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The Uncensored War
Abstract
It has come to be widely accepted across the political spectrum that the relation between the media and the government during Vietnam was one of conflict: The media contradicted the more positive view of the war officials sought to project, and for better or worse it was the journalists' view that prevailed with the public, whose disenchantment forced an end to American involvement. Often this view is coupled with its corollary, that no “televised war” can long retain political support. These views are shared not only in the United States but abroad as well; it was the example of Vietnam, for instance, that motivated the British government to impose tight controls on news coverage of the Falklands crisis. Back at home, the Reagan administration, with Vietnam again in mind, excluded the media from the opening phase of the Grenada invasion.Vietnam coincided with a number of other dramatic political events in which the media's role was central. First was the civil rights movement, played out largely on a media stage, then the urban conflicts of the late 1960s, the Democratic Convention in Chicago, the rise of a host of new political movements, and finally Watergate. The apparently growing prominence of the media coincided with what seemed to be a crisis in political institutions: public confidence in government declined dramatically during these years, public attachment to both political parties weakened, and the political system began a twenty‐year period during which not a single president would serve two full terms of office. These developments, along with Vietnam, provoked a broader controversy about the relation of the media to American government institutions.
... In a similar vein, Donohue, Tichenor and Olien (1995) maintain that the media perform as a sentry not for the community as a whole, but for groups having sufficient power and influence to create and control their own security systems. Fourthly, when elite consensus collapses or is highly divided, or when there is strong mobilizing pressure from social movements, the media may have to reflect such opinion plurality (Chan and Lee, 1991;Hallin, 1986;Page, 1996). Such plurality does not, however, question the fundamental assumptions of power in society. ...
... Various national media systems routinely apply the three criteria of "authority, credibility and availability" differently in choosing their sources (van Ginneken, 1998); this may create a particular slant to the constitution of their news net. The application of these criteria is situated within the sphere of elite Domestication of Global News consensus and the field of acceptable discourses (Hallin, 1986;Bennett, 1990), thereby privileging official sources and marginalizing other voices. Hearing other sides and checking information are done only within this overall framework, not outside it. ...
... This study confirms Hallin's (1986) finding that, due to its greater need for simplified thematic unity, television is a much more ideological medium than the elite press. If the elite press provides "knowledge about," television offers "acquaintance with" at best (Park, 1940). ...
... The problem of "fake news, " or rather distorted and manipulated information (a.k.a. propaganda), is not a new problem (Coles, 2018) and, as we know from the longstanding critical political communication literature (Glasgow University Media Group, 1985;Hallin, 1986;Herman and Chomsky, 1988;Bennett, 1990;McChesney, 1997;Wolfsfeld, 1997;Bagdikian, 2004;Mills, 2017), mainstream media have frequently been implicated in its circulation. The current "fake news" crisis, however, is being defined as a problem that resides primarily in the relatively weak non-elite actors across social media and independent/alternative media outlets (Bennett and Livingston, 2018), rather than in the relatively powerful mainstream corporate/elite news media. ...
... Here, the economic interests of corporations, either through ownership and control or via advertising, significantly shape the behavior of editors and journalists and, ultimately, news output. Another set of factors relate to both journalistic norms involving reliance upon official news sources (see in particular Hallin, 1986;Bennett, 1990), the disciplining effects of public attacks on critical voices (Herman and Chomsky, 1988), and the overarching consequences of ideology (see in particular Hallin, 1986 andHerman andChomsky, 1988). The end result of these factors is that much news media output fits within the contours of viewpoints consistent with dominant economic and political elites. ...
... Here, the economic interests of corporations, either through ownership and control or via advertising, significantly shape the behavior of editors and journalists and, ultimately, news output. Another set of factors relate to both journalistic norms involving reliance upon official news sources (see in particular Hallin, 1986;Bennett, 1990), the disciplining effects of public attacks on critical voices (Herman and Chomsky, 1988), and the overarching consequences of ideology (see in particular Hallin, 1986 andHerman andChomsky, 1988). The end result of these factors is that much news media output fits within the contours of viewpoints consistent with dominant economic and political elites. ...
Understanding how power is exercised through communication is central to understanding the socio-political world around us. To date, however, political communication research has been limited by an over-emphasis on 'problem solving' research which, by and large, reflects the interests and concerns of more powerful political actors. Even the marginalized critical political communication literature is limited by is focus on only media. To resolve these limitations, this paper argues that propaganda studies can help to widen and deepen the reach of existing political communication research. It can do so by alerting us to the wide range of actors involved in propaganda production and dissemination, including governments, academics, NGOs, think tanks and popular culture, as well as the manipulative, and non-consensual modes of persuasive communication, including deception, incentivization, and coercion. As such, a research agenda based on propaganda studies can provide a fuller and more accurate understanding of the role of communication in the exercise of power, serving better the objectives of speaking truth to power, holding power to account and facilitating better, more democratic, forms of organized persuasive communication.
... During the Vietnam War, television brought the brutality of war into the living room of Americans for the first time. But the news media seemed to be tied closely to the official perspectives on the war (Hallin, 1986). Anecdotal beliefs contend that negative television coverage perhaps contributed to the increasing public sentiment against the Vietnam War. ...
... Research has shown, however, that this was hardly the case. Television reporting, especially during the early part of the war, was ‗upbeat', focused on ‗American boys in action' stories, rarely showed images of dead or wounded soldiers, and relied heavily on official government and military sources (Hallin, 1986). These types of stories lead to a ‗sanitized' image of war. ...
... Although there exists an excellent body of literature and research on war journalism (e.g. Carruthers, 2000;Hallin, 1986;Hallin and Gitlin, 1994;Iyengar and Simon, 1994;Knightley, 1975;Lang and Lang, 1994), most of the work on peace journalism is normative or prescriptive, outlining its benefits and detailing how it can be implemented (e.g. Galtung, 1986Galtung, , 1998Lynch, 1998Lynch, , 2003aLynch, , 2003bMcGoldrick and Lynch, 2000). ...
Wars are more destructive, their effects degrade both human lives and the environment tragically. Destruction of environment, loss of property and displacement of people were the most apparent effects of war. The loss of human life is among the worst impact of war. During the wars, a high number of casualties from both the military and civilian population are recorded. Reporting about war is grounded in the notion of conflict as a news value. As a result war reporting is often sensational, and a mere device to boost circulation. In this study seeks to an investigate news content on war and protest against war in the world newspapers. A quantitative designed based on content analysis was adopted in this research. This study used two foreign newspapers i.e. The New York Times and The Times and two Indian newspapers The Hindu and The Times of India were taken for analysis. It is purposive continuous sampling. Selection of time period was April 01, 2007 to March 31, 2008 was analyzed for daily reportage, space allocation, and unit of analysis published. Keeping in view two news frames ‘war’ and ‘protest against war’ have mainly identified for this research. All data collected were analyzed using simple descriptive statistics i.e. Chi-square, ANOVA, Mean, Standard Deviation and Co-efficient of Imbalance have been used for analysis.
