Article

The New Diplomacy: Evolution of a Revolution

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Abstract

The continued rise of the non-state actor in twenty-first century international politics issues a potent challenge to state primacy in the area of diplomacy. Diplomacy's statist tradition, once the bedrock organising institution for pursuing international politics, is ceding influence to non-state actors—the “new” diplomats—who have displayed impressive skill at shaping policy through means that foreign ministries fail to grasp. To the chagrin of established scholars and practitioners, this paper claims that nothing has transpired to suggest the diplomatic profession is doing anything but pluralising. Furthermore, the process by which the foreign ministry opens itself to the public increasingly resides with the latter. Does this revolution mean the evolution of the “new diplomacy” has materialised? The contents in the following pages suggest so, and the main reason for this is built upon a radical view of agency: the age of diplomacy as an institution is giving way to an age of diplomacy as a behaviour. Yet despite who dominates in the art of influence, caveats remain and it appears likely that each side will need the other to achieve successful statecraft in the years to come.

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... Diplomacy is no longer an exercise exclusively between nation states, it is now ensnarled within the public domain. Social and technological advances fragment the power once exclusively held by nation states, increasing diplomatic capabilities into the global public domain (Kelley 2010). In this sense, the state is decentralised from conducting diplomacy, and diplomacy is distinct from politics (Kelley 2010, Rofe 2016. ...
... Social and technological advances fragment the power once exclusively held by nation states, increasing diplomatic capabilities into the global public domain (Kelley 2010). In this sense, the state is decentralised from conducting diplomacy, and diplomacy is distinct from politics (Kelley 2010, Rofe 2016. This renewed concept of diplomacy also echoes Nicolson's view that the nature of diplomacy does not vary with its characters: representation, communication and negotiation (Nicolson 2001). ...
... Here, we start seeing how this gender transformation develops the basis for both the neoliberal individual (Ong, 2006) and the cultural sports diplomat that transcends the traditional state-based diplomatic action (Kelley 2010, Rofe 2016. Whilst Li Na still professes Asian and Chinese traditional values, she also constructs new gender parameters for Chinese women, which will be further enhanced as she deepens her connections to the Australian Open and the Australian tennis fans. ...
Article
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Mega sports events offer chances for hosting nations to build up their soft power by branding their countries as vibrant, confident and unique places, opening doors for strong cultural exchanges. This paper addresses key questions of cultural diplomacy in international sporting events contexts and furthers the analysis of the growing relevance of ‘women’s tennis diplomacy’. By examining Tennis Australia’s diplomatic strategy to raise its profile in neighbouring countries with the Australian Open Asia-Pacific campaign, this study adopts the alternative perspective of non-state-based sports diplomacy. It particularly examines the diplomatic role of Li Na, the Chinese female tennis player who has become a global sports celebrity after being the first Asian player to win a Grand Slam women’s singles title in 2011. It asks whether Li Na can be named as a sports celebrity diplomat of the Australian Open. By using a content analysis of significant Australian and Chinese newspapers between 2006 and 2019, this study examines Li Na’s global celebrityhood’s impact in the Australia–China binational connections. This analysis discusses the reasons for her success in this unofficial but relevant role for the cultural relations between Australia and China. The findings suggest that Li Na’s gender image as an independent woman, her neoliberal citizenship and her remarkable engagement with Australian and Chinese tennis fans facilitate her unofficial ambassadorship on behalf of the Australian Open. As a remarkable example of women’s tennis diplomacy, Li Na’s cultural influence shapes the understanding between Australian and Chinese publics beyond their governments.
... Nor do they act with the same power or authority. They have been called 'new diplomats' (Kelley, 2010). But both analytically and in policy terms, there is a trend of hybridity in how 'old' and 'new' forms of diplomacy coexist and reinforce one another (Leira, 2018). ...
... and diverse ecology of educational exchange, research collaborations and scientific partnerships between Asia and Europe. This paper re-examines some of these linkages through the lens of the so-called 'new diplomacy' (Kelley, 2010;Leira, 2018;Higgott & Terkovich, 2021). The new diplomacy emphasises the often-innovative role of non-state actors in diplomacy but does not forget or diminish power dynamics. ...
