, army generals included (Nossek and Limor, 2005). Generals today, as we demonstrate in what follows, are targets for forensic analysis, not only in relation to their professional, lethal jobs, but also in relation to their private lives. ...
Book
Transforming Media Coverage of Violent Conflicts offers a fresh view of contemporary violent conflicts, suggesting an explanation to the dramatic changes in the ways in which war and terror are covered by Western media. It argues that viewers around the globe follow violent events, literally and metaphorically, on "wide" and "flat" screens, in "high-definition". The "wide-screen" means that at present the screen is wide enough to include new actors - terrorists, 'enemy' leaders, ordinary people in a range of roles, and journalists in the field - who have gained status of the kind that in the past was exclusive to editors, army generals and governmental actors. The "high-definition" metaphor means that the eye of the camera closes in on both traditional and new actors, probing their emotions, experiences and beliefs in ways that were irrelevant in past conflicts. The "flat-screen" metaphor stands for the consequences of the two former phenomena, leading to a loss of the hierarchy of the meanings of war. Paradoxically, the better the quality of viewing, the less the understanding of what we see. Through these metaphors, Kampf and Liebes systematically analyse changes in the practices, technologies, infrastructures and external institutional relationships of journalism.
... The term was first used by Thomas Jefferson in 1807 during a speech to Congress. Limor and Nossek (2013) noted significant shifts in military-media relations during the twentieth century, highlighting the need for adapting communication models to the realities of warfare. The roots of public relations can be traced back to ancient Egypt, but it was not until the 20th century that it saw significant development. ...
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This study highlights the critical importance of aligning Croatian military relations with contemporary public communication trends. It advocates for establishing swift, transparent, and interactive communication strategies to cultivate and enhance public support for military endeavors. The traditional military public relations framework has exhibited rigidity, characterized by sporadic advertising initiatives confined to narrow domains. The initial focus involves conducting a scientific content analysis of social media platforms to identify emergent channels that significantly disseminate information and promote awareness of recruitment strategies. The second objective is to investigate the factors influencing the public perception of Croatian soldiers and the overall branding of the Armed Forces of Croatia. This exploration will scrutinize the methodologies and tools employed for effectively promoting domestic and international military structures by 2025. As Croatia anticipates the introduction of mandatory military service in January 2024, understanding the information platforms favored by younger generations becomes imperative. Future strategies should leverage innovative, competitive, and youth-oriented communication channels to engage the younger working-age demographic, thereby attracting potential recruits to the Armed Forces as a credible institution that offers advantageous working conditions and professional growth opportunities.
... These include accreditation of military correspondents, regulating reporters' access to military zones and classified information, and COPY, EDIT, PASTE controlling journalists' right to talk to officers and soldiers (Elovitz 2013). This creates a complex military-media give-and-take relationship in which the media are dependent upon the IDF for access to much information, the military is dependent on media to transmit its messages favorably, and at the same time, the military has the ability to broadcast information independently, and media receive some information from alternative sources (Elovitz 2013;Limor and Nossek 2006;Shavit 2017). This relationship becomes even more complicated during wartime, when journalists' access to the battle zone is more restricted and their reliance on both the military and alternative sources of information increases. ...
Article
Recent research on the news coverage of war and conflict has argued that journalists maintain more professional independence and are more critical of the government and military than in the past. At the same time, critiques that during wartime journalists rally around the flag and serve as mouthpieces for nationalist propaganda persist. Given these opposing views, we examine the ways in which three Israeli online newspapers covered the 2014 Gaza War and compare this coverage to posts on the Israel Defense Forces’ official social media pages. Through close discursive analysis of legitimation and referential strategies, the use of reported speech, transitivity, voice, and modality, we demonstrate both the great ideological similarities between news discourse and military public relations, and the ways in which journalists transform the authoritative, formal voice characteristic of official texts into the more personalized, emotional voice of media discourse. We discuss our findings as reflective of the complementary influence of journalists’ ideological presuppositions, professional rituals, and commercial constraints.
... In general, Israel suffers from a highly concentrated media economy with strong cross ownership and segmentation of the majority of the media outlets (Ezrahi, Leshem and Goshen, 2003;Limor and Nossek, 2006;Katz, 1996), including the printed press, television, radio and Internet based news sites (Schejter and Yemini, 2015). This concentration of ownership and cross ownership is highly problematic in a democratic regime in terms of media pluralism and the public sphere (Habermas, 1991). ...