... Its public hearings represent a rare historical moment wherein a component of canada's economic apparatus can be politically challenged by members of the lay public. Here, daniel Hallin's (1986) concept of spheres is instructive. It divides "the journalist's world … into three regions, each … governed by different journalistic standards" (p. ...
... 116). the sphere of consensus contains the social objects accepted as part of society's makeup (Hallin, 1986). by contrast, the sphere of legitimate controversy refers to issues recognized as legitimate subjects of debate among established political actors. ...
... by contrast, the sphere of legitimate controversy refers to issues recognized as legitimate subjects of debate among established political actors. Finally, there is the sphere of deviance, which comprises the political views and actors rejected by the mainstream (Hallin, 1986). the JRP hearings demonstrate two shifts between spheres, with bitumen pipelines transitioning from the sphere of consensus while pipeline opposition transitioned from the sphere of deviance, both meeting in the sphere of legitimate controversy. ...
This article explores the political controversy surrounding the proposed Northern Gateway bitumen pipeline by analyzing the modalities through which elite rationalities structure public news discourse. First, through a news analysis, the authors identify the most common pro-approval actors cited speaking in favour of the project. Next, they identify the most prominent pro-approval civil society sources and ascertain their level of embeddedness in conservative discourse coalitions. Finally, the authors identify the dominant framing techniques that disproportionately structure the public discourse around the Gateway project. The article ultimately argues that over-reliance on “official sources,” the prominence of industry-backed civil society organizations, and the influence of hegemonic discourses on journalistic practice all conspire to structure the public discourse on Northern Gateway in favour of elite preferences and rationalities.Cet article explore la controverse politique entourant l’oléoduc de bitume proposé par Northern Gateway en analysant les modalités selon lesquelles les rationalités d’élites structurent le discours tenu dans les médias d’information. D’abord, au moyen de l’analyse de nouvelles, les auteurs identifient les acteurs appuyant l’oléoduc que les médias citent le plus souvent. Ensuite, ils identifient les sources de la société civile les plus en vue et évaluent leur degré d’appartenance à des coalitions conservatrices. Enfin, les auteurs identifient certaines techniques de cadrage qui jouent un rôle disproportionné dans la structuration du discours public à l’égard du projet Gateway. Cet article se conclut en soutenant qu’une dépendance excessive envers des « sources officielles », la centralité d’organismes de la société civile appuyés par l’industrie, et l’influence de discours hégémoniques sur la pratique journalistique coïncident pour structurer le discours public sur Northern Gateway en faveur de préférences et de rationalités d’élites.
... When disagreements involve prominent enough people and institutions, or dramatic enough events, they tend to attract massive media attention. The media lure of disagreements is seen across different subtopics of journalism research, from framing studies to newsworthiness and from verification to spheres of legitimate controversy and deviance and war and peace reporting (Bartholomé et al., 2017;Galtung and Ruge, 1965;Ghincul and Schuck, 2018;Hallin, 1986;Harcup and O'Neill, 2017;Lawrence, 2000;Lynch and Galtung, 2010;Rogan, 2006). ...
... Communication scholars have always been attracted to disagreements, discussing them under a myriad of banners, primarily in framing studies (Bartholomé et al., 2017;Ghincul and Schuck, 2018;Lawrence, 2000;Rogan, 2006;Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000). Other strands of journalism studies that address disagreement include: newsworthiness (Galtung and Ruge, 1965;Harcup and O'Neill, 2017), journalists' 'watchdog' role and their commitment to verification (Godler and Reich, 2017), 'strategic rituals' of objectivity (Tuchman, 1972), coverage of wars and conflicts (Lynch and Galtung, 2010), journalists' responsiveness to the indexing ques of the political echelons (Bennett, 1990), and their tendency to adhere to 'spheres of consensus' and spheres of 'legitimate controversy' (Hallin, 1986), to name a few. ...
Disagreements over facts, in which news sources are leading journalists in opposite directions, are an ultimate test of journalists’ knowledge, forcing them to develop their own understanding of the actual state of affairs. This study focuses on how reporters think, act, and establish knowledge during the coverage of day-to-day disagreements – contrary to former studies, which focused on large-scale scientific and political controversies based on content analysis that narrowed their exposure to the epistemic realities of disagreements. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative reconstruction interviews we show that rather than eliciting an ‘epistemic paralysis’, as widely expected in the literature, disagreements attract significantly greater knowledge-acquisition energy. Findings support the problem-centered approach of epistemology and pragmatics that highlight the complexities of disagreements, rather than the adjudication-centered approach of journalism studies, which push for more journalistic ‘bottom lines’. Maximizing adjudication seems too ambitious and unrealistic for the time frame of daily reporting and the mixed epistemic standards seen in this study.
... The dynamics of agenda-setting regarding issues of less certain political significance-like previously marginal topics relating to social out-groupsare likely to differ. As Hallin (1986), among others, has demonstrated, traditional news media are hesitant to dedicate attention to marginal topics without external pressures-and coverage among digital news entities with which traditional media must compete might serve as requisite pressure. ...
... In the context of transgender topics, we might imagine these mechanisms underlie digital-native coverage's influence on legacy press coverage. As Hallin (1986) noted, groups and topics are afforded legitimacy by their presence in legacy press' sphere of legitimate controversy. Thus, as digital-native coverage drives increases in legacy press coverage, the implication is that digital-native coverage allows transgender topics an avenue from the margins into broader public debate (Billard 2016)one path (of many) to mainstream political legitimacy. ...
Transgender issues have recently emerged as highly salient topics of political contestation in the United States. This paper investigates one relevant factor in that ascent: intermedia agenda-setting between digital-native and legacy press news. Through a content analysis of the top-five digital-native and top-five legacy press online news entities from 2014 to 2015, we investigate the dynamics of intermedia agenda-setting in the context of transgender topics, both at the level of attention to transgender topics in general and at the level of attention to specific issues related to the transgender community (e.g., anti-transgender violence). Results indicate significant causal effects of digital-native coverage on legacy press coverage at the level of general attention to transgender topics. However, results also indicate that at the level of specific transgender issues, digital-native coverage drives legacy press coverage on some issues, which legacy press coverage drives digital-native coverage on others. Implications for intermedia agenda-setting in the digital news media environment and for the future of transgender political rights movements are discussed.
