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Causes and Associated Features of Divorce as Seen by Recent Research

  • Southern England Psychological Services


Most research conducted has come from the United States but a number of countries also provided information in connection with divorce and separation and thier causes. Little information is available, however, on how to deal with this problem effectively.Among the causes indicated are: women's independence; too early marriage; economic factors; poor intellectual, educational, and social skills; liberal divorce laws; sexual factors leading to incompatibility; role conflicts; alcoholism and substance abuse; risk-taking behavior; differences between the partners leading to acrimony; religious factors; attitudes to divorce and various other factors.The consequences of divorce are the diminishing of fathers' role in the family over recent years, the poor impact separation and divorce have on children, the emotional problems suffered by all concerned, and the reduced living standard of families that have separated.
Causes and Associated Features of
Divorce as Seen by Recent Research
Most research concerning divorce and separation
comes from the United States. Between the mideighties
and 2002,46 research articles appeared mostly dealing
with the causes of separation and divorce and only very
few with the repercussions and treatment approaches.
Other countries providing research include the UK (6),
Holland (3), China (2), Australia (2). The remainder
present one piece of research from Saudi Arabia,
Finland, Sweden, Israel, Japan, Ireland, and Switzerland.
One piece of research concerned itself with international
comparisons of separation and divorce.
Goldstein (1999) noted that divorce rates show a
levelling off mainly due to the f act that there is now
considerable cohabitation, that is, living together without
marriage. One piece of research made an effort to
examine the power of an oral history interview in
predicting stable marital relationships versus divorce.
Carrers et al. (2000) was able to predict with 84.4%
accuracy, those marriages that were likely to remain
intact rather than those that did not. The oral history date
predicted 81% and ^ 87.4% accuracy of these couples
separating or remaining together. The 87.4% prediction
was whether divorce occurred within the first five years
while the 81 % predicted accuracy over a longer period.
Daly and Wilson (2000) considered why some
marriages appeared to last. He drew Information from the
Darwinian theory which argued that the human mammal
selected the marital alliance as the best adaptation for
ensuring its survival through sexual reproduction. With
the decline in religious influences considerable family
changes have occurred in the United States during the
past four decades (Brooks, 2002). This had led to an
increasing proportion of singleparent families. Public
concern with family decline increased steadily after 1980.
A study by Pinsof (2002) noted that during the last half of
the twentieth century, for the first time in history, divorce
replaced death as the end point of the majority of
Most research, as indicated, is based on the causes of
divorce. Relatively little is concerned with the
consequences of divorce and even less in seeking to find
remedies or prevention for separation and divorce. These
three areas of researched causes will now be explored
Causes of divorce
It should be remembered that divorce does not occur
for a single reason and that frequently there are a
number of factors involved as to why divorce and
separations occur. A summary of these now follows:
1. Women's independence.
2. Too early marriage and arranged marriages.
3. Economic factors.
4. Poor intellectual and educational and social skills.
5. Liberal divorce laws.
6. Sexual factors leading to incompatibility.
7. Role conflicts.
8. Alcoholism and substance abuse or risk taking
9. Differences between the partners leading to
10. Religious factors.
11. Attitudes to divorce.
12. Various other factors.
Women's Independence
Over the years women have gained in independence
due to their of ten developing a career in the work
setting. Ermisch (1986) felt that marital disillusion often
occurred when women had the experience of working
and following their own career. This influenced women's
earning capacity and gave considerable risk to marital
disillusion especially when there were other problems
present as well. A Japanese study by Ogawa and
Ermisch (1994) found that in Japan the divorce rate had
more than doubled since the mid1960s. This was
attributed to female paid employment which had
increased rapidly in the past few decades. This was
especially the case for women who took up fulltime
employment. Hence it was found by Heath and Ciscel
(1996) that many women remained in marriage merely
because they had no alternative but to do so having no
earning power, and opportunities to be economically
independent from their spouses.
Ruggles (1997) found the rise of female employment
in non-farm-type occupations was closely associated with
growth of divorce and separation. Moreover, higher
female labor-force participation among black women and
lower economic opportunities for black men accounted
for race differences and marital instability before 1940,
and for more of such differences in subsequent years.
Many women who took up careers frequently lacked
the career support from their spouses. This was noted by
Dolan and Hoffman (l 998).
Divorce or separation between partners frequently
affected their total earnings which is one of the reasons
why many partners remained together, to prevent this
from occurring (Ressler & Waters, 2000). It was also
noted, however, that increases in female earnings
significantly increased divorce rates, undoubtedly due to
the fact that the woman in an unhappy marriage now
found herself capable of sustaining herself and possibly
her family on her own wages.
An interesting phenomenon over recent years is that
women file for divorce more often now than men, despite
deep attachments to their children who they know are
being harmed by such divorces. Many women in
retrospect report the fact that they are happier being
single than when they were married (Brinig & Allen,
2000). Many women also file for divorce for the purpose
of having sole custody of the children.