Article
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During its 10 years of existence, the free newspaper Israel Hayom (Israel today) has come to play a pivotal role in Israeli national politics and to serve as what we define as a disruptive media actor among other, commercial, daily newspapers in Israel. The seemingly innocuous daily newspaper, founded in 2007 and distributed widely, has, since 2011, become the most widely read newspaper in Israel. We suggest that Israel Hayom be viewed as a "disruptive" actor in the areas of politics and the media in Israel. Adapted from Christensen's (1997) concept of disruptive technology or innovation, we define as disruptive a media actor that significantly impacts the field of politics and media economy, essentially forcing a change, or changes, in the "rules of the game". While this model is currently unique to Israel, it is likely that under similar conditions further cases shall present themselves in the future.
... For many years, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Spokesperson's Unit (ISU) has served as an integral factor in Israel's public diplomacy (Limor & Nossek, 2006;Yehezkeli, 2009). Public diplomacy is defined as "direct communication with foreign peoples, with the aim of affecting their thinking and, ultimately, that of their governments" (Malone, 1985, p. 199). ...
Article
This study provides an historical overview of the IDF Spokesperson's Unit (ISU) from the early years of the State of Israel until 2009. Analyzing five periods during which the ISU played a key role in Israel's public diplomacy, this research sheds light on the challenges the ISU faced in different periods and circumstances and examines how the ISU tried to modify its methods and actions in response to geopolitical changes and media development, albeit not always successfully. The study suggests better understanding the adaptation process by applying a three-layer framework for analysis: the tactical layer, the strategic layer and the perceptional layer. The findings of this work demonstrate that in adapting to new circumstances, the ISU focused mainly on the tactical response level, with the result that it did not undertake any review or debate over the need for deeper perceptional changes in ISU policies.
... On one hand, conflict inspired mobilized coverage that voluntarily took the side of the military (or the government) and cooperated with the establishment; on the other hand, criticism did not disappear. 22 Most scholars claim that at least during the first stages of the Second Intifada (2000), the media took the side of the political and security establishments, and made an effort to support the narrative that this was a fight for the very existence of the State of Israel. Accordingly, the media gave little space to Palestinian suffering. ...
Article
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The image of the Israeli soldier has transmuted over time. This is particularly true when examining this image in Israeli media. As media reflects social changes, understanding the development of the image of the Israeli soldier in Israeli media may be indicative of wider transformations. During the 1982 Lebanon War the Israeli soldier was identified chiefly as a tough, masculine figure; a warrior. In the 1990s, there was a gradual transformation into a more vulnerable image: a scared, fragile survivor, who wants to return home in one piece. Conversely, during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the framing of the Israeli soldier becomes more complex, with both images present in the media. However, despite the fact both images appear, during this final period the ‘warrior’ image receives more visibility. Using theoretical literature from the fields of communications and civil–military–media relations, and covering two major Israeli news publications – Yediot Aharonot and Haaretz – this article traces the image of the Israeli soldier from the 1982 Lebanon War (1982) to Operation Cast Lead (2008–9).
... On one hand, conflict inspired mobilized coverage that voluntarily took the side of the military (or the government) and cooperated with the establishment; on the other hand, criticism did not disappear. 22 Most scholars claim that at least during the first stages of the Second Intifada (2000), the media took the side of the political and security establishments, and made an effort to support the narrative that this was a fight for the very existence of the State of Israel. Accordingly, the media gave little space to Palestinian suffering. ...
Article
Full-text available
... With hindsight, this marks the evolution of a new style of relationship between the army and defence establishment and the media. This new formula was marked by a high degree of openness, which among other things meant considerably more flexibility -albeit unofficially -in the military censor's work (Limor & Nossek, 2007). Second Lebanon War (Summer, 2006: War ensued after Hezbollah rocketed civilian Israeli settlements, attacked an IDF patrol, and abducting two soldiers. ...
Article
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Although the state of Israel is a democracy, military censorship has been in use since its establishment in 1948 and is still imposed. The chapter analyzes the theoretical and practical grounds for military censorship in Israel based on an agreement between relevant parties: the government, the army, the media, and the public. Analysis of Israeli military censorship reveals that military censorship is not necessarily the enemy of the media and the public's right to know. On the contrary and paradoxically, we show that in Israel's case, military censorship not only performs its task of preventing the publication of information that threatens the national security, at times it sustains the country's freedom of the press, freedom of information, and the public's right to know.