... Indeed, we also need to acknowledge instances of consonance between social movements and mainstream media; there are many cases to which the protest paradigm is not applicable or breaks down over time (Hallin 1986;van Zoonen 1992;Cottle 2008;Cammaerts and Carpentier 2009). First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. ...
... First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. Second, Hallin (1986) makes us aware of the role of elite opinion concerning the issue a movement wants to raise or address. Hallin observes that it was only when the consensus within the political and economic elites regarding the Vietnam war began to break down that the media started to adopt a more critical stance towards the war, and to take a more conciliatory tone towards the anti-war movement. ...
In this chapter, the moment of representation in the Circuit of Protest is addressed in more detail. Representation, unlike self-mediation, is practised by political actors outside of the movement. While undoubtedly the self-mediation practices of activists and movements play an important role, and arguably have become easier and more widespread thanks to the internet, mobile technologies and social media, it would be wrong to downplay the importance of representation by others. More than two decades ago, Gamson and Wolfsfeld (1993) described social movements and mainstream media as ‘interacting systems’, and, more recently, Rucht (2013: 262) argued that, despite the emergence and increased importance of the internet, ‘[t]o reach the public at large, the key channel was and is getting access to and coverage by the established media’. Their importance is also acknowledged, by activists themselves through their various attempts to manage journalists and influence their own media representations positively.
... Indeed, we also need to acknowledge instances of consonance between social movements and mainstream media; there are many cases to which the protest paradigm is not applicable or breaks down over time (Hallin 1986;van Zoonen 1992;Cottle 2008;Cammaerts and Carpentier 2009). First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. ...
... First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. Second, Hallin (1986) makes us aware of the role of elite opinion concerning the issue a movement wants to raise or address. Hallin observes that it was only when the consensus within the political and economic elites regarding the Vietnam war began to break down that the media started to adopt a more critical stance towards the war, and to take a more conciliatory tone towards the anti-war movement. ...
This chapter addresses the reception moment of the Circuit of Protest, and thus implicates the audiences of both movements’ self-mediation practices, and mainstream media representations of movements. The audiences social movements aim to reach are heterogeneous. They consist of state actors, which are able to implement legal change, as well as non-state actors, which can achieve social and cultural change from below (Van Dyke et al. 2004). However, I would argue that they also include the public at large—‘ordinary’, non-activist citizens, those not manning the barricades or participating in direct action.
... Indeed, we also need to acknowledge instances of consonance between social movements and mainstream media; there are many cases to which the protest paradigm is not applicable or breaks down over time (Hallin 1986;van Zoonen 1992;Cottle 2008;Cammaerts and Carpentier 2009). First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. ...
... First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. Second, Hallin (1986) makes us aware of the role of elite opinion concerning the issue a movement wants to raise or address. Hallin observes that it was only when the consensus within the political and economic elites regarding the Vietnam war began to break down that the media started to adopt a more critical stance towards the war, and to take a more conciliatory tone towards the anti-war movement. ...
In this book a set of theoretical and methodological resources are presented to study the way in which protest, resistance and social movement discourses circulate through society and looks at the role of media and of communication in this process. Empirically, the focus of this book is on the UK’s anti-austerity movement. ‘The Circuit of Protest’, as developed in this volume, is comprised of an analysis of the discourses of the anti-austerity movement and their corresponding movement frames, and the self-mediation practices geared at communicating these. The mainstream media representations and the reception of the movement discourses and frames by non-activist citizens are also studied. It is concluded that studying a movement through the prism of mediation provides a nuanced assessment in terms of failures and successes of the UK’s anti-austerity movement. The book is of relevance to students and researchers of politics, social movements, as well as media and communication, but also to activists.
... Indeed, we also need to acknowledge instances of consonance between social movements and mainstream media; there are many cases to which the protest paradigm is not applicable or breaks down over time (Hallin 1986;van Zoonen 1992;Cottle 2008;Cammaerts and Carpentier 2009). First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. ...
... First, 'the media' is not a monolithic actor; media, and in particular newspapers, tend to have distinct ideological positions and editorial lines. Second, Hallin (1986) makes us aware of the role of elite opinion concerning the issue a movement wants to raise or address. Hallin observes that it was only when the consensus within the political and economic elites regarding the Vietnam war began to break down that the media started to adopt a more critical stance towards the war, and to take a more conciliatory tone towards the anti-war movement. ...
In this chapter, the self-mediation moment of the Circuit of Protest is assessed. The self-mediation moment addresses a set of mediation practices of activists. This emphasis on media and communication practices shifts the focus away from the textual and the symbolic towards the material aspects of a mediated struggle, and implicates a mediation repertoire of contentious action.
... The study of news coverage of war and conflict has been one of the central arenas in which journalism has been examined (Allan and Zelizer 2004;Hallin 1986). Given the difficulties raised by war coverage both pragmatically and ideologically, this area has often been explored as "the acid-test of government-media relations (…) and an extreme test case of journalism's role in society" (Neiger, Zandberg, and Meyers 2010, 380). ...
... This may be the result of two somewhat contradictory processes: on the one hand, since the end of the war was imminent, constructing the Palestinian side as more passive (and thus less dangerous) may have been aligned with the popular desire to portray the war as successful. On the other hand, much research has demonstrated that during wartime, the tendency by journalists to become conscripted to the national cause is at its highest in the early stages, and then gradually decreases as coverage returns to more normal routines (Hallin 1986;Schudson 2002). ...
Recent research on the news coverage of war and conflict has argued that journalists maintain more professional independence and are more critical of the government and military than in the past. At the same time, critiques that during wartime journalists rally around the flag and serve as mouthpieces for nationalist propaganda persist. Given these opposing views, we examine the ways in which three Israeli online newspapers covered the 2014 Gaza War and compare this coverage to posts on the Israel Defense Forces’ official social media pages. Through close discursive analysis of legitimation and referential strategies, the use of reported speech, transitivity, voice, and modality, we demonstrate both the great ideological similarities between news discourse and military public relations, and the ways in which journalists transform the authoritative, formal voice characteristic of official texts into the more personalized, emotional voice of media discourse. We discuss our findings as reflective of the complementary influence of journalists’ ideological presuppositions, professional rituals, and commercial constraints.