Sayer and Bianchi (2000) explored whether a wife's
economic independence destabilized marriage and
heightened the risk of divorce. There was an initial
positive association between a wife's percentage
contribution to the family income and divorce, but the
relation was reduced to non-significance as soon as
variables measuring gender ideology were introduced
into the model. The analysis indicated that measures of
marital commitment and satisfaction were better
predictors of marital disillusion than measures of
economic independence. The studies of the influence of
women' s work on the risk of divorce were carried out by
Poortman and Kalmijn, (2002) in a Dutch study. Of
particular importance were the factors that led to divorce
due to the intensity of the wife's work, the status of the
wife's work and the potential success she achieved on
the labour market in comparison with her husband. The
result showed that working women had a 22% higher risk
of divorce than women who did not work.
Too Early Marriage and Arranged Marriages
Only one study concerned itself with too early
marriage. This was a Chinese study by Zeng et al.
(1992). This study demonstrated that the level of divorce
in China was extremely low, in comparison with other
developed and developing countries. Similar findings
from other studies indicated that the risk of divorce for
women who married before the age of 18 was higher
than those married after 20. Arranged marriages had a
risk of divorce which was about 2.5 times as high as the
non-arranged marriage. It was also noted that divorces
were higher in urban than rural areas. Other things being
equal, women with more children had a lower risk of
divorce. Son-preference exerted an effect on marriage
dissolution. Women with no son had significantly higher
risk of divorce than those with at least one son.
Economic and Financial Factors
A study by Whittington and Alm (1997) showed mat
women and men respond to tax incentives in their
divorce decisions. It must be said that the couples
involved in this rather mercenary approach to divorce
were a small proportion of those seeking divorce. Most
couples tended to find themselves in financial difficulties
from one side or the other, or in some cases, both sides
as a result of separation and divorce. Frequently it results
in unemployment and the reliance on state benefits in
Great Britain. In most cases there is an association
between emotional factors and subsequent partnership
breakups (Kiernan & Mueller, 1998). The authors
summarized that people who embarked on partnerships
at an early age, cohabitants, those who had experienced
parental divorce, and those who were economically,
somatically and emotionally vulnerable had higher risks
of divorce.
An international study of regional differences in divorce
rates was carried out by Lester (1999). The author
explored social correlates of regional divorce rates for
seven nations: Finland, France, Hungary, Japan,
Switzerland, Taiwan, and the USA, finding little
consistency. The most consistent social correlates were
found to be unemployment and, to a lesser extent,
population size, homicide rates, percentage of elderly
people, birth rates, death rates, and crime rates.
A study of young Americans who wished to divorce
showed that economic factors played an important role in
many who sought separations and divorces (Burgess et
al., 1997). Similar results were obtained by Waters and
Ressler (1999). A final study by Finnas (2000) showed
that in Finland an increasing level of income of the
husband also decreased the divorce risk, whereas the
trend was the opposite one in respect to the wife's
income. It was also found that tenants in this study ran a
50% higher risk of divorce than home owners.
Poor Intellectual, Educational, and Social Skills
Preventing Separation Due to Better Selection of Spouse
Many investigators found that divorce risks decreased
as you moved from groups with little education or social
capital to groups with more (Hoem, 1997). This negative
educational gradient fits with the notion that people with
more education are better at selecting spouses and
better at making a marriage work. Similarly, Dronkers
(2002) in a Dutch study found a relationship between
intelligence and divorce risk during the early 1990s for
two different Dutch longitudinal cohorts, for which
intelligence measures during their childhood were
available. A positive relation between intelligence and
divorce risk was found for 50yearolds born around 1940:
Divorced respondents had a lower average intelligence
than respondents who stayed together. A negative
relation between intelligence and divorce risk was found
also for 30yearolds born around 1958: Divorced
respondents had a lower average intelligence than
respondents who stayed together.
Liberal Divorce Laws or the Ease of Obtaining
Several studies have shown that the ease of gaining
a divorce through liberal laws has undoubtedly increased
the likelihood of divorce. This has been shown to be the
case in postwar growth of divorces in Great Britain
(Smith, 1997). The rising incidence of divorce was
explained chiefly also by the growth in the real earnings
of women, which had increased post-divorce welfare by
providing a measure of financial independence. This
coincides with section l, the greater power of women in
their role in society.
Similar results were obtained in the United States as
noted by Friedberg (1998). Most states in America
switched from requiring mutual consent to allowing
unilateral or no-fault divorce between 1970 and 1985.
Since then the national divorce rate more than doubled
after 1965. A later study by Smith (1998) noted that while
in England and Wales the emphasis was initially on fault
divorce decrees, no-fault divorce decrees dominated in
Scotland. The paper proposed an explanation for this
remarkable contrast based on cost incentives generated
by procedural and legal interventions with the respective
legal systems. The introduction of the Simplified
Procedure in Scotland and the reduction in the time bar
to divorce in England and Wales were seen as causal
factors for a greater number of divorces occurring. The
introduction of liberal no-fault divorce laws, therefore, had
a significant effect on the divorce rate in England and
Wales (Binner & Dnes, 2001).
