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Globalization and Foreign News Coverage
Abstract
To illustrate the impacts of globalization on international mass communication, this paper brings together both a theoretical analysis on the impacts of cultural globalization penetrating media content and a case study of German media in covering China. It aims to empirically examine to what extent and in what ways cultural globalization exercises its symbolic power to constitute international news reporting. This study demonstrates that foreign news reporting is increasingly influenced by a global consciousness, even in the international context. This phenomenon of foreign news “going global” and/or “going transnational” can be effectively observed across the major news reporting areas and systematically studied under four criteria that are the ways in which news is structured.
... T.-y. Ting (2010) holds the view that foreign news reporting has been influenced by a global consciousness -foreign news going global or going transnational -which re-established the genre's contemporary appeal. ...
... T.-y. Ting (2010) holds the view that foreign news reporting has been influenced by a global consciousness -foreign news going global or going transnational -which re-established the genre's contemporary appeal. ...
... Nye (2004) has already hinted that soft power is also about the power over opinion especially in the current information era and public diplomacy, as an element of soft power, relies on media communication to inform and influence the global publics (Golan & Himelboim, 2016;Guo & Vargo, 2017). Ting (2010) has demonstrated that foreign news reporting has been influenced by a global consciousness, foreign news going global or going transnational, which re-established the genre's contemporary appeal. Wasserman (2016) argued that Nye's (2005) notion of "soft power" has been applied so often when theorising China's media outreach to the extent that informal and everyday interactions between South Africans and Chinese migrants have been ignored. ...
Abstract: In the present state of population growth and urbanization, local government
authorities have the daunting challenge of effective management of solid waste in the
21st century, because of its slow rate of degeneration. However, the practice and
research into the area of waste management mostly focus on the provision of the
necessary infrastructure, promoting access to services, and waste disposal. This study
argues that solid waste contributes to the livelihoods of urban households through
reuse and that some efforts in the disposal of waste are needless. We developed a
model to simulate the relationship between solid waste reuse and livelihoods of
households. The paper concludes that various household occupations are linked to
various sources and types of solid waste that are reused, and this reduces material
costs, provides employment, income, and the abilities to cater for other basic needs of
urban households whose members engage in solid waste reuse as occupations. It was
recommended that stakeholders should facilitate more awareness creation programs
on the benefits of solid waste reuse by households, while formal sector operations
should also shift away from waste collection and disposal, to waste recycling, energy
recovery, and waste reuse.
Key words: Solid waste, urban households, waste reuse, livelihoods
... Nye (2004) has already hinted that soft power is also about the power over opinion especially in the current information era and public diplomacy, as an element of soft power, relies on media communication to inform and influence the global publics (Golan & Himelboim, 2016;Guo & Vargo, 2017). Ting (2010) has demonstrated that foreign news reporting has been influenced by a global consciousness, foreign news going global or going transnational, which re-established the genre's contemporary appeal. Wasserman (2016) argued that Nye's (2005) notion of "soft power" has been applied so often when theorising China's media outreach to the extent that informal and everyday interactions between South Africans and Chinese migrants have been ignored. ...
This paper provides a descriptive and explanatory analysis of the dominant global
news actors in the Ghanaian press. It addresses two specific issues: the amount of
foreign news in the Ghanaian press sourced to Chinese global news organisations and
its implications, and how the Ghanaian journalists and editors constructed their use
of Xinhua news articles for the coverage of foreign news. Relying on ethnographic
content analysis, ethnographic interviews, and a survey, the analysis showed a
sterling performance by Xinhua as the third most used international source of foreign
news in Ghana. However, this does not represent the influence of the Chinese public
media because of its poor performance in a perception survey among journalists of
the same newspapers that cited it. I argue that Xinhua’s visibility is driven largely by
public diplomacy, which does not guarantee effective soft power potentialities. The
Ghanaian journalists constructed their reliance on Xinhua as South-South
cooperation, the resistance of Western domination, and the effects of a severe lack of
resources to cover foreign news.