... In the context of war, natural catastrophe, or in moments of collective celebration -that is, in moments of 'hot' nationalism -the fictive 'we' is filled with more explicitly national content and the various events reported are unambiguously presented as events happening to a particular nation -'our' nation. The presence of a threatening enemy drives editors and journalists to abandon the professional conventions of analytical and balanced coverage, adopt a patriotic stance and organize their narratives around the conflict between 'us' and 'them', between 'our nation' and its enemies (Hallin 1986). In the immediate aftermath of the crisis, media professionals often turn into collective therapists, share in the grief of their audiences, provide practical advice, boost morale by conveying feelings of solidarity, as well as help provide a sense of direction and reach an emotional closure (Kitch and Hume 2008). ...
... In the immediate aftermath of the crisis, media professionals often turn into collective therapists, share in the grief of their audiences, provide practical advice, boost morale by conveying feelings of solidarity, as well as help provide a sense of direction and reach an emotional closure (Kitch and Hume 2008). It is also important to note that this kind of reporting is normally adopted in situations of elite consensus -i.e. when events fall outside of the sphere of legitimate controversy (Hallin 1986) -and that it is meant to provide the raw materials for identity-building rather than rational public debate (Schudson 2003: 188). ...
... Several studies have established that major political developments and events can play a role in affecting journalists' reporting prisms and sometimes even contribute to journalists' paradigm shifts. Wellknown examples of these studies include analyses that identified the impact of the 1967 Six-Day War on the transformation of Israel's image in the global media from David to Goliath (Philo & Berry, 2004), through the role of the1968 Tet offensive in transforming US media coverage from expressing a supportive to a critical view of the Vietnam War (Hallin, 1986), continuing with the impact of the end of the Cold War on journalists' embrace of a fresh global perspective (Volkmer, 1999), to the media polarization prism influenced by 9/11 (Kellner, 2002). In light of mounting tensions between Europe and the Muslim world in the past decade, this study aims to contribute to current knowledge via an analysis of German media's coverage of conflicts that involve Muslims and the potential impact of these tensions on the nature of German media's coverage of conflicts involving Muslims. ...
... In a similar yet less dogmatic manner, the indexing approach views media reporting as a reflection of elite debates. This theory was developed following Hallin's (1986) findings that the US media followed governmental cues during the Vietnam War. Based on these findings and his own empirical research of media coverage of the congressional policy on Nicaragua over a 4-year period, Bennett (1990) developed the indexing hypothesis, which argues that the news is "indexed" to the range and dynamics of governmental debate with only minor reference to expressed public opinion. ...
The impact of political events on media’s conflict coverage prism is widely established. To assess the role of mounting tensions between Muslims and non-Muslims in Europe in 2013–2014 on German media’s coverage prism of Muslim- related conflicts, this article compares coverage of the 2008 and 2014 Israeli military operations in Gaza by three major German newspapers. The empirical analysis indicates a dramatic rise in the use of religious terms in 2014, most notably in conservative newspaper Die Welt, and offers evidence of a shift from politics-centered framing of the 2008 Gaza operation to a more religious-centered framing of the 2014 Gaza War. We discuss wider implications of the findings, including their support for the relevance of the clash-of-civilizations theory to contemporary media’s conflict coverage modus operandi.
... Media representation of conflicts interests researchers much (Lasswell, 1938;Hallin, 1989;Wolfsfeld, 2004;Hamelink, 2008;Griffin 2010) as the beat generally increases its significance over time. The case of India is appropriate to analyze in a mixed and segregated environment that constitute a platform for a number of conflicts at a time. ...
The story "behind the news‟ is a sociological perspective and tends to be a subjective evaluation in journalistic aspects. Segregating the news and presenting it to the audience is therefore a social construction where framing plays a key role. Framing of conflicts is successively done in the creation of news stories that appear in major news sources and they demand much attention of media researchers.
This is an examination of the types of conflict frames that are used and reused by the media in creating a news story. The reports of the post-Uri attack on an army camp in Jammu and Kashmir in September 2016 is content analysed covered for a month in newspaper websites –The Hindu and Dawn respectively to understand how the news stories are framed by both Indian and Pakistani news sources. The contents are categorised into eight major conflict frames (Intended, Routine, Indicative, Identity, Manipulative, Motivational, Peace and Dispute Frames) that are used by media and analysed across the type of conflict (Ancient Hatred, Identity Politics, Manipulative Elites, Economic Roots and Contention for Power) type of news story (Regional, National, or International) and different themes (Hegemony, Persuasion, Entertainment, Diplomacy, Reconciliation, Conservatism and Public opinion). The major findings indicate that the elements of clear subjectivity are portrayed by both the newspapers with sensitive and aggressive words or pictures. One-sided reports and stories that evoke nationalistic frames manipulating the conflicts substantively appear in both the newspapers. A balanced reporting is visibly absent in many of the news stories and a lack of a rationalistic approach also exists. As Indo-Pak issue is always a sensitive one, much national, international and global intervention stories are repeatedly published under religious, political, defence, sports and national beats.
... Other salient reflections of manipulated relations were perceived during the Gulf War, 12 the Falklands War, 13 and the Grenada War. 14 Although the Vietnam War was considered open to free coverage, the media were subject to manipulation by the military nonetheless, which effectively imposed censorship on reports from the field. 15 Courted relations, characterizing the Postmodern Model, reflect conditions under which the media enjoy autonomy and no longer exhibit any organizational or logistic dependence on the military, which must now court the media like all other organizations. Courted relations during the 1990s occurred in Somalia, Haiti and Bosnia, among other places. ...
... Publishing how a business decision is impacting workers is rare and typically brief, suggesting that newspapers privilege the interests of the elite over regular citizens. Likewise, news organizations rely heavily on official sources (Hallin, 1986), which favors news stories that feature individuals in powerful positions. This bias renders the experiences and opinions of vulnerable individuals as unreliable. ...
This dissertation tests previous unsubstantiated accusations that newspapers intentionally draw their circulation boundaries to exclude minority areas to make their audience look more white and affluent to increase advertising revenue. Analyzing 328 daily newspapers from 2002 – 2015, this dissertation compares the demographics of the zip codes a newspaper serves to the neighboring zip codes a newspaper does not serve. Mirroring how the Department of Justice has defined redlining under the legal theory of disparate impact, I argue that newspapers who serve minority residents at less than 4/5’s the rate of white residents have created discriminatory practices. Using this measurement, I find that in 2014/2015, 15% of daily newspapers with circulations over 10,000 were redlining African American residents, 14% were redlining Asian American residents, and 10% were redlining Hispanic residents. I then show that since 2002, the percentage of papers engaging in redlining has decreased and that newspapers who stopped redlining were most likely to do so after decreasing their service boundaries by more than 25 miles. Using logistic regression, I then show that depending on the racial group, region, residential segregation, and circulation size are significant predictors of whether a paper will engage in redlining. I conclude by arguing that more research is needed to explore whether redlining shapes news coverage and the process in which newspapers set their service boundaries.