Sexual Factors Leading to Incompatibility
Despite the great emphasis on sexual problems
between a couple, only two studies dealt directly with
this. Mazur and Booth (1998) noted that in men high
levels of endogenous testosterone seemed to encourage
sexual behavior and tended to come into conflict with a
harmonious marriage. There appeared therefore to be a
relationship between testosterone secretion in men and
this leading to divorce. Allen and Brinig (1998) examined
differences in sex drive between husbands and wives
and how this affected bargaining strengths during
marriage, particularly at times when divorce occurred.
The basic argument folio wed from the tact that sex
drives varied over an individual’s life cycle and were
frequently different for men and women. The spouse
having the lower sex drive at any time in the marriage
had the controlling right over whether or not sexual
intercourse occurred, with a consequent increase in
bargaining power. Such powers influenced the marriages
and the likelihood of adultery and divorce.
Role Conflicts
Despite the fact that role conflicts predominating
frequently led to marital disharmony only two studies
were published in this area. Abdel Hameed Al Khateeb
(1998) in a study of Saudi Arabian families, including 95
Saudi working women, suggested that Saudi families had
changed to some degree. Marital aspects such as
housing and brideprice had changed faster than cultural
ones. One important change, however, that had taken
place in a Saudi family, was the dynamic of marital
relationships. Whereas originally this relationship was
characterized by the exaggerated respect wives were
expected to show their husbands in their daily
interactions, now mutual respect and understanding were
increasingly evident in the marital relationship. Women's
attitudes to equality between the sexes tended to be
more progressive than those of men and different
expectations had caused role conflict in the family and an
increase in the divorce rate. Although men had lost some
of their social and religious authority in the family, their
economic and genera! authority remained intact. The
Saudi family was a male dominated institution with
important decisions being made by men. Cultural norms,
civil roles, and judicial legislations supported men's
authority in the family and society. An American study
also found that incongruencies between spouses and
gender beliefs, expectations, and behaviors affected
marital stability through negative marital interactions,
causing identity disruption, and resulted in distancing,
marital instability, and in some cases divorce (Pasley et
al., 2001).
Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Factors Causing
Only two recent studies concerned themselves with
the role of alcohol in producing problems in marriage.
Alcohol consumption and divorce rates in the United
States were studied by Caces et al. (1999). The results
provided support for both the effects of heavy drinking on
divorce rates and the effects of divorce on expenditures
for alcoholic beverages. The association between health
related behaviors and the risk of divorce in the United
States was noted by Fu and Goldman (2000). The
findings indicated that physical characteristics associated
with poor health, namely obesity and short stature, were
not significantly related to risks of marital dissolution for
either men or women. On the other hand, risk taking
behavior such as smoking and drug use was strongly
related to higher risks of divorce for both sexes. Overall,
results emphasized the need to accommodate health
related variables in the dominant economic and social
psychological theories of marital dissolution.
Various Differences Between Partners in the
Relationship as a Cause of Divorce
Janssen et al. (2000) asked the question: "Do
marriages in which partners do not resemble each other
with respect to age, educational level, occupational
status, religion, ethnic background, and social origin have
larger probabilities of divorce than marriage in which
partners have similar characteristics?" Event history
models showed that all forms of heterogamy (being
different) led to higher divorce rates and that heterogamy
with regard to age, educational attainment, and religion
had the largest impact. Both the lack of similarity in taste
and preference, and lack of social support affected the
risk of divorce, with the effect of the former twice as
strong as the effect of the latter. The interpretation of the
effects of heterogamy, i.e., being different, on divorce
was partial; the effects of educational and religious
heterogamy were explained to a larger extent. Other
factors important in relationships and frequently
neglected were positive time spent by the spouses with
one another. This was a significant predictor for women,
but less so for men, as to whether the marriage actually
worked. For men, unsociable marriages were significant
as leading to problems between the parties. This was
not, however, found to be the case for women (Terling-
Watt, 2001).
Religious Factors
A Swiss study by Charton and Wanner (2001)
indicated that Switzerland had more than 25% of marital
unions end in divorce. This high prevalence of divorce
was thought to be linked to the fact that marriage was a
forced ritual for many Swiss partners. Factors modifying
the probability of divorce were discussed in the paper on
the basis of the 1994/95 Family & Fertility Survey data.
Survival models allowed for measuring factors
influencing the risk of divorce. Among individual factors,
the absence of the practice of religion and a former
divorce of parents seemed to have a positive effect on
the risk of divorce. Other factors included age of the
spouses and ha ving had a premarital union. The
presence of children in the union also had an impact in
preventing separation and divorce. It seemed that the
meaning of divorce was increasingly linked to the
significance and positive attitudes attributed to marriage.
An interesting study by Broyles (2002) examined the
religiosity and attitudes towards divorce. Researchers
had shown that religion played a role in predicting
whether there was a greater likelihood of obtaining a
divorce when marital problems arose. Although the
research in this area was quite intensive, little research
existed about how religiosity affected one's attitudes
towards divorce. The results indicated that there was in
tact a significant negative correlation between religiosity
and attitudes towards divorce, which suggested that
religion does play a role in one's consideration as to
whether or not to seek to obtain a divorce.