... Nye (2004) has already hinted that soft power is also about the power over opinion especially in the current information era and public diplomacy, as an element of soft power, relies on media communication to inform and influence the global publics (Golan & Himelboim, 2016;Guo & Vargo, 2017). Ting (2010) has demonstrated that foreign news reporting has been influenced by a global consciousness, foreign news going global or going transnational, which re-established the genre's contemporary appeal. Wasserman (2016) argued that Nye's (2005) notion of "soft power" has been applied so often when theorising China's media outreach to the extent that informal and everyday interactions between South Africans and Chinese migrants have been ignored. ...
Intercity bus transport service is the most preferred means of public transport in Low
and Medium Income Countries (LMICs) for intercity trip makers. These trip makers
have certain socio-demographic characteristics (such as gender, age, educational
level, and income) that influence the “perceived quality” of intercity bus transport
service. This paper adopted a mixed-method approach involving a modified
SERVQUAL model questionnaire and an in-depth interview guide. Multistage
sampling techniques comprising purposive, quota, accidental and systematic
sampling techniques were employed for the questionnaire administration and
purposive sampling technique used for the in-depth interviews. The results indicate
that the majority of the trip makers were males, aged <40 years, educated and
students. The heterogeneity of perceived quality was good across all categories
except <15 years old, self-employed and pensioners' trip makers. There were
significant differences in perceived functional quality across age, educational level
and occupational status. There is a need for market segmentation to keep and attract
trip makers to reduce the use of personal vehicles, which will influence traffic
congestion, road traffic crashes, air and noise pollution and energy demand
... Nye (2004) has already hinted that soft power is also about the power over opinion especially in the current information era and public diplomacy, as an element of soft power, relies on media communication to inform and influence the global publics (Golan & Himelboim, 2016;Guo & Vargo, 2017). Ting (2010) has demonstrated that foreign news reporting has been influenced by a global consciousness, foreign news going global or going transnational, which re-established the genre's contemporary appeal. Wasserman (2016) argued that Nye's (2005) notion of "soft power" has been applied so often when theorising China's media outreach to the extent that informal and everyday interactions between South Africans and Chinese migrants have been ignored. ...
This paper analyzes the influence of personal/family car ownership and ability to
drive on the use the public transport services in the Cape Coast Metropolis with a
view to helping in planning all efficient and effective transport system to boost the
local economy. It deployed a cross-sectional descriptive design to develop a nuanced
understanding of the complexities involved in the relationship between car ownership
and ability to drive on the one hand, and the use public transport on the other hand.
A survey was carried out on users of public transport users (bus (transports (n = 309)
using a mobile phone application “Kobocollect” to gather the data. The findings
revealed that the majority of the respondents used taxis and used it twice daily, own
a personal/family car and can’t drive, walked to the terminal, spent 5-10 minutes invehicle
waiting time and 10-15 travel time. The study further showed that there was
a statistically significant association between ownership of personal/family car and
the frequency of public transport use. Also, there is a statistical association with the
ability to drive and the use of public transport.
... Public diplomacy, as an element of soft power, relies on media communication to inform and influence the global publics (Guo and Vargo 2017;Golan and Himelboim 2016;Nye 2004). Ting (2010) has demonstrated that foreign news reporting has been influenced by a global consciousness to go abroad which re-established the genre's contemporary appeal. ...
This paper investigated, from multiple levels and perspectives, the influences exerted by global news organisations on the representation of Africa in the Ghanaian press detailing the conditions that have accounted for these influences, which remain celebrated as universal news values. Relying on content analysis, survey and ethnographic interview, the study uncovered a postcolonial ambivalence in which Ghanaian journalists rather largely sought to rationalise these multiple ideological influences on their news-selection with little resistance. The self-reflexive appropriation of an African perspective by these journalists was not reflected in their coverage of the continent. Their heavy reliance on global news organisations, especially the BBC, depicts a lingering postcolonial influence. Although they constructed their increasing use of Xinhua news agency as a form of resistance, the invasion of their subconscious mind by qualities of the BBC is rather submissive.