... 1943 (13) 1939 (20) 1960 (17) 1995 (12) 2007 ( ...
... A media narrative can lead to contents being treated as deviant/illegitimate, discussable/legitimate or consensual. 47 When contents are treated as deviant, journalists see themselves as keepers of moral rules and values. There is only one right point of view. ...
What role does counter-speech play in media controversies surrounding hate speech? Analysis of a high-profile controversy, namely the case of the Italian bestselling author Oriana Fallaci, may provide an answer to this question. In 2001, shortly after the terror attack against the Twin Towers in New York City, Fallaci published a pamphlet The Rage and the Pride that later gave birth to the best seller with the same title—which sold more than one million copies in several countries—in which she asserts that Muslims “breed like rats”. In this study, all texts from the largest circulated Italian newspapers, Corriere della Sera and La Repubblica mentioning the writer and published in the first 12 weeks after the first publication of The Rage and the Pride were selected and submitted to content analysis. Outcomes show that counter-speech did not lead either to consensus or to refutation of such contents. The pivotal role of counter-speech was to contribute to putting the controversy on the agenda and therefore adding to media operational bias.
... The conceptual exercise tried to demonstrate the deeply contradictory interests that craft policies of surveillance and privacy. Previous journalism research reminds us that the limits of legitimate controversy are set by powerful, institutional actors (Bennett 1990;Hallin 1986). Thus, for journalism, it is important to shed light on the points of fraction between different stakeholders. ...
This article provides a conceptual and methodological outline for studying the social and political implications of digital surveillance, as it opens itself to journalists and media researchers. Digital surveillance yields a profound social transition, which can be tentatively called as “structural transformation of privacy”. We propose that the empirical analysis on this gradual and abstract process can proceed in two phases. Firstly, attention should be paid key stakeholders and their deeply conflicted positions on the issue of digital surveillance. Secondly, an analytical focus should be set on the dominant discursive principles and justifications that inform the suggested public solutions. This framework is illustrated by some empirical findings from a transnational empirical study that analysed opinionated journalism on Edward Snowden’s revelations from June 2013 to the end of 2014.
Cet article considère l’hypothèse que les institutions médiatiques et militaires ont intérêt à leur rapprochement lors des conflits. Il prend pour étude de cas la guerre coloniale d'Indochine, opposant la France aux indépendantistes vietnamiens (1945-1956). Il analyse un dispositif industrialisé de production, par l'armée française, d’images d’actualité dont la principale finalité était leur reproduction dans la presse, et il aborde trois questions : Comment a fonctionné cette organisation de production ? Peut-on considérer qu’elle a été performante au regard de l’ensemble des images diffusées par les journaux ? Et faut-il considérer que ce dispositif témoigne d’une coopération des institutions médiatiques et militaires dans la coproduction d’une représentation de la guerre d’Indochine ? Cet article met à profit deux sources : d’une part, les archives militaires (Service historique de la défense ; Établissement de communication et de production audiovisuelle de la défense) et civiles (Archives nationales d’outre-mer) sur l’organisation et les acteurs, d’autre part les publications de presse magazine et quotidienne de l’époque, en particulier les illustrés qui se développent rapidement à cette époque.
This chapter provides an extensive overview of Taiwan’s media environment, including the political and media system developments in Taiwan. It presents a comprehensive account of the evolution of media in Taiwan since 1945, along with the legal framework governing media development.KeywordsAuthoritarian regimeCensorshipMedia controlMedia developmentMedia environment
Este artigo aborda a forma como a censura da informação televisiva se articulou com o desenvolvimento tecnológico deste meio de comunicação. O artigo foca-se em três práticas distintas, todas relacionadas com a gestão de eventos estado-unidenses: o assassinato de John F. Kennedy em 1963, o ressurgimento mediático da guerra do Vietname a partir de 1968 e a chegada à Lua em 1969. Ao colidirem com a política informativa do Estado Novo, estes eventos deixam manifestos, por um lado, os seus mecanismos de produção e controlo da informação, mas também alguns limites ao controlo autoritário sobre os fluxos de informação transnacionais. Estes eventos revelam, igualmente, tanto a importância do modelo televisivo dos EUA na construção da televisão do Estado Novo como a posição deste país no sistema mediático da Guerra Fria: uma superpotência capaz de tornar a sua política em eventos globais
In an evolution from the methodology now widely accepted by historians of photojournalism—namely to focus on the photograph as printed on the magazine page, and on its dissemination—I call for the need to pay attention instead to the large swathes of unpublished images that remain marginalised in the narrative of photojournalism history. My focus in this article is on press photographs of the First Persian Gulf War (1990-91) that had escaped the public’s view at the time but were later supposedly “rediscovered.” Taking as a case study a 2003 issue of The Guardian weekend magazine G2 titled “The Unseen Gulf War,” I argue that, despite claims that the selected photographs were exclusive content, the issue actually plays mainly on familiarity, and brings to a wider audience images that had already achieved various degrees of public existence. I then draw a parallel between this media endeavour and the academic research approach, parsing through a variety of methodological obstacles and relevant theoretical considerations, ultimately to demonstrate that the way we approach the history of photojournalism has an impact on how we tell history itself.
In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a marked increase in non-moderate, or “radical,” non-human animal advocacy organizations. Social movement scholars argued that these organizations have greater difficulty than “moderate” ones in receiving substantial news coverage. But forms of substantive news coverage have increased for both moderate and non-moderate animal advocacy organizations. To address this, media analyses were conducted using content coding of The New York Times articles from 1946–2011. Logistic regression and qualitative, comparative analyses examined the conditions under which both moderate and non-moderate organizations had their demands in news coverage. Aligned with an augmented political mediation model, the findings indicated that non-moderate organizations are more likely to get substantive coverage when they target non-governmental entities on a local level through “assertive collective action.” The conclusion was that non-human animal advocacy organizations that have radical goals or tactics do not compromise the quality of media coverage in the long-term.