Attitudes to Divorce
A study by Kim and Kim (2002) found that a once-
divorced person may hesitate to divorce again as is the
case in Asian countries, due to the fear of being labeled
as pathological or abnormal. This contradicted the view
that multiple divorces were likely to occur in certain
In Ireland divorce was banned under the Irish
Constitution. Despite there being thousands of separated
people in Ireland in the early 1980s, the proposal to
introduce divorce was vociferously opposed in referenda
in 1986 and 1995. The campaign also claimed that
divorce would open the floodgates to marriage
breakdown. The availability of divorce in Ireland since
1997 had not, however, borne out these dire predictions
(Burley & Regan, 2002).
Other Factors
One study concerned itself with the death of a child
leading to divorce (Schwab, 1998). The death of a child
put a tremendous strain on the marital relationship and
was fairly common among bereaved parents. It
appeared, however, that the majority of marital
relationships survived the strain brought about by a
child's death and were often even strengthened in the
long run. The quality of the marital relationship prior to
the child's death, cause of death, and circumstances
surrounding the death produced differential outcomes for
the marital relationship.
Attitudes to marriage and divorce are vital in
determining whether a divorce or separation is likely to
occur as noted by Amato and Rogers (1999). When the
marital quality deteriorates, those with attitudes favoring
divorce are more likely to take that step, as opposed to
those who hold fast to their marriage vows.
A British study by Kiernan and Cherlin (1999)
indicated that a longitudinal survey of a British cohort
born in 1958 found that by the age of 33 off spring of
parents who were divorced were more likely to have
dissolved their own first partnerships. This finding
persisted after taking into account age at first
partnership, and type of first partnership (marital,
premarital, cohabitation union, and cohabiting union).
Also important were indicators of class background,
childhood and adolescent school achievement and early
behavior problems. Some of these factors were
associated with partnership dissolution in their own right,
but the association between parental divorce and second
generation partnership dissolution was largely
independent of them.
The costs of divorce were also considered a factor as
to whether this occurred (Bougheas & Georgellis, 1999).
The effect of war on divorce has also been noted by
Anderson and Little (1999). Empirical tests showed that
World War II significantly increased divorce rates, but
rates did not significantly increase because of the Korean
War and the Vietnam War.
Barlow (1999) noted that the divorce rate among
Christians was higher than that of the average
population. This statistic was cause for concern and
changes in church preparation for marriage occurred.
Although instructions for pastoral premarital counseling
existed, most churches did not follow the minimum
guidelines. Churches needed a new proactive model for
building good marriages rather than mending broken
ones. The question is frequently asked whether marital
instability occurred as a result of the individual's parents
having sought divorce in the past. Wolfinger (2000)
tested the hypothesis that individuals and households in
the USA who experienced many parental relationship
transitions were more likely to reproduce these behaviors
as adults by dissolving multiple marriages. The
hypothesis was confirmed, and the findings were
essentially unchanged when controlling for
socioeconomic characteristics of both respondents and
their families of origin.
The effect of children being born has also been
considered as possible grounds for divorce as noted by
Hoge (2002). The author showed how the transition to
parenthood became a personal crisis for some fathers
and mothers. It prompted them to run away to search for
extramarital affairs, or lapse into addictions. This may
well lead to preparation for parenthood education. Those
who initiated divorces frequently married again. Sweeney
(2002) examined the ways in which the decision to begin
and to end relationships were interrelated. Results
suggested that initiators tended to enter subsequent
unions more quickly, although this differential diminished
considerably three years after separation. There is also
evidence that initiators of divorce or separation were in a
stronger position for remarriage and the possibility of
forming another relationship was good. Whether this
relationship lasted, however, depended on what positive
lesson had been learned from previous relationships.
Consequences of divorce
The consequences of divorce can be summed up into
four main areas:
1. The diminishing of the father's role in the family.
2. Poor impact on the children.
3. Emotional problems for a number of persons
4. Reduced living Standard.
The Diminishing of the Father's Role in the Family
A number of studies have indicated the father's role is
diminished considerably as a result of divorce. This was
due to mothers usually receiving custody of children. This
could lead to a parental alienation situation termed
Parental Alienation Syndrome (PAS) (Lowenstein, 1998a,
1998b, 1999a, 1999b, 1999d,2001a,2001b;Gardner,
1992,1998,2001). Within two generations, the primary
reason that American children were depri ved of a father
shifted from a father's death to a woman's choice of a
separation or divorce (Coney & Mackey, 1998). Prior to
the 1960s, the major cause of becoming deprived of a
father was death of a father through illness or accident.
After the 1960s the children became deprived of a father
primarily because of the mother's decision to petition tbr
a divorce or to become a single parent mother. This
situation has been termed by many the "crisis in America:
Father's absence" (Ancona, 1998). Much blame of
violence, gangs, rape, crime, and substance abuse has
been attributed to the dissolution of the family which
caused primarily the loss of paternal functions. In short,
society was seen to be becoming imbued with being able
to cope without fathers. Some women and others
frequently ask: Why do we need fathers'? Certainly the
consequences of fatherless families was seen to be the
cause of a number of problems in many cases.