Whenever the era of nation-states may be held to have begun, whether 1066, 1648, or 1789, its characteristic values may be taken to have included, unsurprisingly enough, nationalism. Since this era is not obviously over yet, such values may be presumed to remain widespread (and experience confirms this), even if trends such as globalisation have modified them; and these values may be expected to have influenced environmental values for some centuries past. However, environmental problems transcend national boundaries, and tackling them fairly clearly requires some form of global co-operation and global ethic, plus, I suggest, much wider awareness of global citizenship across humanity. So it is worth investigating the impact of the particularist ethics characteristic of nationalism on environmental values, and by contrast the bearing on such values of ethical universalism, including recent proposals for the recognition of the common heritage of humankind, such as the proposals of the Maltese philosopher Immanuel Agius.1
Two other strands need to be interwoven into this pattern. For we cannot Whiggishly assume a progressive evolution of values from tribal to nationalist to universalist ones. Universalist ethical norms, concerned at least for humanity as a whole, are of course to be found widely scattered in the ancient world, in what most would regard as an era prior to that of the nation-state, alongside a great variety of particularist values, and their deep roots in European culture help explain the widespread adoption of universalist values such as those of Grotius and later of Kantianism during that subsequent era.2 I have in mind the universalist values of (among other ancient systems) Stoicism, Epicureanism and of Christianity, and these comprise one of the two strands that it is important not to neglect.
The other indispensable strand concerns conflicting interpretations of traditional attitudes to nature characteristic both of pre-modern (ancient and medieval) centuries and of the era of the nation-state. On some views, including that of Agius, the characteristic attitude to nature has been one of domination or mastery, an attitude that now needs to be transcended,3 while on other interpretations belief in stewardship, whether among Jews, Christians or Muslims (and sometimes the practice of stewardship too) has been at least as prevalent as approaches of the domination type throughout these centuries, involving attitudes not too far removed from those commended by Agius for the present.4 It is beyond doubt that nature has often been treated with arrogance and rapacity, and that such attitudes partially underlie recent environmental crises. Yet if it is important not to stereotype the era of the nation-state as essentially nationalist, it is also important not to stigmatise either the Christian centuries in the West or the era of nation-states as involving a uniformly despotic approach to nature. One reason why this is important is that if such stigmatising were justified, the prospects for the spread of environmentally sensitive values in the new millennium would be much bleaker than, I suggest, they are, whether at local, national or global level, because the roots of such values (at least in the West) would either be too shallow or lacking altogether.
What are 'global crises' and how do they differ from earlier 'crises'? What do recent studies of global crises reporting tell us about the role of news media in the global age? What are the current trends in the field journalism and civil society that are now reshaping the public communication of crises? From climate change to the global war on terror, from forced migration to humanitarian disasters - these are just some of the global crises addressed in this accessible, ground-breaking book. Global crises are conceived as the dark side of a globalising world, but how they become reported and 'constituted' in the news media can also help sustain emergent forms of global awareness, global citizenship and global civil society.
In the American political process, news discourse concerning public policy issues is carefully constructed. This occurs in part because both politicians and interest groups take an increasingly proactive approach to amplify their views of what an issue is about However, news media also play an active role in framing public policy issues. Thus, in this article, news discourse is conceived as a sociocognitive process involving all three players: sources, journalists, and audience members operating in the universe of shared culture and on the basis of socially defined roles. Framing analysis is presented as a constructivist approach to examine news discourse with the primary focus on conceptualizing news texts into empirically operationalizable dimensions—syntactical, script, thematic, and rhetorical structures—so that evidence of the news media's framing of issues in news texts may be gathered. This is considered an initial step toward analyzing the news discourse process as a whole. Finally, an extended empirical example is provided to illustrate the applications of this conceptual framework of news texts.