This chapter discusses the theoretical framework utilized in this book’s examination of The New York Times and The Washington Post coverage of the Iran Deal. It begins by introducing media sociology and Shoemaker and Reese’s Hierarchical Influences Model, the conceptual lynchpins for the empirical components of this project. Special attention is given to indexing theory, which addresses and expands the symbiotic relationship between journalists and official sources and is hailed by many researchers as an important framework for studying the relationship between the government and the press, particularly in the realm of foreign affairs. The related areas of cascading activation, source usage, and framing are also discussed.
Ensaio de interpretação do processo que levou à fratura do experimento democrático iniciado na segunda metade dos anos 1980. A resposta é buscadas nas relações de força entre grupos sociais no Brasil e na maneira pela qual as instituições – isto é, as instituições da democracia eleitoral inaugurada após o fim do regime militar – as expressavam.
This chapter reports the results of two content analysis studies conducted for the book. It begins by introducing media sociology and Shoemaker and Reese’s Hierarchical Influences Model, the guiding theoretical perspectives of this work and also discusses literature in the related areas of framing, journalistic routines and source usage. The first study, which employed a two-dimensional framing measurement scheme to analyze coverage of King, Swoopes and Griner, found that more stories were written about King, and they were more likely to employ the individual frame. Articles about Swoopes used the Gay Athlete frame more often. The second study compared source prominence in stories about Swoopes and Griner and found that comments from the two athletes dominated the coverage.
Denne artikkelen beskriver hvordan de fem norske avisene VG, Aftenposten, Klassekampen, Dagsavisen og Dagbladet dekket forespørselen fra USA om deltagelse i krigen mot IS i Syria i 2015, sammenlignet med dekningen av beslutningen om å sende norske soldater for å trene irakiske styrker i krigen mot IS i Irak i 2014. Tidspunktet for analysen er 15. september–30. november 2014 (Irak) og 8. desember 2015–22. januar 2016 (Syria). Metoden er kvantitativ innholdsanalyse basert på vurdering av om artiklene er «negative uten FN-mandat», «negative uansett», «positive med FN-mandat», «positive uansett», «nøytrale» eller «andre». Det er også gjennomført en sjangeranalyse med vekt på forskjeller mellom ledere, kommentarer og nyhetsartikler. Endelig ble det gjennomført en kvalitativ analyse av lederartiklene ved hjelp av kritisk diskursanalyse. Hypotesene er at norske aviser vil være mer negative til deltagelse i Syria enn i Irak, og enn ved tidligere hendelser som deltagelse i utenlandsoperasjoner i Jugoslavia (1999), Afghanistan (2001) og Libya (2011). Undersøkelsen viser at hypotesene bare delvis ble bekreftet.
1) 국문요약 본 논문은 국내 대표적인 신문매체인 조선일보와 중앙일보 그리고 대표적인 경제매체 인 매일경제신문에 실린 EU관련기사의 내용에 근거한 국내 중심성, 중요도, EU관련 행 위자, 주제적 프레이밍, EU와 그 행위자에 관련된 평가 그리고 개념적 은유에 따른 표 현들을 분석 하였다. 본 논문의 연구결과를 살펴보면 조사대상인 한국의 신문들은 EU 에 초점을 맞추기 보단 자국에 초점을 맞추어 EU를 보도하였다. 중요도면에서 살펴보 면, 중앙일보와 매일경제는 EU를 부차적인 주체로 두고 보도하였으며, EU의 그리스 채 무사태에 관련된 EU기관, 회원국, 관료들이 언론의 집중을 받았다. 무엇보다, EU관련뉴 스에서 경제적 프레이밍을 담은 기사가 다른 프레이밍 보다 눈에 띄었는데, EU에 관한
In 2010, the European Union and South Korea signed Framework Agreement and initiated strategic partnership. Afterward, in July 2011, EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement (FTA) took its effect. In 2013, the EU and South Korea celebrated their 50th anniversary of bilateral relations, and they fortified strategic partnership and mutual understanding which led rapid growth of the relationships. Based on Entman‘s Cascading Activation Model, this study aims at investigating frames connected to Koreans‘ EU perceptions which exist in diverse aspects of the Korean society. This study suggests a couple of conclusions. First, each grouping of the Korean society has different salient thematic frames (Economic, Environmental and Research,
Science and Technology for elites versus Economic, Political and Social for the media and the public). Second, the result shows that economic and trade related frames were the most salient and influential frame in Koreans‘ EU perceptions. In addition, other frames than economic one are not likely to have influences upon Korean demographics. Finally, there is an imbalance between perceptions of the elite and those of the public. Such imbalance might cause the development of EU-Korea relations. Thus, future studies should address such issues in order to deal with such imbalance.
A democracia representativa separa os poderes Político e Judicial no sentido de manter a independência e o equilíbrio entre eles, o que tem vindo a ser alterado pelo aumento crescente do poder dos media e a mediatização de transgressões perpetradas por atores do campo político. As infrações destes atores, num ambiente de progressiva
profissionalização da política, aumentaram as “oportunidades de noticiabilidade”, ao
mesmo tempo que acentuaram o afastamento entre magistrados e elites políticas. Este livro constitui a terceira publicação coletiva no âmbito do projeto "Corrupção
Política nos Media: uma perspetiva comparada".
1
This chapter presents the book’s conceptual framework. The aim is to theorize the way in which meaning and protest circulate through society. I propose the notion of a Circuit of Protest, inspired by the cultural studies model of a Circuit of Culture in order to make sense of the variety of ways in which media and communication facilitate or mediate social movements, their protest events and the social changes they aim to achieve.
Various social actors influence or seek to influence foreign policy. NGOs, companies, the media, ethnic groups, unions and experts all exert a degree of pressure on the government. They also interact—exchanging information, setting up coalitions and continually adapting to their environment. The government does not simply listen passively to their grievances. It is involved in social dynamics and, in turn, seeks to influence social actors. The social fabric is made up of a two-way flux of influence, which overlaps to form a complex system. Awareness of this complexity helps clarify some commonplace ideas. For instance, it is often argued that the electorate has little interest in international politics, that unpopular politicians use international crises to distract attention from domestic problems or that NGOs are altruistic by nature while private corporations are egocentric. This chapter examines such commonplace assumptions.
