ArticlePDF Available

Social eugenics and nationalist race hygiene in early twentieth century Spain

Hisiory of European Ideal,
Vol. 15, No. 4-6, pp. 741-748, 1992
0191-6599/92 $5.00-H0.00
Printed in Great Britain
1992 Pergamon Press Ltd
This paper' pursues the need to differentiate between historical experiences
within Mediterranean Europe and to assess the specificity of its historical
dynamics in the construction of nationalism and other related movements. By
posing a specific problematic—eugenics—I hope to point to both similarity and
diversity in such experiences and thus widen perspectives on overall patterns of
European historical development. I shall argue that although Spain was
undoubtedly a recipient of mainstream central models of European eugenics, it
not only adapted such models to the socio-cultural needs of the country thus
modifying them, but also elaborated alternative models of eugenics and race
hygiene. Even within Europe, historical analysis of the socio-scientific eugenics
movement points to the growing inadequacy of an interpretative scheme based
on the notion of mainstream eugenics with peripheral subordinate streams. This
paper posits the parallel existence of alternative branches of eugenics developed
in distinctive ways in specific historical circumstances.
Since the Enlightenment, racial differences had been singled out as significant
aspects of social and scientific reality in Europe.
The growing scientific study of
human difference and hereditary differentiation in the nineteenth century led to
an extensive European discourse on racial inequality and the idea of race
gradually became an important category of scholarly discussion. In the age of
developing nationalism and later imperialist expansion, science became an
important part of ideological argumentation, a means of social control and
political legitimization. In this context, scientific racism and eugenics became
fundamental in supporting certain power relations as natural and inevitable.
Towards the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the rhetoric of
nationalism in many countries became heavily freighted with race issues, while
the rhetoric of eugenics was also impregnated with a nationalist discourse. In
many countries national differences were not only based on differential cultural
identity but also on racial differences. Eugenics and race hygiene were highly
instrumental in this socio-cultural development.
Most historical analysis of international eugenics to date have accounted for
the social and intellectual foundations of such movements, their ideological
structure and key role in the development of racial policies. Historians have
emphasised the political nature of the scientific study of human difference and
the role of certain professionals in designing racial policies.
Analysis has
revealed that the scientific coverage of such movements lent a certain authority to
fundamentally ideological pronouncements of a right-wing nature. The politics
*Departamento de Historia Contemporanea, Facultad de Geografia e Historia, Calle
Baldiri i Rexach s/n, Barcelona 08028, Spain.
Mary Nash
of eugenics has thus tended initially to be defined as essentially conservative and
later, as vital in the development of nazism.' Yet we miss something if we
presume at the outset that eugenics can be identified exclusively with conservative
policies. A small number of historians have indeed contended that eugenics
cannot be considered just as a conservative movement. The early race hygiene
movement does not fall neatly into Left-Right categories and indeed, to some
extent may be considered as a progressive force. To my understanding it is
misleading to define all eugenics movements
per se
as conservative. It is true that
the concerns of eugenics were crucial to conservative politics and conservative
nationalism, however we would be under a misconception to limit its area of
influence exclusively to right-wing, nazi, fascist or Francoist politics. Eugenics
was at times militantly antiprogressive, but at others it had a decisive social
reform bent. Neither can we delimit conservative ideological foundations to
mainstream eugenics and, conversely, attribute a progressive emphasis to
secondary peripheral manifestations of this movement. I would like to argue that
in the Spanish case, a mainstream eugenics movement can also be placed in the
scenario of early twentieth century social reform and even on the agenda of
revolutionary anarchism.