Article
As an interpretative lens for understanding Asia-Europe knowledge exchange in higher education, science and innovation, this paper contests the ‘knowledge diplomacy’ framework. First, knowledge diplomacy is a ‘floating signifier’ that homogenises the distinct differences between science diplomacy, education diplomacy and innovation diplomacy. Second, the term depoliticizes diplomacy in its attempt subtract politics from knowledge relations in world affairs. Third, the KD framework is overly normative as it portrays positive and benign outcomes of exchange to the neglect of the conflict, competition, and confrontations that exist within and between Higher Education Institutions and scientific communities.
... Second: Definition of goodwill ambassadors: 5 1-The Oxford Dictionary defines a goodwill ambassador as a person who officially serves countries or institutions to improve relations between countries, and is often a famous figure who is appointed by a charitable institution or organization to announce and support its activities. We note that this definition is limited to official ambassadors of intent and excludes unofficial ones, such as ambassadors of international non-governmental organizations 6 . ...
... Social media still remains a pivotal means for promoting support, spreading information and holding governments accountable, recognizing the importance of social media through navigating the complexities of online activism to influence decision making and public opinion needs to be adapted by states. Kelley (2010) emphasizes that the rise of digital communication technologies has created greater participation of non-actors in diplomacy, enabling diverse voices to contribute to international discussions, challenge hierarchies and power dynamics characterizing state-centric diplomacy, the author concludes that the new diplomacy reflects a bigger trend towards inclusivity and collaboration which allows state actors adapt their strategies to engage effectively with non-state actors in addressing global issues (Kelley, 2010, pp. 12-15). ...
Experiment Findings
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Question: Everybody seems to agree that the practice of diplomacy has changed-possibly dramatically-in the last few decades due to an increasingly complex pattern of international relations. One aspect frequently considered in this context is the growing number of various forms of non-state actors. Based on empirical examples, discuss these developments and to what extent they have changed the nature of diplomacy
... Хейне та Р. Такур (Cooper, Heine & Thakur, 2013), Ч. Фланган (Flanagan, 2015), Дж. Келлі (Kelley, 2010), Д. Ціракіс (Tzirakis, 2019), E, Хо, Ф. Макконел (Ho & McConnell, 2017), К. Рана (Rana, 2011), Т. Уайт та Е. Пауса (White & Pausa, 2019) тощо. ...
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У статті визначено особливості діаспоральної дипломатії, на прикладі використання ірландської діаспори в США як дипломатичного інструменту для досягнення зовнішньополітичних цілей Ірландії в умовах формування нової дипломатії. Обґрунтовано, що діаспори в усьому світі продовжуватимуть зростати, а разом з цим посилюватиметься важливість діаспоральної дипломатії. Сьогодні констатується необхідність у конкретній стратегії щодо діаспори. У зв’язку з цим недостатньо мати сильну діаспору та спеціальний підрозділ діаспоральної дипломатії, а необхідно розвивати дипломатію діаспори. Існує необхідність чіткої довгострокової стратегії діаспори, яка характеризуватиметься наступністю, незалежно від зміни урядів. Має бути зрозуміла мета і засоби її досягнення для вдосконалення діаспоральної дипломатії. Більше того, існує необхідність моніторингу та оцінки як окремих ініціатив, так і стратегії діаспори в цілому. Актуалізовано, що діаспора з її унікальними можливостями взаємодії та створення мереж є ідеальним інструментом для підключення до нової «мережевої» галузі дипломатії. Констатовано взаємозв’язок між такими поняттями, як нова дипломатія, громадська дипломатія, м’яка сила та діаспора. Для всіх чотирьох понять притаманні одні й ті самі характеристики – безліч гравців, співпраця, відкритість та технології. Принагідно продемонстровано, що всі ці характеристики є примітними в дипломатії діаспори Ірландії. Ірландія увібрала у собі як структуру і стратегії діаспорної дипломатії з новим інтенсивним аспектом публічної дипломатії, так й необхідну культуру і менталітет. Продемонстровано, що окрім співпраці між урядом, МЗС та торгівлі Ірландії, діаспорою та неурядовими організаціями, існує також велика кількість внутрішньоурядової співпраці та спільних ініціатив між кількома ірландськими агентствами та установами. Всі окремі ірландські ініціативи об’єднані під егідою «Ірландської глобальної мережі» є частиною організованої стратегії діаспори та зберігають чітку спрямованість та мету. Доведено, що дипломатія діаспори є важливим доповненням до «м’якої сили» країни, особливо якщо вона містить елементи культурної дипломатії та реалізується у поєднанні з публічною дипломатією. Констатовано, що Ірландія ефективно впроваджує політику «м’якої сили». Діаспора може бути сильним дипломатичним інструментом, якщо її використовувати належним чином, відповідно до вимог сучасності. Нових дипломатичних ініціатив недостатньо для досягнення успішної дипломатії діаспори, якщо вони також не підкріплені новим дипломатичним менталітетом. Міністерства закордонних справ мають ухвалити нову дипломатію як менталітет та модернізувати організаційну структуру. Доведено, що дипломатія діаспори і нова дипломатія тісно взаємопов’язані. Дипломатія діаспори, яка є частиною нової дипломатії, має стати більш гнучкою та прозорою, дипломати та інші співробітники мають стати більш відкритими та доступними, а процес прийняття рішень має стати більш швидким та відповідальним.