Article
This article provides an overview of the relationship of two Israeli intelligence services and the media over four decades. It explores how Israel’s external and internal intelligence services have dealt with the public sphere in times of publicised crises, and analyses the main differences between the internal and external intelligence services when addressing the media.
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במאמר מוצגת השוואה בין סדרי היום של העיתונות השיתופית ושל זו התאגידית באינטרנט הישראלי. במשך 47 יום לפני הבחירות הכלליות בפברואר 2009 ואחריהן נדגמו הכותרות הראשיות של שני אתרי חדשות תאגידיים מרכזיים ) Ynet, NRG ( ושל אתר חדשות שיתופי מוביל )סקופ(, אשר התכנים בו נכתבו על ידי הגולשים, ואפשר היה לגשת בו לשתי כותרות ראשיות: האחת נקבעה בידי הגולשים והשנייה בידי העורכים. נוסף על קמפיינים לבחירות הכלליות התקיים בתקופה זו מבצע "עופרת יצוקה" בחזית הדרום. אולם למרות שני אירועים לאומיים מרכזיים אלה מצא המחקר כי בכחמישים אחוז מהימים שנדגמו הציגה העיתונות השיתופית סדר יום שונה מזה של העיתונות התאגידית. יתרה מזאת, ב– 89 אחוז מהימים שנדגמו הציבו עורכי האתר השיתופי בראש "חדשות העורכים" תכנים שונים מהנושאים שבהם בחרו משתמשי האתר לעמוד בראש "חדשות הגולשים". המאמר נחתם בדיון על השפעת הגולשים על שינויים בסדר היום התקשורתי
Chapter
The summer 2006 war in Lebanon, arguably the first war of the New Media Age, posed new and globally unfamiliar realities for an entire country: War waged largely on the civilian home front, with virtually live media coverage and online reporting via the Internet.
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Der Konflikt zwischen Israel und Palästina ist seit Jahrzehnten ein Dauerthema in den internationalen Beziehungen und damit auch im Journalismus und der politischen Kommunikation. Der vorliegende Band enthält sieben Studien, die sich in empirischen Analysen mit verschiedenen Facetten der Rolle von Medien im Nahostkonflikt auseinandersetzen. Dabei wird zum einen analysiert, wie ÜBER den Nahostkonflikt kommuniziert wird. Hier stehen die Selbstbilder von Auslandskorrespondenten, die Auslandsberichterstattung zu den letzten Gaza-Kriegen sowie die Israelsolidarität deutscher Medien im Mittelpunkt. Zum zweiten wird unter den Stichwörtern Public Diplomacy und Agenda-Building die Instrumentalisierung des Nahostkonflikts als FOLIE für eine interessengeleitete Repräsentation durch israelische und palästinensische Gruppen untersucht. Zum dritten werden auch Medien und Journalisten als Akteure IM Nahostkonflikt in den Blick genommen. Die Perzeption der Medienkontrolle durch israelische Journalisten und der diskursive Umgang mit Minderheiten in Israel stehen dabei im Fokus der Untersuchungen.
Article
The article examines the place of national narratives and metanarratives in reconciliation between parties to an identity conflict and the role the media play in this process. The article introduces a conceptual framework demonstrating the relationship between metanarrative and national narratives and applies it to the case of Mohammad al-Dura in September 2000. It analyses items from two Israeli newspapers (Yediot Aharonot and Ha’aretz) and three Palestinian newspapers (al-Quds, Alayam, and al-Hayat al-Jadida) as well as news reports published online by two Israeli portals, YNET and WALLA!, and the talkbacks received in response to the coverage. The analysis illustrates the role the media, and more specifically Palestinian regular media and the Israeli talkbacks, have played in amplifying the national narratives and reinforcing the colliding metanarratives. On the other hand, the Israeli media have, by and large, proved the article’s thesis that narratives in an identity conflict can be handled differently. By deconstructing the narrative to its constitutive components, raising questions regarding the reliability of one’s own national/official version, and showing readiness to incorporate the narrative of the “other” into one’s own narrative, the media have played a potentially positive role in the reconciliation process between Israelis and Palestinians.