The construction of Spanish eugenics in the early twentieth century shows that
despite some conservative trends within this complex movement, one of its
singular features is that, until the Franco era, it was a distinctly social reform
movement. Indeed, this paper posits that eugenics was a fundamental feature in
state modernisation and social change projected by socialists and progressive
liberals in the 1920s and 1930s. This of course poses the terms in which eugenics
was conceived and the politics the movement engendered. Eugenics in Spain
developed initially in the context of a heightened nationalist discourse due to
growing awareness of Spanish decadence. In this initial stage, it coincided with
the end of century political decline of Spain with the loss of her last colonies in
1892. Spain's reassessment of its potential world role in the aftermath of this
`National Disaster' paved the way for the development of a nationalistic eugenics
couched in a patriotic discourse. Of central importance in the burgeoning
eugenics movement was the emphasis on nationalism and the reformulation of
Spanish national identity. Politicians and philosophers had identified many of
the political and economic factors in the end of century crisis of Spain. However,
by 1918, numerous articles alerted that another major factor was instrumental in
this decline: the degeneration of the Spanish race. The biological decadence of
the Spanish race thus featured openly in explanations of Spain's political
downfall. This became a focal point in
En defensa de la Raza (1918),
a well-known
work by the prominent eugenicist Martinez Vargas, a radical republican and
Dean of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Barcelona. Race decadence
became the keyword in the science and social ideology of early eugenicists.
Deeply embedded was the notion that the 'national vitality' of Spain had suffered
Social Eugenics and Nationalist Race Hygiene
constant deterioration through the organic and social decadence of numerous
national groups.' Eugenicists fully absorbed the idea that Spain was a 'dying
nation' with a 'decadent people'. One of the well known socialist eugenicists, the
doctor, Cesar Juarros, future Parliamentary Deputy and outstanding antifascist,
spoke of the `funeral of the Race'. Ultimately, this idea of race decadence as
highly influential in the decline of Spain, caught the political imagination.
Nationalist regeneration thus became deeply linked with race improvement while
eugenics was voiced in a patriotic nationalistic discourse. The identification-of
`Love of the Fatherland' and race improvement was widely disseminated by
Spanish scholars and the idea that racial betterment was vital for the `true
regeneration of Spain' was gradually to be taken for granted.' What the
eugenicists provided was a new view on the debate about the nation which
linked the ongoing political and cultural regenerationist movement to their
version of the
hereditary science. Race regeneration thus became a crucial
feature in the `salvation of the Fatherland' and the construction of a healthy
nation. The assumption underlying Spanish eugenics at this time was not racial
arrogance or the exaltation of impeccable ancestry but the acknowledgment of
the need to improve racial heritage in Spain.
These examples indicate a growing concern with race and nationalism as a key
to the representation of eugenic ideas. Yet despite such pervasive references to
race, a biological perspective was not one of the major defining features of
Spanish eugenics. Although it stressed the link between racial fitness and
national efficiency, eugenical medical ideology was closer to the `environmental'
Lamarckian assumption that nurture was more important than nature in the
shaping of human character and institutions. The notion of nationhood was
linked with population vitality, public health and social welfare but not with a
biologically homogeneous nation. The hereditarian bias, common in other
movements. was never very strong in Spanish eugenics which was not particularly
susceptible to racial explanations of the course of history nor did it, at this point
in time, pay a marked attention to the idea of the superiority of the Spanish race.
Although a number of eugenicists such as the sociologist, Severino Aznar, the
outstanding conservative social catholic intellectual, did show sharp differences
to this approach by defending the assumption of a distinctive superior Spanish
race with innate endowments enabling it to be a chosen people,' the rationale of
Spanish eugenics was not based on race superiority until the Franco regime.
In fact, most doctors and scientists eschewed the most significant scientific
debates which characterised what is normative in eugenics in many other
European countries. In shunning theoretical debate on eugenics, the elite
professional groups of doctors and lawyers who were the directive core of this
movement ultimately avoided open confrontation on this very polemical issue in
a highly traditional Spanish society still dominated to a large degree by
conventional religious cultural identity and powerful social control by the hostile
Roman Catholic church.
Mary Nash
The key feature in Spanish eugenics was its socio-medical approach. Social
hygiene rather than race hygiene defined this stream of eugenics which had a
more demographical, medical bent rather than a racial hereditarian basis. While
the image of race degeneration and national decline had initially inspired
eugenicists, of more immediate importance in the development of eugenics as a
movement in the 1920s was the drive for social reform, state modernisation and
social welfare in Spain. Social eugenicists formed an elite with powerful political
and social authority in Spanish politics. A number of prominent leaders of the
socialist movement belonging to elite professional groups (Juarros, Sanchis
Banus, Jimenez de Astia), together with a small number of progressive liberals
(Maranon) became key leaders in the consolidation of social eugenics as a
prominent social-reform movement in the late twenties and early thirties, as part
of the organisation of society by corporations of professionals: social engineering,
Spanish style.