For many decades the cold war frame provided a clear and simple way for American reporters to select, structure and prioritize complex news about international affairs. The cold war frame cued journalists and viewers about friends and enemies throughout the world. The key question posed in this paper is what are the consequences of the breakdown of this frame for how American network television communicates international news. The paper presents the results of the first content analysis of network news in the pre-and post-cold war periods (1973-1993).
Personal Identity, National Identity and International Relations is the first psychological study of nation-building, nationalism, mass mobilisation and foreign policy processes. In a bold exposition of identification theory, William Bloom relates mass psychological processes to international relations. He draws on Freud, Mead, Erikson, Parsons and Habermas to provide a rigorously argued answer to the longstanding theoretical problem of how to aggregate from individual attitudes to mass behaviour. With a detailed analysis of the nation-building experience of preindustrial France and England, William Bloom applies the theory to international relations.
This collection of papers offers a new rationale and framework for international development cooperation. Its main argument is that in actual practice development cooperation has already moved beyond aid. In the name of aid (i.e., assistance to poor countries), we are today dealing with issues such as the ozone hole, global climate change, HIV, drug trafficking, and financial volatility. All of these issues are not really poverty related. Rather, they concern global housekeeping: ensuring an adequate provision of global public goods. Many important lessons could be drawn by first recognizing this fact – revealing innovative reforms toward more effective international policy making in the twenty‐first century.
This thematically structured text offers an ideal introduction to the positive and negative effects of globalization on human welfare in industrial and developing societies. It documents the effects of globalization on economic growth, income distribution, poverty, education, health, social care and the environment. It pays special attention to the effects of globalization on ethnic and gender issues and concludes with an assessment of the possibilities of global social policy. It will appeal to undergraduates in the social sciences both as a basic text and a reference book.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY HAS BEEN A UNIQUE PERIOD IN WORLD cultural history.1 Humankind has finally bid farewell to that world which could with some credibility be seen as a cultural mosaic, of separate pieces with hard, well-defined edges. Because of the great increase in the traffic in culture, the large-scale transfer of meaning systems and symbolic forms, the world is increasingly becoming one not only in political and economic terms, as in the climactic period of colonialism, but in terms of its cultural construction as well; a global ecumene of persistent cultural interaction and exchange. This, however, is no egalitarian global village. What we see now is quite firmly structured as an asymmetry of center and periphery. With regard to cultural flow, the periphery, out there in a distant territory, is more the taker than the giver of meaning and meaningful form. Much as we feel called upon to make note of any examples of counterflow, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that at least as things stand now, the relationship is lopsided.
According to the Federal Association of German Newspaper Publishers, the total circulation of German newspapers reached 32.5 million in 1996. There are 375 dailies, 28 weeklies and eight Sunday papers. This makes Germany the largest newspaper market in Western Europe. An international comparison of daily newspapers sold per thousand inhabitants shows Germany (314 per thousand) behind Japan (576), Switzerland (365), Austria (328) and Britain (317) but ahead of the Netherlands (310), the United States (226) and France (156).
Elaborating on the concepts first introduced in Global Public Goods, this book addresses the long overdue issue of how to adjust the concept of public goods to today's economic and political realities. The production of global public goods requires the orchestration of initiatives by a large
number of diverse actors across different levels and sectors. It may require the collaboration of governments, business and civil society, and in most cases it almost certainly calls for an effective linkage of the local, national, regional, and global levels. In light of today's new realities, this
book examines a series of managerial and political challenges that pertain to the design and implementation of production strategies and the monitoring and evaluation of global public goods provision.As participatory decision-making enhances the political support for - and thus the effectiveness of
- certain policy decisions, this volume offers suggestions on a number of pragmatic policy reforms for bringing the global public more into public policy making on global issues. Nine case studies examine the importance of the global public good concept from the viewpoint of developing countries,
exploring how and where the concerns of the poor and the rich overlap.Providing Global Public Goods offers important and timely suggestions on how to move in a more feasible and systematic way towards a fairer process of globalization that works in the interests of all.