To better understand the media as a stakeholder we study the media influences and the types of actions used by firms to manage this stakeholder. A hegemonic approach to the subject argues that the media is part of an economic, political, social, and cultural struggle. Accordingly, different stakeholders and classes compete for dominance and attempt to impose their visions, interests, and agendas on society as a whole. Firms, along with other groups, struggle for social dominance by disseminating images through the media. By means of stakeholder management and organizational response literature we show that given the dependency on the media’s accountability, answerability, and credibility, firms implement either strategic actions or fire-fighting actions. Evidence is brought from foreign firms in the traditional media business (print, radio, television) in the Netherlands, context characterized by freedom of the press, opinion, and information.
The topic “Present Scenarios of Media Production and Engagement ” is dedicated to the fundamental question: How do production, communication and usage practices change in the present media environment? This volume consists of the intellectual work of the 2016 European Media and Communication Doctoral Summer School, organized in cooperation with the European Communication Research and Education Association (ECREA) at Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore in Milan, Italy. The chapters cover relevant research topics, structured into four sections: “Scenarios of Convergence and Transmedia Communication”, “Strategies and Transformations of Media and Cultural Industries”, “Politics of Representation in Contemporary Media Discourses”, and “Researching Media and Communication”. The European Media and Communication Doctoral Summer School brings together a group of highly qualified doctoral students as well as senior researchers and professors from a diversity of European countries. The main objective of the fourteen-day summer school is to organize an innovative learning process at doctoral level, focusing primarily on enhancing the quality of individual dissertation projects through an intercultural and interdisciplinary exchange and networking programme. This said, the summer school is not merely based on traditional postgraduate teaching approaches like lectures and workshops. The summer school also integrates many group-centred and individual approaches, especially an individualized discussion of doctoral projects, peer-to-peer feedback — and a joint book production.
This study explores how support for journalistic anti-intellectualism is condoned in the views of emerging adults in the United States as they develop attitudes toward news, audiences, and authority. Anti-rationalism and anti-elitism as cultural expressions of anti-intellectualism correlate as expected with approval of corresponding news practices. Identification with professional roles generally fails to inoculate college students against the endorsement of journalistic anti-rationalism and anti-elitism. With the exception of the adversarial function, role identities appear to justify journalistic anti-intellectualism beyond the influence of cultural anti-intellectualism. While reflexivity is often viewed as conducive to critical thinking, affinity for transparency in news work associates with a populist suspicion of intellectuals and their ideas.
Wojna wietnamska wywarła silne i trwałe piętno na amerykańskiej kulturze. Także
Hollywood, amerykańska Fabryka Snów, nie pozostał nieczuły na napięcia i konflikty
wywołane w amerykańskim społeczeństwie przez interwencję w Wietnamie. Wręcz
przeciwnie, amerykański przemysł filmowy, zależny od kaprysów swej widowni,
z wielką uwagą śledził stosunek opinii publicznej do wojny wietnamskiej i odpowiednio
modyfikował produkowane filmy, tak by trafiały one w gusta ówczesnych widzów.
Poniższy artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie czytelnikowi ewoluującego stosunku
Hollywood do najdłuższej amerykańskiej wojny XX wieku, wpływu tego konfliktu na
dzieła powstające w Fabryce Snów, a także przedstawienie najważniejszych amerykańskich
filmów osadzonych w tych realiach lub powiązanych z wojną wietnamską.
Cet article entend montrer que l’avantage stratégique des acteurs dominants en termes de contrôle de l’agenda et des cadrages médiatiques tient en partie à leur capacité à maintenir une stricte discipline de parole dans leurs espaces d’action respectifs. Cette notion est ici appréhendée comme le résultat de l’ensemble des dispositifs, formels ou informels, mis en œuvre par un état-major organisationnel pour monopoliser la production et la diffusion publique de messages et d’images relatifs à l’organisation et à son champ d’activité. Cette perspective invite à rappeler, d’une part, que les groupes et leurs leaders ne rivalisent pas seulement pour capter l’attention des journalistes, promouvoir leurs visions du monde et imposer des représentations enchantées d’eux-mêmes et de leurs activités. Ils s’efforcent aussi de délimiter les frontières du visible et du caché, se protéger contre les intrusions journalistiques et empêcher la divulgation d’informations, sinon compromettantes, du moins susceptibles de contredire les messages officiels et d’activer des cadrages médiatiques distanciés ou critiques. Cette approche implique, d’autre part, de ne pas seulement se focaliser sur les luttes symboliques entre fractions objectivées de l’univers social, mais bien de prendre en compte ce qui passe à l’intérieur de ces espaces organisés qui fournissent aux journalistes les sources et protagonistes de l’actualité. Au-delà des pratiques d’enrôlement, d’évitement et de contournement des médias d’information, la gestion de la publicité médiatique suppose également de masquer les dissensions internes et contraindre les subordonnés à se taire, relayer les points de vue officiels ou recourir à des modalités de prises de parole (« fuites », confidences anonymes) qui, par leur informalité et leur caractère officieux, ne favorisent pas un accès « routinier » à l’espace médiatique. Il faut alors tenir compte de la double face du pouvoir des acteurs dominants sur la production de l’information : celui-ci se matérialise non seulement dans la capacité à « faire dire » aux journalistes ce qu’ils souhaitent mais aussi dans la capacité à inhiber la publicisation d’informations ou de déclarations potentiellement dommageables à leurs yeux.
En interrogeant l’impact de la discipline de parole sur les productions journalistiques, nous souhaitons ainsi rappeler que les cadrages médiatiques sont avant tout redevables de ce que les rédacteurs peuvent voir, entendre et légitimement incorporer dans leurs récits de l’actualité. De la sorte, il s’agit de proposer une sociologie de la mise en visibilité médiatique qui articule sociologie compréhensive du travail journalistique et sociologie politique des secteurs dont les rédactions sont amenées à couvrir les activités. C’est un tel modèle d’analyse que nous allons chercher à exposer et soumettre à la critique, en lui octroyant le statut d’hypothèse de travail. Pour l’éprouver, il faut, dans un premier temps, identifier les logiques organisationnelles qui favorisent, structurellement ou conjoncturellement, le respect de la discipline de parole dans un secteur ou un groupe donné. Il s’agit ensuite de comprendre dans quelle mesure la possibilité offerte aux états-majors de faire taire l’énonciation publique de discours dissidents pèse sur l’activité des journalistes et notamment leur capacité à satisfaire certaines règles de distanciation. Pour autant, et afin d’échapper aux écueils d’une approche déterministe qui considèrerait que les journalistes ne disposeraient d’aucune initiative dans la production rédactionnelle, nous interrogerons enfin les conditions et les circonstances qui peuvent conduire aujourd’hui les entreprises médiatiques et leurs rédacteurs à rechercher et promouvoir des informations non officielles et potentiellement dommageables pour les titulaires de positions de pouvoir.