The main drive of social eugenics centered on reproductive policies and the
elimination of degenerative diseases such as tuberculosis or venereal diseases as
the major problems impeding the overall improvement of the race. As was the
case in other countries the regulation of reproduction was central to the
development of eugenic policies and gender-defined population policies. Special
attention was concentrated on motherhood as the crucial means to improve the
biological patrimony of the nation. Maternal eugenics, health assistance to
children and general improvement in sanitary conditions were the pivotal points
of the social eugenics program. In the early twentieth century traditional socio-
cultural norms and the hostile attitude of the Roman Catholic Church caused
most social sectors to be silent on polemical issues such as birth control or
eugenics. Conforming to cultural values of the time, most public evaluations on
birth control were negative and rejected the legitimacy of its practice.' Although
the young and eccentric Hildegart Rodriguez, lawyer, and secretary of the
Spanish League for Scientifically Based Sex Reform, enthusiastically
claimed that the application of birth control would constitute 'the next
great stage in human civilization and the 'New Gospel of the Redemption',9 most
eugenicists did not share such enthusiasm and were very hesitant even to accept
the legitimacy of birth control as a means to promote selective maternity and race
improvement through voluntary conception.
Of course birth control and maternal eugenics were only one of the many
methods proposed by eugenicists to carry out their policy of race improvement.
Other methods debated were the requirement of a prematrimonial health
certificate, eugenic unions or sterilization. The predominant social bias in
reformist eugenics lead to a defense of 'soft core' eugenic politics, however,
despite its overall progressive framework, some social eugenicists were also at
times to defend more conservative politics and even admit 'hard core' social
technologies such as human sterilization. To my understanding there is no clear
divisory line within the eugenics movement in Spain and indeed right/left
Social Eugenics and Nationalist Race Hygiene
categories are inadequate interpretative schemes for such complex movements
that transcend such classifications, for how should one define a radical socialist
eugenic reformer who defends sterilisation, a revolutionary anarchist eugenicist
who defends the castration of 'degenerates', or Franco's racial hygiene program
which did not admit the principle of race selection through hardcore eugenic
policies? Such distinctions are problematical in this movement which was at
times highly ambivalent and contradictory. In this context, progressive political
models of social change did not always imply a rejection of racist policies, while
fascist politics under Franco, did not necessarily embrace racist social tech-
nologies. Political expectations did not always comply with socio-cultural
conditions such as Roman Catholic teaching, population trends or social
One of the major drives of Spanish eugenics was social reform, however, it
cannot be described as a popular working class movement. There was however
another branch of eugenics which had a clearly defined labor orientation:
anarchist sex reform.m This movement aligned openly with the labor movement
and sought to provide the working class, and particularly women, with medical
counselling and information on birth control techniques, working class eugenics,
reproduction and sex education. In contrast to the reformist eugenics movement,
anarchist sex reform aimed at direct popular access to scientific knowledge on
sexuality, birth control and eugenics. The significance of anarchist sex reform
was not just that it promoted a popular non-professional movement. Equally
important was the contention that sex reform was a fundamental feature in
anarchist projects for revolutionary social change. Although anarchist sex
reformers sympathised with some of the ideals of the social reformers of their
time, they cast sex reform in a subversive revolutionary light as an alternative
social model at odds with the reformist politics of social eugenicists. Not
surprisingly they proposed a countercultural view of sexual behavior which
questioned many predominant traditional cultural norms." Anarchist sex
reform drew on current scientific knowledge to further a eugenical approach to
reproduction which would favor the working classes. The appeal to science was
not new to Spanish anarchism which had consistently looked to scientific
progress to ensure social transformation.' What was new was their interest in the
new sciences of eugenics and sexology and the link they established between
sexual norms, biology and race perfection. It is true that sex reform and not
eugenics featured as the defining core of this branch of Spanish anarchism.
However, although peripheral, eugenics also figured in their discussion and
policies and became a legitimate concern of anarchists, although only as a means
to pursue their ultimate goal of sex reform. Nonetheless it was recognised as a
respectable area of study and some eugenic ideals were incorporated into their
policies. Although interested in the biological patrimony of the working class,
most anarchists rejected hereditarian interpretations of racial fitness and thus
concentrated their attention on class-defined social eugenics. Anarchist eugenics
Mary Nash
had a decisive class rationale. A crucial argument in this discourse was that major
eugenic concerns of high mortality rates, maternal and infant ill health and
infectious diseases were the patrimony of the poor. Eugenics was thus vital for
the improvement of general health conditions of the lower classes. Class
improvement, not race betterment was the key to their perspective.