... Young (2018) argues that these celebrities' diplomats have relied solely on media outlets and non-governmental organizations, rather than the formal government, to conduct their business. Kelley (2010) sees that celebrity diplomats possess some diplomatic skills, and their representation is a significant factor in their success, as they represent social movements that are not necessarily state-based, but transnational. ...
Article
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When the Covid-19 pandemic struck, the world was unprepared for the magnitude of effects that followed. The entire outbreak shook all countries, and governments, world leaders, and health professionals are trying to stop the health crisis. Politicians, celebrities, and especially the United Nations Goodwill Ambassadors have spoken out about issues related to the pandemic. However, studies on this particular subject remain in its infancy. To fill the literature gap, the current paper applies a corpus analysis to examine the patterns in news articles citing celebrities UN Goodwill Ambassadors as they are discussing the Covid-19 pandemic. As this paper is interested in collecting all reports published during the pandemic times, the timeline is set from 2020 up to 2022. The findings suggest that there are at least three main messages reflected in news articles citing celebrities UN Goodwill Ambassadors, namely the impacts of the pandemic, measures to overcome the global health crisis, and the importance of donations. This study sheds light on how celebrity diplomats continue to shape their roles in international communities by leveraging their influence as public figures.
... Claims of the impending collapse of diplomacy as the world knew it was supported by the rethinking of foreign affairs institutions that occurred after the Cold War, the inclusion of businesses, cities, nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), and the widespread adoption of information and communication technologies like the Internet. (Kelley, 2010) Factors like urbanisation, globalisation, and liberalisation of the economy make room for multilevel interactions within the pyramidical structure of institutional hierarchy among institutions, strengthening the city's international role. Cities have gained significant importance in international affairs in discussing and influencing policy decisions, preserving, and promoting culture, and strengthening the regional economy, and concrete initiatives on substantial issues like the environment, human rights, health, technological innovations, etc. "The first 'Global Parliament of Mayors' gathering of about 60 cities' residents took place in 2016 to foster ties with international organisations, civil society organisations, and commercial enterprises" (Mankikar, 2021, p. 2). ...
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Las ciudades costeras de la India han jugado un papel fundamental en las relaciones inter­nacionales a través de la cultura, el comercio y la conectividad desde el pasado lejano. En los tiempos modernos, las ciudades costeras como Mumbai (antes Bombay) en la costa arábiga y Kolkata (antes Calcuta) en la bahía de Bengala han sido actores activos en los asuntos inter­nacionales. Si bien Mumbai ha sido el centro del comercio internacional, Kolkata ha sido el punto de unión de la bonhomía cultural con Bangladesh y los países del sudeste asiático, que ganó más fuerza debido a los movimientos transfronterizos de tecnología, información, educación, comercio y finanzas, y herramien­tas artísticas reforzadas por la Nueva Política Económica que comenzó a principios de los años noventa. Los estados indios y las ciudades metropolitanas están mejorando su posición en los asuntos internacionales con ganancias tangibles. Mumbai se conoce como la capital financiera de la India y la sede de grandes casas comerciales y organizaciones financieras glo­bales. Del mismo modo, Kolkata es conocida como la capital cultural de la India (Sri Auro­bindo, Tagore, Shanti Niketan, arte y cultura popular bengalí, etc.) y un destino para turis­tas, artistas e investigadores extranjeros. Este artículo examina el crecimiento y el impacto de la diplomacia de las ciudades en la India a tra­vés del prisma del federalismo en la promoción de los intereses locales en la política interna­cional. Intenta evaluar el papel de las ciudades indias desde una perspectiva comparativa en la conducción de la diplomacia de la ciudad a partir de los aspectos económicos y culturales.