Poor Impact on Children
There have been a number of studies to indicate the
harm that can be done to children and parents by
divorces or separations which lead to dissolution of the
family. Booth (1999) reviewed changes in divorce rates
over the last century. Explanations for the changes were
evaluated and future trends were projected. The
implications of future trends, especially as they related to
children, were examined. The author contended that the
negative relationship between parental divorce and
children's wellbeing appeared long before the divorce
took place. Also, children whose parents exhibited low
conflict levels before divorce suffered more than those
whose parents exhibited moderate to high conflict. These
and other findings were explored so that those divorces
that entailed high long and short-term risks for children
could be identified, and dealt with.
Children's adjustment in conflicted marriage and
divorce was studied by Kelly (2000). Children of divorced
parents as a group had more adjustment problems than
did children of never-divorced parents. The view that
divorce per se was the major cause of these symptoms
had to be considered in the light of newer research
documenting the negative effect of troubled marriages on
children. Divorcing parents tended to describe their
children as presenting more problems than parents who
were not divorced, as noted by Burns and Dunlop (2000)
in an Australian study. Data from a longitudinal sample of
Australian men and women who were adolescents at the
time of their parental divorce again presented
considerable problems in such youngsters. Analysis of
parent/child data described children of divorced parents
as presenting more problems than children whose
parents had not been divorced. Such children as adults
were more wary about committing to relationships. These
children whose parents described them (1316yearolds),
were less socialized and more problematic and had more
relationships as adults. Those who as teenagers
described themselves less positively also reported
themselves as having poorer relationships as adults.
Emotional Problemsfor a Number of Persons Involved
in Divorce
A study of marrying a man with "baggage," in the case
of second wives, was examined by Knox and Zusman,
(2001). Results showed that subjects who perceived that
their stepchildren had caused problems in their marriage
reported less happiness with their marriage, and more
thoughts about divorce. There were also more regrets
about remarrying their husbands. Sixty-six percent of
these individuals reported feeling that their family
continued to be affected by the first family of their
husband and they felt resentful over the financial
obligations of their husband due to the first family. Thirty-
four percent of the subjects felt jealous of their husband's
first wife.
A study of the non-custodial parent and infants was
carried out by Ram et al. (2002). Infants perceived
divorce as a violation of the routine of everyday life. They
were forced to cope with the collapse of their most
familiar unit of care giving frame. This double parenting
had been vital for proper growth and development and
often caused developmental arrest or regression in the
infant. Despite the dearth in empirical research data,
there has been a growing recognition among
professionals of the vital role played by the non-custodial
parent in the post-divorce adjustment of the infant.
Parental conflict and other parental factors, which
influenced the non-custodial parent/infant relationship,
were potentially hazardous to a smooth and proper
development of the child. This was due to one parent,
usually the custodial parent, trying to turn children
against the other parent (usually the father). This then led
to parental alienation (PA) or a Parental Alienation
Syndrome (PAS) as already mentioned.
Educational problems were also more likely to occur
in children according to Evans et al. (2001) and they
were more likely to have suffered from the emotional
problems resulting from divorce. Results from an
Australian study showed that divorce in Australia costs
seven-tenths of a year of education, mainly reducing
secondary school completion. Furthermore, it was found
that parental remarriage did not ameliorate the
educational damage caused by parental separation or
Reduced Living Standards
As a result of divorce a number of investigators have
found reduced living standards in the participants of the
initial marriage (Wells, 2001). This appeared to affect
both parties in the former marital relationship. Contrary to
conventional thinking, the majority of partnered men in
the USA lost economic status when their union dissolved
(McManus and DiPrete, 2001). Although most men
experienced a decline in living standards following union
dissolution, men's outcome was heterogeneous, and the
minority of men who relied on their partners for less than
20% of pre-dissolution income, typically gained from
separation and divorce. The data of the study showed
clearly the great economic interdependence in
partnerships. This trend appeared to increase the
proportion of men who suffered a reduced Standard of
living following a separation.
Remedy and treatment for individuals likely to suffer
from separation or divorce
There are relatively few studies compared with the
aetiology of separation and divorce in the area of
remedies and treatment. Mclsaac and Fainn (1999)
described their parental education program for high
conflict families. Participants were 26 parents (couples)
referred by the family court. The method emphasized an
educational approach teaching conflict resolution skills.
This course was rooted in the tenets of cognitive
restructuring: if parents think differently about the other
parent and their shared task of raising their children they
will feel and act differently. The authors believed many of
the difficulties between parents were caused by the
negative perception of the other parent created during
the spousal relationship.