Maternal eugenics was a core feature of the movement but its rationale differed
considerably from social reform maternal eugenics in the sense that birth control
figured as a major feature. There was also a sharp distinction in its class
emphasis: in anarchist rhetoric the eugenic ideal of a physically strong and
intellectually developed humankind meant improving the quality of human life
among the lower classes." The focal point of anarchist conscious maternity was
to free women workers from the genetic burden of reproduction and the 'slavery
of continuous maternity'. Birth control was the key to achieving this goal and,
indeed, in 1936, the 'Eugenic Reform' introduced in Catalonia by anarchists
during the Civil War, legalised abortion and attempted to introduce new eugenic
policies in prostitution and family planning services."
A very different version of eugenics emerged under the Franco regime. Race
hygiene came to the forefront under Franco when this refurbished ideology
based on National-Catholicism and National-Syndicalism also proclaimed the
manifest destiny of the Spanish race. Franco constructed a discourse which not
only invoked 'Fatherland, Bread and Justice' but also the
the greatness
of Spain based on imperial expansion, population increase and its recuperation
as a world power. The notions of racial heritage, biological patrimony and the
belief in the superiority of the Spanish race introduced race hygiene into francoist
It is clear that Franco's race hygiene constituted an ambitious comprehensive
program which upheld national interests and promoted cultural imperialism in
North Africa and Latin America." What is significant too, is that Francoist
ideology identified racial with cultural heritage. Equally important was the fact
that the defence of Spanish heritage transcended Spain to embrace western
civilisation. Hence Spanish race hygiene through population expansion was to be
a decisive arm in preventing the decline of the white race. The key to the growth
of biological patrimony, racial health and political expansion was pro-natalism
which became an overriding concern of mainstream politics under the early
Franco regime. Franco nationalist discourse associated the numerical superiority
of a growing population with nationalist expansion and, in turn, a declining birth
rate with decadence." Not surprisingly then, Franco's race hygiene programs
quickly developed concerted State intervention in reproductive policies geared
essentially towards population increase. In this way the manifest destiny of the
Spanish race was thus linked inextricably to the biological destiny of women as
potential breeders. They, accordingly, were the key to halting national degenera-
tion through an expanded birthrate and a maximum development of their
reproductive capacities. Recent scholarship has accounted for the pro-natalist
drive in the early Franco regime," it suffices here to say that it represented a core
Social Eugenics and Nationalist Race Hygiene
feature in Franco race hygiene polices which developed maternal eugenics as the
key to its reproductive policies. The regime also devised numerous policies
devoted to the promotion of motherhood as 'a biological, Christian and Spanish
and the key to its race hygiene program.
Franco race hygiene discourse was much more racial in focus than early
Spanish eugenics however it too avoided interpretations of biological heredity
and race determination. Although race hygiene programs were overtly pro-natalist
nevertheless, in striking contrast with Germany, they did not stress the value of
racial fitness nor did they promote racial policies that favored specific social
groups and attacked others as genetically unfit. It is true that they stressed the
need to develop the Spanish race but they did not develop racist policies as such
to prevent the survival of those considered non-Spanish. Under Franco, race
hygiene was a cultural rather than a hereditarian biological model. Franco
discourse identified the Spanish with the traditional Castillian race, whose
forefathers were the
It was an integratory centralist cultural
model which attempted to annul the development of multiple nationalisms
during the Second Republic with the creation of autonomous governments in the
historical national communities of Catalonia and the Basque Country. Franco
resorted to a unitary model of Spain which would weaken such nationalist
aspirations and provide a genuine Spanish culture and race. Unitary Spanish
nationalism was the impulse behind francoist nationalist discourse which, of
course, wished to provide a unitary cultural and religious Spanish heritage in its
nationalist expansion program.