... Therefore, public diplomacy was characterized by government to people relations. With the arrival of the new millenium, an evolution of the term took place leading to the "new public diplomacy," where there was a decentralization of PD practices carried out by non-state actors (Melissen, 2005;Kelley, 2010). The rise of non-state and non-traditional actors includes the massive appearance of PD international actors as non-profit organizations (Nye, 2005), cities (Manfredi, 2021a), and individual citizens (Sharp, 2001;Mueller, 2002). ...
Article
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The promotion of Hungary and Viktor Orbán among American conservatives is often presented as a warning of conservative embrace of illiberal politics. While acknowledging the draw of Hungary’s illiberal policies as the motivating factor for American conservative interest in Hungary, our focus seeks to answer to what extent this embrace of Hungary can be considered a form of public diplomacy. We examined the frequency and substance of mentions of Hungary and Viktor Orbán in 1643 articles within 13 American conservative media outlets to track how the narrative around the country and the prime minister has evolved over the past four years, bearing in mind the impact of Tucker Carlson’s interview with Viktor Orbán in late 2021. We found both an increase in the quantity of articles focused on Hungary and Viktor Orbán as well as a largely positive trend defending and praising the policies of Hungary and the prime minister. We also observed a strong focus on Orbán as the primary actor of Hungarian public diplomacy and argue that this hyper-presidentialized focus exemplifies the deinstitutionalization of public diplomacy, along with other elements that contribute to the enhancement of Orbán as an individual public diplomacy actor.
... For Piros S. and Koops J. (2020), cultural diplomacy is difficult to define given the ambiguous and often all-encompassing nature and meaning of culture. On the nature and meaning of 'diplomacy' it has also been in flux with recent debates centering on the dichotomy between 'orthodox' or 'classical' state-centric diplomacy versus the latest iteration of modern or decentralized 'new diplomacy' driven by globalization (Kelley, 2010). For a proper understanding of the concept of cultural diplomacy, one has to explore the meaning of 'public diplomacy', 'international relation', 'soft power' and the like. ...
Book
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Developing nations have been experimenting with different models and theories in their quest for development for decades but are missing some critical elements when mirrored or judged via a Westernized lens. In order for these countries to successfully establish their identity and address issues that have held them back in the past, further study on the use of media and philosophy in correlation with development must be conducted. The Handbook of Research on Connecting Philosophy, Media, and Development in Developing Countries examines how media can be utilized to bridge the gap between the past and the future for developing countries and drive sustainable development. The book also seeks to reimagine development within developing regions through the prism of their unique cultures, religions, media, and philosophies so they can take hold of their identity and portrayals within the international arena. Covering topics such as human development, new media, language, and culture, this major reference work is ideal for government officials, policymakers, scholars, researchers, academicians, practitioners, instructors, and students.
... 23 For an elaboration of the term nuclear diplomacy, see . 24 For earlier studies that shed light on the diplomatic roles of non-state actors, there is a body of literature on so-called New Diplomacy; see Kelly (2010). ...
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This special issue stresses the importance of material culture in diplomatic studies of science and technology. In our studies, objects are considered powerful tokens of complexity in diplomatic encounters and of asymmetry in international relations. The contributors are committed to theorizing about the role of objects in diplomatic exchanges during the postwar period and, at the same time, the role of diplomacy in constituting the materiality of nuclear things. Our approach combines attention to the political and diplomatic nuclear history with recognition of the roles played by nuclear artifacts throughout the whole spectrum of diplomatic activities. On the whole, we argue that the material approach should be located at the center of the study of nuclear history and the diplomatic exchanges that made it possible.