Article
Im Jahre 490 v.Chr. siegte ein griechisches Heer unter der Führung des Feldherrn Miltiades in der nordöstlich von Athen gelegenen Ebene von Marathon über persische Truppen. Glaubt man der Sage, so wurde die Siegesnachricht von einem Läufer namens Pheidippides überbracht, der nach der 42,195 km langen Strecke von Marathon nach Athen tot auf dem Aeropag zusammen brach. Inzwischen hat sich die Übermittlung von – auch militärisch relevanten – Informationen weit über solche ‚Mensch-Medien‘ hinaus entwickelt und ausdifferenziert. Das Militär ist in vielfältiger Art und Weise selbst – zuletzt etwa mit dem Internet – Entwickler von Medien(technologien) geworden und tritt als Anbieter sowie Distributionsinstanz von Informationen und Deutungsangeboten auf. Medien ihrerseits berichten umfänglich über das Militär als Institution und über den Krieg als ein zentrales Handlungsfeld des Militärs. Aber auch in – alltagssprachlich als Unterhaltungsangebote bezeichneten – medialen Produktionen wie Kriegsfilmen oder -spielen für PC und Videokonsole werden Rolle, Selbstund Fremdverständnis des Militärs bzw. Inszenierungen des Militärischen in zahlreichen Variationen verhandelt (vgl. Schubart et al. 2009).
Article
During conflicts, the media are often the only source of information concerning the ‘other’ side and hence a weighty instrument of opinion making in society. This leads to the central question to what extent the media can contribute to securitising (or desecuritising) issues in society. In this article, examples from the Israeli media landscape are compared with the theoretical approach of the securitisation theory of the Copenhagen School.
Article
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One of the characteristics of democratic regimes is the absence of censorship and other prepublication control over the content of the news media. Although the state of Israel is considered to be a democratic state, military censorship has been in operation since the nation's establishment in 1948. The central question discussed in this article is: What are the circumstances and processes that began and preserve this anomalous situation, one that has no direct equivalent in any other democratic society? An examination of the reciprocal relations in Israel between the political establishment, with military censorship as its method of media control, and the media, finds that it is not a one-way relationship but a kind of marriage, not a marriage of love, but one of convenience. Marriages of this type last for decades, mainly because all the alternatives available to the couple are worse than that of remaining together. It seems that all parties to the unique Israeli censorship arrangement are reconciled to live in a framework of flexible, loosely defined boundaries.
Article
It has come to be widely accepted across the political spectrum that the relation between the media and the government during Vietnam was one of conflict: The media contradicted the more positive view of the war officials sought to project, and for better or worse it was the journalists' view that prevailed with the public, whose disenchantment forced an end to American involvement. Often this view is coupled with its corollary, that no “televised war” can long retain political support. These views are shared not only in the United States but abroad as well; it was the example of Vietnam, for instance, that motivated the British government to impose tight controls on news coverage of the Falklands crisis. Back at home, the Reagan administration, with Vietnam again in mind, excluded the media from the opening phase of the Grenada invasion.Vietnam coincided with a number of other dramatic political events in which the media's role was central. First was the civil rights movement, played out largely on a media stage, then the urban conflicts of the late 1960s, the Democratic Convention in Chicago, the rise of a host of new political movements, and finally Watergate. The apparently growing prominence of the media coincided with what seemed to be a crisis in political institutions: public confidence in government declined dramatically during these years, public attachment to both political parties weakened, and the political system began a twenty‐year period during which not a single president would serve two full terms of office. These developments, along with Vietnam, provoked a broader controversy about the relation of the media to American government institutions.
The Mass Media in Israel
  • Yehiel Limor
Yehiel Limor, 'The Mass Media in Israel', in Ephraim Yaar and Zeev Shavit (eds.), Issues in Israeli Society, Tel Aviv, 2003, pp. 1017-1103.
The World News Prism: Changing Media, Changing Ideologies
  • William Hachten
William Hachten, The World News Prism: Changing Media, Changing Ideologies, Ames, IA, 1981.
Free to Report What We're Told
  • See Robert Fisk
See Robert Fisk, 'Free to Report What We're Told', in Micha Sifry and Christopher Serf (eds.), The Gulf War Reader, New York, 1991, pp. 376-380.
News Blackout in the Caribbean The Fog of War: The Media on the Battlefield
  • Geoff Mungham
Geoff Mungham, 'Grenada: News Blackout in the Caribbean', in David Mercer et al. (eds.), The Fog of War: The Media on the Battlefield, London, 1988, pp. 291– 310.