It is true that the EC is developing new political forms, somewhat reminiscent of much older political forms. These force us to revise our notions of what contemporary states and their interrelations must be. This paper briefly examines the other two major regions of advanced capitalism and the less developed world. Concludes that Western European weakenings of the nation-state are slight, ad hoc, uneven, and unique. In parts of the less developed world, would-be nation-states are also faltering, but for different, essentially "premodern' reasons. Across most of the globe, nation-states are still maturing, or they are at least trying to do so. Europe is not the world's future. -from Author
Long before Hong Kong's scheduled July 1 reversion to China, the American media decided that the place was in grave danger, if not beyond salvation. The American doomsayers overlook that Hong Kong's borders, currency, and international memberships will remain intact. And although some civil liberties may be rolled back, an objective examination of China's behavior during the transition suggests that changes will be narrow rather than sweeping. Claims that post-1997 Hong Kong will cease to be the crossroads between East and West are alarmist.
We live in an age where the media is intensely global and profoundly changed by digitalization. Not only do many media events have audiences who access them online, but additionally digital media flows are generating new ways in which media events can emerge. In times of increasingly differentiated media technologies and fragmented media landscapes, the ‘eventization’ of the media is increasingly important for the marketing and everyday appreciation of popular media texts.
The events covered include Celebrity Big Brother, 9/11, the Iraq war and World Youth Day 2005 to give readers an understanding of the major debates in this increasingly high-profile area of media and cultural research.
The brutality in Kosovo, East Timor, and Rwanda has fed the conventional wisdom that tribal and nationalist fighting is raging out of control. It is not. Since the early 1990s, the number of new ethnic wars has dropped sharply and many old ones have been settled. The world has found a new way to manage secessionism and nationalist passions: granting autonomy, devolving and sharing state power, and recognizing group rights. Ethnic warfare's heyday may belong to the last century.
/ This article examines the impact of national influences and national interests upon foreign news coverage. To this end, it examines the newspaper reporting on the 12 November 1991 `Dili Massacre', a case study neglected by academic research and press coverage analysis. This work introduces the distinction between intra-media and extra-media influences while looking at nuanced dimensions regarding the source of national influences on the basis of differences between the press and government agendas as well as the level of critique within the coverage. In considering all these variables, this study proposes an elaborated analysis and assessment of foreign news that runs counter to previous findings in the literature, notably Lee and Yang's study on national interest in foreign news.
Despite ongoing attention to the subject, cultural accounts of the globalization of human rights are surprisingly scarce. Most accounts describe this phenomenon either as a function of evolutionary progress or the rational/strategic action of states and social movement organizations. As a result, they have difficulty explaining both the moral impulse to act on behalf of human rights and the tremendous expansion of the ideology itself. Borrowing insights from global cultural analysis, I argue that the increasing concern for, and elaboration of, human rights points to a world-cultural environment where the individual is increasingly regarded as sacred and inviolable. To demonstrate this, I explore how human rights have developed historically as a `cult of the individual' and present new data on their recent worldwide expansion.
Scholars have explored a broad range of topics affected by the dynamics of globalization. The field of ‘medicine’, however, has largely been neglected, even though there is a long history of transcontinental diffusion of medical knowledge. This article aims to analyse the latest episode in medical globalization: the diffusion of Asian medical knowledge to the western world. Twenty-nine semistructured interviews with German medical doctors who are practising either acupuncture or Ayurveda were conducted in order to assess the ways in which the adoption of Asian medicine changes medical practice. As hypothesized about the cultural consequences of globalization, hybridization of a number of orthodox as well as heterodox modes of treatment was most common among participants. The researchers, therefore, attempted to break down the rather vague term ‘hybridization’ into several types of hybridization. Finally, a second look at homogenizing processes in medical globalization was taken.