... 'Diplomacy's statist tradition' , he continues, 'once the bedrock organizing institution for pursuing international politics, is ceding influence to non-state actors -the "new" diplomats -who have displayed impressive skills at shaping policy through means that foreign ministries fail to grasp' . 5 There are, however, opposing views acknowledging that certain parts of the foreign policy agenda have indeed been outsourced to other actors, while arguing that 'the range and importance of diplomacy did not shrink, but rather expanded' . 6 Changing patterns of conflict and cooperation and the progressive erosion of hierarchies in a transformational age have challenged foreign policy and the traditional tool to manage its goals -diplomacy. ...
Article
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The institutional development of many post-Communist countries remains a daunting task. Since the early 1990s, some of them have managed to achieve visible results in eradicating corruption and enhancing the effectiveness and accountability of public institutions, while others still struggle with several systemic problems. Since regaining its independence Armenia has managed to transform some of its public institutions by carrying out large-scale reforms; however, much remains to be done. The present research examines the institutional features of Armenia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) before the 2015 constitutional amendments, which changed the semi-presidential system of government to parliamentary democracy. It particularly looks at the MFA’s effectiveness in policy planning and formulation, its relation to the presidential administration, its recruitment strategies and the promotional prospects of the diplomatic staff. The study argues that for the past decade or so the impact of the MFA on foreign policy decisions has been limited, whereas the evaluation of recruitment and career promotion policies reveals several significant systemic deficiencies. Existing research on post-Soviet states concentrates mainly on diverse foreign policy and geopolitical problems and rarely pays attention to institutional considerations. The present research aims to address this gap.
... Ordinary people were increasingly exposed to international issues and the affairs of foreign governments through real time news coverage on television and information disseminated through the Internet (Cull, 2009b;Sharp, 2001). Consequently, foreign policy decision makers had to pay more consideration to the public opinion, both at home and abroad (Kelley, 2010). In the words of Paul Sharp (2001), "the era of the ordinary person has finally arrived in international relations" (Sharp, 2001, p. 136) In particular, the rise of social media has provided actors of public diplomacy with a new platform through which they can reach and communicate with foreign publics. ...
Article
Proponents of new public diplomacy emphasize the importance of two-way engagement with foreign publics. Despite theoretical support for mutual dialogue, there is a lack of studies that examine the means by which governments and other actors of public diplomacy engage with civic stakeholders. Responding to this gap in the research literature, the present study introduces the case of Talk Talk Korea and critically examines how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs engage with foreign publics through online contests. The contest format has received limited attention in the research literature as a tool of political communication, despite being a popular platform among government agencies in South Korea. This study highlights the role of online contests in public diplomacy and examines seven rounds of contest participation in Talk Talk Korea from 2012 to 2018. Through examinations of both participation guidelines and user submissions, it is observed that the online format enables the government to steer direction of the dialogue, and to collect public views on topics of particular interest to South Korea. At the same time, it is argued that a contest premised on incentives requires particular attention to critical dialogue. The study concludes with a discussion of policy implications for two-way engagement in public diplomacy.
... The rise of high level commissions is part of a broader diffusion of diplomatic power in world politics. Today a wide range of non-state actors-including corporations, civil society/NGOs, international organizations, and philanthropic foundationswield increasing influence and clout (if not necessarily formal authority) in international relations (Keck & Sikkink, 1998;Kelley, 2010;Matthews, 1997;Strange, 1992). The result is a complex web of cross-cutting diplomatic ties, with states and other actors both competing and cooperating in pursuit of their international priorities. ...
Technical Report
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This paper assesses the potential and limits of a new high level commission in FNS and agriculture. Our goal is not to advocate for a new commission. Instead, we scope what can be learned from previous similar efforts, and critically analyze whether the functions of a high level commission map on to current challenges in FNS and agriculture. Why have some high level commissions had important impact in shaping global politics while others have fallen flat? What, if anything, could a new commission on FNS and agriculture hope to achieve? And how should such a commission be organized and implemented to maximize its influence?