They also believed the key to successful co-parenting
was to reframe these perceptions emphasizing
cooperation and joint problem solving. Furthermore, they
believed as the cooperation and joint problem solving
improved, this improvement was likely to be positive and
have a reinforcing effect. Finally, the authors believed
parents needed to learn to separate conflict in the
spousal role from conflict in the parenting role. A follow-
up review of these parents found that 13 of these highly
conflicted parents used the concepts constructively. The
other 13 parents appeared to need more help, indicated
by their return to mediation. Mediation was also
considered the way forward by Lowenstein (1999e).
Davila and Bradbury (2001) hypothesized that
attachment insecurity would be associated with
remaining in an unhappy marriage. One hundred and
seventy-two newly married couples participated in a four
year longitudinal study with multiple assessment points.
Hierarchical linear models revealed that compared with
spouses in happy marriages and divorced spouses,
spouses who were in stable but unhappy marriages
showed the highest level of insecurity initially and over
time. Spouses in stable, unhappy marriages also had
lower levels of marital satisfaction than divorced spouses
and showed relatively high levels of depressive
symptoms initially and over time.
Results suggested that spouses at risk of having
unhappy marriages could be identified early and would
benefit from interventions that increase the security of
spouses' attachment to each other. Finally, Walker and
McCarthy (2001) emphasized the role of marriage
counseling in England and Wales as a way of preventing
divorce and separation. In recent times Lowenstein
(2000, 2002) found mediation processes of great value in
preventing divorce, or in dealing with parents after
divorce to accept the importance of their continuing
positive parenting role. It was vital to involve both parties
in the relationship to promote the capacity for sharing
parenting despite marital breakup.
... The common issues of the marriage problem are economical, low intellectual and social skills, liberal divorce laws, sexual variables leading to incompatibility, role conflicts, drunkenness, abusive conduct, religious components, attitudes, and numerous other factors were examined in some articles [3]. Early marriage, a lack of education, and poor socioeconomic conditions are the primary causes of marital difficulties in Indonesia [4]. ...
... Early marriage has been linked to difficulties after childbirth, an increased risk of maternal mortality, poor mental health, and reduced benefits [20]. Furthermore, emotional issues negatively influence children as a result of the father's diminished participation in the home, which can lower living standards [3]. The negative stigma attached to staying in unhappy marriages is a detrimental impact onIndonesiansociety's response to divorce [4]. ...
... Apart from that, divorce has several negative repercussions. Several people involved are experiencing emotional difficulties, and the children are suffering as a result., Reduced living level and diminution of the father's involvement in the family [3]-the impact of marital happiness on children's mental health. Children with intellectual impairments account for one out of every 60 parents unhappy in their marriage [8].Work activities impact marital satisfaction daily-the lack of full-time employment is related to a greater chance of divorce [6]. ...
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The divorce rate in Indonesia shows a growing trend every year because of weak family resilience. Typically, government bodies conduct premarital counseling in several religious affairs offices, but it is challengingbecause of various constraints. With the development in information technologyto increase efficiency in counseling, researchers are using mobile applications to increase family resilience through premarital counseling. Therefore, to deal with premarital counseling in Indonesia, we propose a new application approachto increase marital satisfaction. We conduct this study for 60 couples by randomly choosingthem to constructa large dataset and produce the outcome. We collected the sample from couples who registered their marriage at the Religious Affairs Office in Sleman Regency, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. To undergo our experiment, we conducted a pre-test and post-test with an Enrich Marital Satisfaction questionnaire to measure the differences before and after intervention with a paired sample p < 0.05. Based on the experiment, we conclude that our approachcan increase marital satisfaction. Thus, it can be a promising solution to deal with weak family resilience in the modern era in Indonesia.
... Some small-scale studies in Ethiopia also showed that more than one-third of women were divorced from their first union [9,10]. According to literature; age at marriage, employment status, partner abuse, globalization, sexual satisfaction, and economic problems were the predictors for divorce [8,[11][12][13][14][15]. ...
... Due to immaturity and loss of interest, those girls fail to plan and manage their families. Hence, they are more likely to run away from marriages [13,39,40]. The study showed that urban women had higher odds of divorce compared to their rural counterparts. ...
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Background Globally, divorce is a common phenomenon in couples' marital life. As a result, many divorced couples and their children face several social, economic, and health problems after dissolution. There is little information on the magnitude and determinants of divorce in developing countries including Ethiopia. Therefore, this study aimed to estimate the prevalence of divorce from the first union and its predictors among reproductive-age women in Ethiopia. Methods We used the 2016 Ethiopia demographic and health survey data for this analysis. The survey was a community-based cross-sectional study conducted from January 18 to June 27, 2016. The survey employed a two-stage stratified cluster sampling technique. A total of 11,646 ever-married women were included in the analysis. Bivariate and multivariable logistics regression was done to identify the determinants of divorce from the first marriage. A p-value < 0.05 was used to declare statistical significance. Results About 25% (95%CI: 23.4% - 26.6%) ever-married women were divorced from their first marital relationship. Women who were married at age < 15 years (AOR = 1.34; 95%CI: 1.07–1.68), urban women (AOR = 1.69; 95%CI: 1.22–2.35), women who did not attend formal education (AOR = 4.36; 95%CI: 3.14–6.05), women who were employed (AOR = 1.51; 95%CI: 1.31–1.73), and being childless (AOR = 1.34; 95%CI: 1.07–1.69) had higher odds of experiencing a divorce. Similarly, women who experienced partner violence, women with no house ownership, and women in the Amhara region had higher odds of divorce from their first marital union. Conversely, women in Oromia, SNNPR, the metropolis, and the pastoral regions had lower odds of divorce from their first marital union. Conclusion Divorce from the first marriage is high in Ethiopia. Preventing early marriage and partner violence and promoting girls’ education would reduce the divorce rate in Ethiopia.