The In/Outsiders: Mass Media in IsraelInformation that Put the Public to Sleep By Our Military Correspondent
  • Dan Caspi
Dan Caspi and Yehiel Limor, The In/Outsiders: Mass Media in Israel, Cresskill, NJ, 1999; Uri Avnery, 'Information that Put the Public to Sleep', in Tali Zelinger (ed.), By Our Military Correspondent, Tel Aviv, 1990, p. 39; Yeshayau Ben-Porat et al., Failure, Tel Aviv, 1975.
Although during the Six Day War as well, a reserve general (Chaim Herzog) was appointed as National Spokesman, he held that job as an individual and not as the official responsible for the entire information system
  • Daniel Dor
Daniel Dor, Journalism under the Influence, Tel Aviv, 2001, p. 11. 21. Although during the Six Day War as well, a reserve general (Chaim Herzog) was appointed as National Spokesman, he held that job as an individual and not as the official responsible for the entire information system.
The Little Prince and Big Brother, or: The Media Industry in Israel in an Era of Change
  • Yehiel Limor
Yehiel Limor, 'The Little Prince and Big Brother, or: The Media Industry in Israel in an Era of Change', in D. Caspi (ed.), The Media and Democracy in Israel, Tel Aviv, 1997, pp. 29-46;
The Mass Media in Israel'; Caspi and Limor, The In/Outsiders
  • Limor
Limor, 'The Mass Media in Israel'; Caspi and Limor, The In/Outsiders.
The End of Journalism?
  • Michael Bromley
Michael Bromley, 'The End of Journalism?', in Michael Bromley and Tom O'Malley (eds.), A Journalism Reader, London, 1997, pp. 330 -350.
To Hell with Text! What's Important Are Headlines and Pictures: Changes in Front Page Style in the Israeli Press-1948-1998', paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Israel Communication Association
  • Yehiel Limor
  • Ziva Kantor
Yehiel Limor and Ziva Kantor, 'To Hell with Text! What's Important Are Headlines and Pictures: Changes in Front Page Style in the Israeli Press-1948-1998', paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Israel Communication Association, Haifa, December 1999.
Changes in Security Discourse in the Media and in the Perception of Citizenship in Israel
  • Peri
Peri, 'Changes in Security Discourse in the Media and in the Perception of Citizenship in Israel'. THE MILITARY AND THE MEDIA IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
From Nation in Uniform to Postmodern Army: Military Politics in Israel in the " New Era
  • Uri Ben
Uri Ben-Eliezer, 'From Nation in Uniform to Postmodern Army: Military Politics in Israel in the " New Era " ', Democratic Culture, Vol. 4 –5 (2001), pp. 55–97.
A Comparative Theory of Military and Political Types
  • D C Rapoport
D.C. Rapoport, 'A Comparative Theory of Military and Political Types', in Samuel Huntington (ed.), Changing Patterns of Military Politics, New York, 1962, pp. 71-101.
Interaction Between the Israeli Defence Forces and the Media: A Content Analysis of the Press
  • Aviad Bar-Haim
Aviad Bar-Haim, 'Interaction Between the Israeli Defence Forces and the Media: A Content Analysis of the Press'. Paper presented at the 5th biennial conference of European Research Group on Military and Society, Zurich, 3-6 October 1996.
  • George Thompson
George Thompson, Blue Pencil Admiral, London, 1947; Jeffery Smith, War and Press Freedom, New York, 1999.
  • David Morrison
  • Howard Tumber
David Morrison and Howard Tumber, Journalists at War, London, 1988.
News Blackout in the Caribbean
  • Geoff Mungham
  • Grenada
Geoff Mungham, 'Grenada: News Blackout in the Caribbean', in David Mercer et al. (eds.), The Fog of War: The Media on the Battlefield, London, 1988, pp. 291-310.
Journalism under the Influence
  • Daniel Dor
Daniel Dor, Journalism under the Influence, Tel Aviv, 2001, p. 11.
From Nation in Uniform to Postmodern Army: Military Politics in Israel in the
  • Uri Ben-Eliezer
Uri Ben-Eliezer, 'From Nation in Uniform to Postmodern Army: Military Politics in Israel in the "New Era"', Democratic Culture, Vol. 4 -5 (2001), pp. 55-97.
Towards a Postmodern Army?
  • Charles Moskos
Charles Moskos, 'Towards a Postmodern Army?', Democratic Culture, Vol. 4 -5 (2001), pp. 213-232.