Thesis
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For peaceful coexistence, a way of harmonizing the different cultures is key. Sports is an important tool for uniting people, friends and foes, but is also an essential tool in promoting diplomatic relations among states and international organizations. Knight (2020) argues that, diplomacy can be turned to when circumstances necessitate a debate on a round table for people from all walks of life. The research centres on how AFCON, a biennial soccer men's tournament, promotes diplomacy and, in doing so, its achievement with the contribution of all the stakeholders involved, and finally what factors have made it hard for the tournament to promote diplomacy. The research elucidates States’ acknowledgement of this reality and, in some instances, has exploited their influence in global sports in the guise of soft power efforts to further their goals in international affairs. This involves developing and fostering an African identity through AFCON, collaborating with the world community through sports to construct a fair and inclusive global, financial, political, and social order, and advocating adherence for international law and treaty responsibilities, such as the abolition of apartheid and racism. The conceptual framework underpinning this study centres on the concept of power, specifically relating to soft power derived from the shoulders of the civil society. Additionally, this study employs a qualitative research method. Findings from this study show that AFCON has a critical role in fostering unity, promoting nationalism, as a tool for building nation’s international image, as a means for integration and has economic benefits to participating countries despite some of the challenges the Confederation for African Football is confronted with, such as corruption and political instability in host countries, among others.
Chapter
This chapter delves into the intricate evolution of diplomacy and offers insights into the promising future of digital diplomacy. The article explores the roots of diplomacy, tracing its origins back to the eighteenth century. The chapter explores the practical aspects of diplomatic relations, highlighting various communication methods and the emergence of public diplomacy. The advent of digital diplomacy has revolutionized the landscape, bringing about profound changes in diplomatic practices. These changes are analyzed, encompassing the challenges and opportunities presented by the digital realm. Moreover, it investigates the concept of hybrid diplomacy, which combines physical and virtual engagements to amplify diplomatic efforts. By emphasizing the importance of striking a balance between traditional face-to-face communication and digital tools, the research underscores the need for thoughtful consideration of their respective strengths and limitations.
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A decade ago, Matt Armstrong noted that the War on Terror set the scene for US public diplomacy ( PD ) to be heavily focused on security. Other countries have focused their PD on image promotion, relationship-building or cultural relations. As digital media practices have slowly been adopted by the majority of foreign ministries, the logics governing social and digital media have also been increasingly internalised into diplomatic practice. Lacking in current PD research is a theory of the ‘logics’ that drive and motivate public diplomacy. This article explores the application of ‘ PD logics’ as a theoretical framework for interpreting the ways in which foreign policy priorities, such as securitisation, trade promotion and strategic partnerships, shape PD practices. With a particular focus on the most recent wave of social and digital media adoption practices, this article establishes a theory of ‘ PD logics’ that could provide new avenues for developing theories of public diplomacy.
Chapter
Traditionally understood, the concept of ‘public diplomacy’ refers to government-sponsored efforts aimed at communicating, informing, and influencing foreign publics with the goal that they support or tolerate a government’s strategic objectives. This means that the concept of public diplomacy has been primarily linked to state/government activity. This essay begins with the observation that public diplomacy is increasingly utilized by international organizations to demonstrate their achievements as well as to enhance their status and prestige. As a result, it is argued that the definition of ‘public diplomacy’ needs to be enlarged to include international organizations. The essay reviews the literature associated with public diplomacy as it is practiced by NATO and the European Union to highlight how these organizations utilize public diplomacy to promote a better understanding of their policies and actions and establish sustainable relationships with their target audiences. In doing so, it examines the concept of public diplomacy, discusses the relevance of public diplomacy to international organizations, engages the literature pertaining to public policy analysis with a particular focus on how its effectiveness is assessed, and examines public diplomacy as it is practiced by NATO and the European Union.