National-Catholicism played a fundamental role in the political and
ideological legitimisation of the Franco regime. The centrality of the Roman
Catholic Church in formulating natalist policies, of course, prevented Franco
from developing a clear race hygiene policy which could mark off some of the
population as unfit for reproduction or prevent procreation. The emphasis on
Spanishness as a core cultural identity was the basis of Franco's racial polices
which did not contemplate genocide or sterilization. Hardcore eugenic measures
had no place in the design of a race hygiene program which focused on positive
maternal eugenics. Moreover, according to Franco, the racial unity of Spain had
already been established from the eighth century on with the
reconquest of the Peninsula from the Muslims and the
limpieza de sangre,
blood purity campaign of Inquisitorial Spain, through the repression of the non-
christian population, the Moors and the Jews, in the late fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. Of course, this unitary scheme was based on the systematic repression
of nationalist identity and culture in Catalonia and the Basque Country, however
this had a cultural and political basis and was not developed as race policy. In
contrast to other countries, religious cultural identity was the basis of Franco's
race hygiene. Despite his conservative totalitarian politics, Franco rejected a
definition of race hygiene more in consonance with other conservative European
models. Indeed, in Spain, throughout the twentieth century, cultural, religious
and political specificity gave rise to different models of eugenics and race hygiene
which differed from other European movements.
Mary Nash
University of Barcelona
Mary Nash
I should like to thank Enric Ucelay Da Cal for his stimulating discussion of this paper.
This paper is based on a Research Project on Eugenics, Birthcontrol and Motherhood
in Early Twentieth Century Spain funded by the Comision de Investigacion
Cientifica y Tecnica of the Ministry of Education.
Nancy, Stepan,
The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain 1800-1969
Macmillan, 1982).
Loren R. Graham, 'Science and Values: The Eugenics Movement in Geimany and
Russia in the 1920's'
The American Historical Review,
Vol. 82, No. 5 (December 1977);
Claudio Pogliano, `Scienza e stirpe' eugenica in Italia (1912-1939)',
Passato e
No. 5 (1984); Robert N. Proctor,
Racial Hygiene. Medicine under the Nazis
(Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1988); William Schneider, 'Toward the
Improvement of the
Human Race: The History of Eugenics in France'
The Journal of
Modern History,
Vol. 54, No. 2 (June 1982); G.R. Searle,
Eugenics and Politics in
Britain 1900-1914
(Leyden: Noordhoff International Publishing, 1976).
Gisela Bock,
Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus. Studien zur Rassenpolitik
and Frauenpolitik
(Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986); Proctor
Racial Hygiene.
I. Valenti VivO,
La Sanidad Nacional: Eugenesia y biometria
(Barcelona: La Neotipia,
1910), p. 12.
`Higiene en Lengua Espaiiola. Algunas reformas higienico-sociales urgentes',
El Siglo
(24 February 1920).
Severino Aznar,
La familia como institucian basica de la sociedad
(Oviedo: Editorial
Covadonga, 1926), 'El regimen de subsidios familiares, la fraternidad cristiana y las
consignas del "Nuevo Estado"'
Revista Internactional de Sociologia,
No. 2-3
(April-September 1943).
Mary Nash, 'Generic), cambio social y la problematica del aborto',
Historia Social,
No. 2 (Autumn 1988).
Hildegart, `Maternidad Consciente',
Genitica, eugenesia y pedadogia sexual. Libro de
las Primeras Jornadas Eugenicas Espaiiolas
(Madrid: Javier Morata, 1934), Vol. 1,
p. 215.
Mary Nash, 'El neomaltusianismo anarquista y los conocimientos populares sobre el
control de natalidad en Espana', Nash (Ed.).
Presencia y protagonism°. Aspectos de la
historia de la mujer
(Barcelona: Serbal, 1984).
Max Winkler, 'El problema de la procreaci6n y la prevencion de la maternidad',
Generacion Consciente
(1 October 1924); Un medico rural, 'A modo de programa',
(June 1931).
J. Alvarez Junco,
La ideologia politica del anarquismo espaiiol (1868-1910)
Siglo XXI, 1976).
Diogenis Ilurtensis, `Azulejos. Eugenesia y neomaltusianismo',
(July 1933).
Mary Nash, `L'Avortement legal a Catalunya.: una experiencia fracassada',
(March 1983).