... It's important to note that divorce doesn't happen for one reason alone and that most divorces and separations are caused by a combination of circumstances. Here's a rundown of what they're all about: Women's self-sufficiency, arranged weddings and marriages that are too young, economic considerations, inadequate intellectual, educational, and social abilities, divorce laws that are more liberal, incompatibility is caused by sexual variables, conflicts of roles, alcoholism and substance addiction, as well as high-risk behaviour, disagreements between couples can lead to acrimony, Factors of religion and Divorce attitudes (Lowenstein, 2005). Working paper on towards understanding the reasons for divorce has discussed that the most common factors for divorce are communication problems. ...
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it's about divorce
... Much of the research conducted on the effects of divorce focuses on how the dissolution of the family affects children. According to Lowenstein (2005) The consequences of divorce can be summed up into four main areas: ...
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The effect of marital education on marital and sexual satisfaction.
... Due to the nature and status of their roles, female-headed households have multiple tasks that often lead to many problems and they experience role conflicts and inability to play roles. Various studies have shown that changing the family structure from two parents to single parents presents many challenges for each person [32,33]. In Habib's (2017) research, women complained about the massive role of head of household, the effort to earn a living, and a large amount of activity leading to fatigue, physical injury, and disability [34]. ...
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Background: Female-headed households are one of the most vulnerable groups of society that confront many problems and challenges. Therefore, the present study aimed to explore the challenges and opportunities confronting female-headed households in Iran. Methods: This qualitative study was conducted among female-headed households in Kermanshah, West of Iran, in 2019. The data were collected through Semi-structured interviews with 26 female-headed households who were selected by purposeful and theoretical sampling. Data analysis was done through conventional qualitative content analysis, and the software MAXQDA-12 was used for the management of data. The four criteria of Goba and Lincon, including credibility, confirmability, dependability, and transferability, were observed to evaluate the quality of research results. Results: After analyzing the data, 4 main categories and 13 subcategories were obtained as follows: individual problems (role overload, role conflict, end of love, psychological problems), intra-family problems (declined independence, intra-family tension, poverty reproduction and family disability), social problems (stigma of being unattended, social insecurity, social isolation, social exclusion), positive outcomes (positive self-concept, social maturity). Conclusion: Female-headed households face many challenges that can become a big threat or an opportunity. Therefore, their health improvement can be achieved through training and helping them to adapt to new and multifaceted roles, providing more economic support and helping them raise their social status.
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Up to now, we know only a little about the causal effect of international migration on partnership stability, with the few existing analyses being restricted to internal migration or international migration from less developed countries to the Global North. Using longitudinal data on German citizens [the German Emigration and Remigration Panel Study plus the German Family Panel (pairfam)], this study contributes to existing literature primarily in two ways: first, by comparing international migrants to nonmigrants at origin and applying the appropriate methods (Entropy Balancing and Discrete Time Proportional Hazards Models), the causal effect of international migration was studied. Second, assessing (non‐)mobile German citizens allows looking at these effects in the context of a highly industrialized welfare state. Additional to the general effect of international migration, differences between emigrants and remigrants are studied — which has not been done before, except for the Latin American context. To advance our understanding of the underlying mechanisms, the role of further migration characteristics is investigated. Findings show that international migration increases the risk of union dissolution compared to no migration and that the risk of union dissolution is higher for remigrants compared to emigrants. The underlying migration reasons play an additional role in explaining the risk of union dissolution.
Given the increasing rate of divorce in Iran, together with the need to adopt preventive measures based on cultural conditions, a requirement of utmost importance is to explore the reasons that drive Iranian couples to seek a divorce. In this nationwide study, which was conducted in nine capital cities chosen from 31 provinces in Iran, a total of 3,200 men and women (1,600 couples), who had petitioned the court for a divorce, received individual expert counseling services through a reliable and valid questionnaire. Of the 17 reasons that the divorce seekers provided as explanation for their decision, three were prominent: the inability to resolve conflicts, which led to disputes, dissatisfaction with the manner by which their spouses expressed their love and emotions, and discontent regarding a spouse’s personality traits. The findings highlighted the necessity of planning for enhanced conflict resolution and communication among men and women in Iranian society.