span style="font-size: 100%; font-family: Arial;" data-sheets-value="{"1":2,"2":"Did mounting troop casualties during the Iraq War turn the American public against the conflict? Analyzing public opinion data from over 400 public polls during the first six years of the war, this article attempts to identify whether there was a \u201cbody bag effect\u201d in play. We create a multi-variate model that tests a number of potential hypotheses including cumulative and marginal troop casualty as well as death milestone effects. We find that cumulative casualties provide a better explanation for the decline in public support than marginal casualties during the Iraq War. Contrary to the findings from the Korean and Vietnam Wars, this holds true during both periods of escalation and de-escalation."}" data-sheets-userformat="{"2":12544,"11":0,"15":"arial,sans,sans-serif","16":10}">Did mounting troop casualties during the Iraq War turn the American public against the conflict? Analyzing public opinion data from over 400 public polls during the first six years of the war, this article attempts to identify whether there was a “body bag effect” in play. We create a multi-variate model that tests a number of potential hypotheses including cumulative and marginal troop casualty as well as death milestone effects. We find that cumulative casualties provide a better explanation for the decline in public support than marginal casualties during the Iraq War. Contrary to the findings from the Korean and Vietnam Wars, this holds true during both periods of escalation and de-escalation.</span
Estimulado pelos conflitos, o desenvolvimento tecnológico dos meios de
captação e difusão das imagens fez com que estas se tornassem armas eficazes na
manipulação das massas. Hoje, com um controle quase impossível de ser exercido sobre
as imagens produzidas, o mundo em que vivemos se transformou num mundo dominado
pelas imagens.
Stimulated for the conflicts, the technological development of the ways of
recording and dissemination images made efficient weapons to manipulate the society.
Today, with an almost impossible control about the produced images, the world where
we live was transformed into a world controled by the images.
Summary ‘The Desire of the Medium’
‘What is the desire of the medium?’ is both a rhetorical question and a fundamental one. The rhetorical question serves as a framework for investigating the interplay between the artist/designer and the medium during the creative act. Arts and design operate on the level of problematising: they do not reproduce the visible, they make visible. By this, I am suggesting that there is no preconceived objective criterion: all perception needs to be produced. Perception is never of something; rather, perception is something in its own right. During the interplay between the artist and the medium, both work to render ‘visible’ what is otherwise not there. By producing better works of art we create better problems, which in turn lead to better solutions. In this process, both designer and medium play an equal part; nothing is logically determined or naturally given.
A critical supposition is that the complexity of the world cannot be reduced to either macro- or micro-systems or models (anti-representation). The only interesting route to pursue is to investigate what a medium does (asignification), not what it is (essentialism). My interest lies in affective capacities, not inherent properties and their respective place in any taxonomy or ontological setting. This approach requires the exploration of a non-hierarchical, flat ontology based on the equality of all parties (human and nonhuman). A flat ontology immediately unlocks the second layer of the question, ‘What is the desire of the medium?’ Anthropocentrism has never lived up to expectations. Anthropocentric dominance and anthropocentric hegemony over desire have never been justifiable or justified. Concepts such as these are grounded in human exceptionalism and representation, and, as I will argue, have no validity in the Anthropocene age.
A second starting point for this research is the premise that everything is contingently obligatory and not logically necessary. The theorem of logical necessity suffers from the critical flaw of oversimplifying the complexity of the forces, drives, agencies and antagonisms that concretely form the fabric of life. Our focus needs to be on life as a dynamic creation (assemblage) rather than on its environment (territory). Most of this thinking falls under affect theory, which in its turn is fuelled by Deleuzian scholarship. Although this book cannot be considered a scholarly work on Deleuze, many of the concepts I have developed in my research resonate with his philosophy.
A third presumption is that potential (the virtual) and enactment (the actualised) are both real: together they form reality and there is nothing beyond this. Affect theory is a way of understanding domains of experience that fall outside (or refuse to fall within) the prevailing paradigm of representation. These experiences are coextensive with our experiences yet not reducible to them (complex world). They do not depend on any signifying instrument. Experience is not transferable; everyone experiences uniquely. Because of the uniqueness of perception, we need to focus on actions and signs that do not represent anything (asignifying signs), since everything represents only itself at the moment it is experienced. Perceptions do not necessarily have to be actualised in the physical world in order to give rise to experiences.
In a complex world there is no relevant linearity, learning can therefore only be useful in a nonlinear process of trial and error (heuristics). The interlocking networks of capacities, potentials, actualisations and flows connect bodies at different strata and locations (non-local causality and local non-causality), and their precise workings and effects are never truly foreseeable. In such a nonlinear process there cannot be a single relevant outcome; the outcome can only be established post ex facto (multiple optima), never as the result of a predefined procedure.
Three of these principles – heuristics, asignification and multiple optima ¬– can be put into action in art and design education through an operational style called intensive thinking. Education in design is also about the design of education: what we learn and how we learn are inseparable. It is the task of educators to integrate destratification and holistic approaches within pedagogic practices – processes that include the design of education itself. It will become apparent through such practices that theoretical development and practical implementation are intertwined in a recursive double-bond connection that is not only exciting and disturbing but also crucial in confronting today’s challenges. Humanity faces many world problems, whereas the world has only one problem: the hegemony of the Anthropocene era. Awareness is imminent that humanity’s many (self-inflicted) difficulties have ultimately few causes. The quest for expansion, growth and progress (extensive thinking ) has dramatically shown its limitations while never truly satisfying expectations. This situation calls for a move away from the hierarchy of the extensive – what something is – to ontologically flat intensive thinking – what something can do.
Desire gives rise to reason and is therefore neither extraneous nor of a different hierarchy. Desire is not something generated by the developed mind; rather, it is desire that provokes the development of the mind. In the quest for the ‘desire of the medium’ we can rely on several tools to assist in unlocking the enigma of these various desires. These tools work non-hylomorphically towards a mutually beneficial outcome without submitting the medium’s desiring to the designer’s volition. Among these tools are somaesthetic denominators, asignifying cartography, the ‘vital collapse’ and a reversal of the space-time axis.
I propose four backgrounds against which to investigate the desire of the medium: ethoscape (which deals with affect), ideoscape (which deals with concepts and pedagogy), mediascape (which deals with forms of expression) and technoscape (which deals with the forms of content). The desire of the medium is located somewhere in the middle between affect, concept, expression and content.
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