A. Najera Vallejo,
Eugenesia de la Hispanidad y regeneracion de la raza
Editorial Espaliola, 1937) and
Politica racial del Nuevo Estado
(San Sebastian:
Editorial Espaiiola 1938).
Javier Ruiz Almansa, `Crecimiento y reparticion de la poblacion de Espana',
Revista Internacional de Sociologia
(January-March 1944).
Jose Ros Jimeno, 'El decrecimiento de la natalidad y sus causas',
(Madrid: Instituto `13almes' de Sociologia, 1945), Vol. 1.
Mary Nash, `Pronatalism and Motherhood in Franco's Spain', Gisela Bock and
Pat Thane (Eds),
Maternity: Visions of Gender and the Rise of the Welfare State
(London: Routledge, forthcoming).
Resumen del Discurso de Pilar Primo de Rivera,
La Vanguardia (11
January 1940).
... Evitar la transmisión de ciertas enfermedades tenía como finalidad última la mejora de la raza humana a través de una selección "consciente" de los genes transmitidos a los futuros hijos; de ahí la necesidad de la generación (maternidad/paternidad) consciente. Este tipo de eugenesia positiva influyó en un discurso que sirvió de estrategia al feminismo y a la emancipación de la mujer, ya que al limitar la progenie en aras de una sociedad mejor se la liberaba a ella de la carga familiar (Nash, 1984;1992). ...
Full-text available
This study lays down the results of an analysis carried out using social network method on exhaustive bibliographic citation index that consists of scientific publications on Spanish women during Spanish Civil War. For this purpose, web-based system is employed. Firstly, the historical, bibliographic citation index named "References and Citation Index on Spanish Women History" is created on within the scope of this study. The index incorporates the main studies written following the war such as books published by prestigious international presses, articles published in peer-reviewed journals, international symposium reports and dissertations. Aforementioned index was analyzed by using the betweenness, closeness and eigenvector collectivism criterions of the social network analysis method. Important researchers that conducted significant research on the subject "Spanish women during Spanish Civil War" as well as other relevant contributors that connect different groups in this network are revealed using network maps created by employing the social network analysis.
Institutionalisation has played a key role in Irish social policy, however there is still a lack of clarity regarding the relationship between the governing structures (government departments, medical and education regulators etc.) and those who ran the institutions, such as the Catholic convent institutions for 'fallen' women. Specifically a question remains as to the precise logic for transferring girls and women into these settings. This paper expands the debate by exploring the existence of Catholic Convent industries in Ireland through the lenses of spiritual eugenics in the early 20th Century. In contrast to Anglo-American eugenic practices based on sterilisation and birth control, Latin eugenic practices accepted by the Catholic Church were based on removing women from temptation and may have produced a necessary commitment to long-term closed institutions. The paper offers a brief description of the differences between eugenics aimed at biological fitness and the practices aimed at spiritual promotion.
This article provides the basis for further considerations on the overlap between different expressions of science, in particular psychotechnics, biotypology and eugenics, in Iberia. It sets the reception of and interest in these scientific undertakings within the specific context pertaining in both Iberian dictatorships and considers the importance of the culture of the scientific community, the role of religion and the presence of positivism within each. While the actual traffic of knowledge between the two countries was limited, the contrasts and differences in the uptake of these specialisms within the two countries and their proximity or otherwise to other fascist and authoritarian regimes of the 1930s and 1940s are explored.
Full-text available
The postwar years in Spain were little more than the perpetuation of the Civil War on an ideological terrain, as the Franco Regime consistently vilified the memory of the Second Republic and remorselessly persecuted the defeated Republicans. In fact, nationalist diatribes against communism and its attendant ills of separatism and laicism were invariably expounded in medical terminology, referring as they did to the “cancer” and “virus” which had devastated the nation during the Civil War. This empirically unverifiable theory sustained that a large scale extermination (the Civil War) had to be carried out to rid Spain of this “virus” thus preempt the contagion of this fervently Catholic and patriotic nation. Horkheimer affirms that the family is the microcosm of the fascist state, as the relationship between siblings and parents replicates the obedience of the citizen to the fascist state. As Republican traits were at antipodes to the prescribed national attributes, the Francoist State sought to destroy the Republican family by a myriad of measures such as the inculcation of a zealous National Catholicism in their children, which in turn precipitated both selfhatred and the children's outright rejection of their parents. However, the social persecution of the defeated transcended indoctrination: in the postwar years, the horrendousness of life for the Republicans was compounded by the State's quasi reconversion policy, which resulted in Republican children being forcibly removed from their homes, and been adopted by pro-Francoist families, or in many cases, rehoused by religious orders which, within a decade, witnessed a huge increase in the number of supposed orphans becoming seminarists. In this article, I intend to elaborate on both the means by which the Francoist State eradicated the Republican family, and its long-term consequences.