Diversity and multiculturalism are widely embraced principles, championed by many social movements and promoted through the programs and policies of states, businesses, schools and other organizations throughout the world. Purportedly celebrating and protecting group differences, these principles translate concretely into differences that operate as facades masking the underlying individualization of world society. Fundamental to this process is a dualistic globalization of the individual — both cultural and organizational — that impels the conscious construction of personal identities as both authentic and unique. Individuals therefore activate collective identity elements as sources of personal difference and distinctiveness. The nature of these collective identities is undergoing rapid change, however. The very forces impelling the championing of difference — rising individualism, egalitarianism, identity construction and uniqueness — diminish the degree of difference carried by collective identities, transforming corporate collectivities (once rooted firmly in geographic, ethnic, linguistic or ancestral ties) into categorical groups that provide identity not as a transcendent group property but as a volitional characteristic of categories of individuals. Corporate identities may not disappear, but as they are transformed into categorical identities they become facades behind which the depth of differences among the world's cultures and subcultures is diminishing rapidly.
The mass media have long been a major component in the U.S. foreign policy making process. Less known is the role played by the media in the flow of policy direction. The agenda-setting literature has consistently shown that the mass media are capable of influencing the public agenda, but has left the question of who sets the media agenda largely unanswered. The purpose of this study is to examine the causal relationship between foreign policy makers and media coverage of foreign policy issues in the context of U.S.-China relations from 1950 through 1984. The study predicted that in the making of U.S. China policy, foreign policy makers affected media coverage of the issue, not vice versa. The findings show that there was a positive and significant relationship between government China policy and media coverage of the issue during the study period. Using the Fourier analysis of time series, the study further provides some evidence suggesting that the causal flow, if any, in U.S. China policy making was from the government policy to the mass media.
The early formulation in the late 1960s of the cultural domination thesis occurred in a specific historical era. Although that period is over, this by no means indicates that cultural domination no longer exists. The difference today is that national (largely American) media‐cultural power has been largely (though not fully) subordinated to transnational corporate authority. A total cultural package—film, TV, music, sports, theme parks, shopping malls, etc.—is delivered worldwide by a small number of multi‐billion‐dollar media combines. To the extent that communication research ignores or glosses these developments, it loses its explanatory power.
The main argument of this article is that the idea of global civil society challenges the concept of international relations. It traces the evolution of the idea of society and argues that civil society has always meant a rule-governed society where rules were based on some form of social contract among citizens. Historically, civil society was always territorially tied and contrasted with international relations between states. What changed in the 1980s and 1990s was the global dimension of civil society—a social contract is being negotiated across borders establishing a set of global rules involving states as well as international institutions. The article ends by asking whether September 11 and the war in Iraq mark a reversion to international relations.
The ideal of a neutral, objective press has proven in recent years to be just thatâan ideal. But while everyone talks about the political biases and influences of the news, no one has figured out whether and how the news media exert power. In Governing with the News, Timothy E. Cook goes far beyond the single claim that the press is not impartial to argue that the news media are in fact a political institution integral to the day-to-day operations of the three branches of our government. The formation of the press as a political institution began in the early days of the republic when newspapers were sponsored by political parties; the relationship is now so central that press offices are found wherever one turns. Cook demonstrates not only how the media are structured as an institution that exercises collective power but also how the role of the media has become institutionalized within the political process, affecting policy and instigating, rather than merely reflecting, political actions. Cook's analysis is a powerful and fascinating guide to our age when newsmaking and governing are inseparable. "This is a wonderful analysis of a highly important topic. Tim Cook is resoundingly right that we need to look at the media as political institutions and their operatives as political actors."âDavid R. Mayhew, author of Divided We Govern "This meticulously researched and well reasoned work proposes to take seriously a thesis which flies in the face of both journalistic lore and political myth. Governing with the News is an innovative contribution to our understanding of media."âW. Lance Bennett, author of News: The Politics of Illusion "This book should be read by journalists . . . by mass communication faculty teaching courses in media structure or effects and journalism faculty as a supplemental text to courses in media history and media management."âBenjamin J. Burns, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly
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