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Because of the financial and social hardship faced after divorce, most people assume that generally husbands have instigated divorce since the introduction of no-fault divorce. Yet women file for divorce and are often the instigators of separation, despite a deep attachment to their children and the evidence that many divorces harm children. Furthermore, divorced women in large numbers reveal that they are happier than they were while married. They report relief and certainty that they were right in leaving their marriages. This fundamental puzzle suggests that the incentives to divorce require a reexamination, and that the forces affecting the net benefits from marriage may be quite complicated, and perhaps asymmetric between men and women. This paper considers women's filing as rational behavior, based on spouses' relative power in the marriage, their opportunities following divorce, and their anticipation of custody.
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In this article, we explain the evolution of divorce rates in England and Wales over the post-war period. Following the approach of the predominantly North American literature in this area, we focus on the liberalization of divorce law and socioeconomic factors as determinants of the divorce rate. In line with the development of the literature, we find that the introduction of liberalized, no-fault divorce law had a significant effect on the divorce rate in England and Wales. The finding that the law affects the divorce rate is consistent with the view that marriage is characterized by indivisibilities that inhibit Coasian bargaining.
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Social correlates of regional divorce rates were explored for seven nations, and little consistency was found. The most consistent social correlates of regional divorce rates were unemployment and, to a lesser extent, population size, homicide rates, percentage of elderly, birth rates, death rates and crime rates.
The hypothesis that attachment insecurity would be associated with remaining in an unhappy marriage was tested. One hundred seventy-two newly married couples participated in a 4-year longitudinal study with multiple assessment points. Hierarchical linear models revealed that compared with spouses in happy marriages and divorced spouses, spouses who were in stable but unhappy marriages showed the highest levels of insecurity initially and over time. Spouses in stable, unhappy marriages also had lower levels of marital satisfaction than divorced spouses and showed relatively high levels of depressive symptoms initially and over time. Results suggest that spouses at risk for stable, unhappy marriages can be identified early and may benefit from interventions that increase the security of spouses' attachment to each other.
Within two generations, the primary reason that American children were deprived of a father shifted from a father's death to a woman's choice. That is, prior to the 1960s, the major cause of fatherlessness was the death of the father through illness or accident. After the 1960s, the children became deprived of fathers primarily because of women's decisions to petition for a divorce or to become a single parent mother. The path of the shift is examined, and the consequences writ small per child and writ large for the commonweal are examined.
The authors examine divorce rates in the United States in the 20th century, looking especially at the effects that wars have had on those rates. Gary Becker's theories on the family are the basis for analysis. Of particular interest to the authors is whether or not the scope of the war has an effect upon the rate of divorce. The authors also examine other social changes and events to see how they have affected those rates. Empirical tests show that World War II significantly increased divorce rates, but the rates did not significantly climb because of the Korean War and Vietnam War. World War I is also not significant, although had the United States beer involved longer, the results may have been different.
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One of the most widely debated issues in contemporary sociology has been how to interpret patterns of family change in the United States during the past four decades. Much of these debates focus on a thesis advanced by a number of scholars and political activists-that such features of family structure as high divorce rates and an increasing proportion of single-parent families have led to the decline of the family. Although past research has examined the causes and historical trends involved in family change, scholars have neglected important questions about family attitudes that have been raised in recent debates. Have levels of public concern with family decline increased over time? If so, what are the sources of these attitudes? And have changing levels of public concern with family decline led to the emergence of a new political cleavage? This study applies a theory of religious influence to answer these questions. Results show that public concern with family decline increased steadily after 1980, leading to a new and increasingly large cleavage in presidential elections. The analyses also find that high levels of concern with family decline are concentrated among evangelical Protestants who attend church regularly. In addition to extending sociological research on family change in new and fruitful directions, these results bear productively on theory and research in political sociology and the sociology of religion. I discuss their relevance to long-standing debates over political trends among evangelical Protestants and the influence of Christian Right movement organizations.
The present paper explores the proposal of McGue and Lykken (1996) and Amato (1996) that personal characteristics in children that are either inherited, or acquired as a result of the disruption caused by the parental divorce, may influence adult relationship satisfaction and stability. The data come from a longitudinal sample of Australian men and women who were adolescents at the time of their parents' divorce, and a comparison sample from intact homes matched for age, sex and socioeco-nomic background. Eighty adolescents (aged 13 to 16) and their parents from 37 divorcing and 41 intact families participated in 1981-82. Eighty-one percent of the adolescents were re-interviewed in 1981 (aged 16-19) and 84 percent in 1991-2 (aged 23-27). In the initial interviews, parents rated personal characteristics of their children and the adolescents rated themselves. In subsequent waves of interviews, the children repeated the self-ratings, along with other measures. At age 23-27, they also rated the quality of their intimate relationships. Analysis of parent and child data for those who were present at all three times (N = 57: 31 from intact and 26 from divorced families) showed that divorcing parents described the children as presenting more problems, and divorced group children as adults were somewhat more wary about committing themselves to relationships. Children in both groups whose parents described them, as 13-16 year olds, as less socialized and more problematic had lower relationship quality as adults. Those who as teenagers described themselves less positively also reported lower relationship quality as adults. Multivariate analysis indicated that parental divorce was not a significant factor over and above the effect of personal characteristics.