This article explores Spanish racial thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, concentrating specifically on its application in criminological practice. Rather than accepting the more common dismissals of Spanish racial ideas as either non-existent or somehow non-racist for their reliance on mixture, this article demonstrates both how malleable the idea of race was in Spain and the variety of purposes to which it was put. This article also places the discussion of race and crime in Spain more broadly in its European context. It shifts the focus away from European historiography’s more typical assumption that the content of racial ideas was the motor force behind the shaping of actual criminal policies and jurisprudence. Instead, this article demonstrates that the context in which racial ideas were developed proved far more important in determining how ideas were applied than the content or definition of those racial ideas.
L'A. etudie les liens politiques qui s'etablissent entre le mouvement eugeniste qui se revendique comme une entreprise hygienique, et la reforme anarchiste de la sexualite qui prend effet en Espagne dans les annees 1920. L'A. montre que l'eugenisme s'inscrit d'emblee dans le projet politico-social de l'anarchisme, fonde sur une nouvelle moralite de la sexualite ( maternite consciente, facilites d'avortement) en vue d'une certaine purete sociale synonyme de racisme scientifique
This article aims to add a new dimension to the analysis of the relationship between medicine and eugenics via a discussion of the community of Turkish physicians in the period between the two World Wars. It argues that even though the relationship between the two fields has been discussed before in terms of the professional ideology of doctors, the medical community itself has not come under scrutiny by scholars. It is the purpose of this article to show eugenics as the main unifying edifice of that community and argue that eugenics is to be found in the patterns of social reproduction of the doctors as part of the professional middle class in addition to being those who transfer knowledge of medicine. As can be seen in Turkey in the 1930s, the doctors, in their efforts to construct themselves as the pioneers of modern scientific medicine, as well as the new ruling class of the country, used eugenics extensively both as a means of self-identification, and as a way to build a professional class “fit” to rule the country.
This paper discusses the surprising resurgence in the fortunes of the British eugenics movement in the 1930s. It is argued that although mass unemployment may in the long run have discredited that version of eugenics in which social dependence and destitution were attributed to genetic defect, in the short run the Depression was often perceived as a vindication of the eugenical creed. In particular, the attempt to reduce the fertility of the unemployed by popularising birth control techniques, and the voluntary sterilization campaign aimed at preventing the propagation of defectives from the so-called Social Problem Group, satisfied the urge felt by many conservative members from the professional classes to respond creatively to the country's crisis, without endangering existing social and economic institutions. It is also shown that not until 1938 did events in Germany cause substantial damage to the cause of eugenics in Britain. In fact, the ‘German experiment’ was actually greeted with approval by certain British eugenists of an authoritarian cast of mind. However, the Society as a whole never identified with these right-wing extremists, thanks in part to the moderating influence exercised by its General Secretary, Dr. C. P. Blacker, whose prime concern was with psycho-medical problems likely to concern people of all party persuasions.
Scienza e stirpe' eugenica in Italia (1912-1939)', Passato e Presente
  • Claudio Pogliano
Claudio Pogliano, 'Scienza e stirpe' eugenica in Italia (1912-1939)', Passato e Presente, No. 5 (1984);
La familia coma institucidn basica de la sociedad (Oviedo: Editorial Covadonga, 1926), 'El regimen de subsidios familiares, la fraternidad cristiana y las
  • Severino
  • Aznar
Severino Aznar, La familia coma institucidn basica de la sociedad (Oviedo: Editorial Covadonga, 1926), 'El regimen de subsidios familiares, la fraternidad cristiana y las
Algunas reformas higienico-sociales urgentes
`Higiene en Lengua Espaiiola. Algunas reformas higienico-sociales urgentes', El Siglo Medico (24 February 1920).