Conference Paper
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Having a learning disability doesn't mean you can't learn. It is unfair that, just because they know how to learn differently, these children are considered learning disabled. We will not evaluate the students according to what they do not have or what they do differently from the usual expectations, but according to what they have and what makes them unique. Today, it is necessary when we talk about the different specifics related to teaching children, which can have an impact on their future. Educators must know that each child can reach his or her maximum if given the appropriate opportunity. They must undertake relevant activities for the inclusion of all children in the educational process and their adequate inclusion in the school context. They must treat students equally and fairly, but also identify their differences and take them into account in their work with them. In this paper, we have addressed the students' difficulties during the acquisition of the elements of writing. The acquisition of the basic elements of writing, in a creative and organized way, starts in the preparatory class. The child must acquire writing skills by the end of the first level of primary education. Based on the stated goal and the complexity of the problem, we decided to use the following methods: the analysis of different texts where students' learning difficulties are examined, descriptive methods, and inductive and deductive methods. From all that we researched, we concluded that in the acquisition of writing skills, the institution/school has a special role, which in a planned and organized manner, through curricular contents, has the task of developing the skills and abilities of students in writing. Keywords: difficulty, writing, student, teacher, motivation.
Chapter
States share the international arena with non-state actors and international relations are not the exclusive domain of states. These non-state actors are politically and economically integrated to some extent in the global system and are serious political actors trying to secure their interests. The term “paradiplomacy,” which goes beyond state-centered analytical frameworks, was established to capture and interpret the diverse activities of non-state actors in international relations. With this anthology, we want to put the paradiplomatic activities of Kurdistan-Iraq and Palestine as de facto states into focus and aim to observe both regions in comparative respects. Both are involved in international affairs in different ways and with varying degrees of intensity. In addition, their international relations and foreign policy activities have increased significantly over the past two decades. This anthology is primarily dedicated to these developments. In this anthology, we are going to focus primarily on foreign activities and relations and the involvement of Kurdistan-Iraq and Palestine in international relations from the viewpoint of practical performance of its foreign activities and relations.
Article
Current challenges of economic diplomacy make even more urgent the need for strong human rights legislation, involving not only democratically elected governments but also non-state actors such as civil society, local authorities (mega cities outnumber many countries), businesses, and universities. The paper focuses on three problems of the delicate relationship of economic diplomacy with the protection of human rights: – the new shift in economic and commercial power from the Northwestern developed countries to Southeastern emerging economies with serious deficits in the functioning of democratic institutions, but with a rapidly emerging middle class, with serious ambitions for change (in a positive or negative direction), – the “energy security”, as the Russian military intervention in Ukraine, revealed, – and economic sanctions, since poor design and implementation of sanctions policies often mean that they fall short of their desired effects, endangering human rights. How, then, could the exercise of modern economic diplomacy (promoting exports and investment abroad, attracting FDIs, aid and trade negotiations, but also strengthening the functioning of other civil society actors), not only helps protect human rights but also be an opportunity for high strategic scope and great social value? Applying human rights’ evaluation criteria of economic diplomacy, with the help of policy experience and technology, should concern societies in democracies. The research results can be taken into consideration by policymakers to create an appropriate economic diplomacy framework shaped by European democratic values and respect for human rights.
Article
How do diplomatic practices change under crisis conditions? To explore the possible effects of crisis on diplomatic standards of competence, the article zooms in on the modes of knowledge production of frontline diplomats in crisis. An illustrative case study of European Union (EU) diplomatic practice in Ukraine during the Euromaidan revolution reveals two different modes of knowledge production among members of the local EU diplomatic ‘community of practice’: a rule-following and reflexive mode. The article finds that the reflexive mode of knowledge production surfaces in times of crisis and reflects a heretofore under-acknowledged standard of excellence, the ‘ethics of care’ towards the host state’s citizens. Foregrounding the ‘ethics of care’ as a standard of competence sheds new light on diplomatic ethics and advances International Practice Theory’s ( IPT ) discussion about the normativity of practices and the contested nature of diplomatic competence.
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The purpose of this chapter is to introduce, define and analyse the concept of knowledge diplomacy as a way to frame the role of international higher education, research and innovation in international relations. The chapter starts with a brief synopsis of the main insights, similarities and differences gained from the review of the scholarly literature from diplomacy and higher education fields of study. The different interpretations and use of soft power by the two fields of study are highlighted. Building on this overview of trends and terms, the distinction between a definition and a description is discussed, and both are provided to elucidate the meaning of knowledge diplomacy. A conceptual framework for knowledge diplomacy is proposed and based on five foundational elements – intentions, actors, principles, modes of operation and activities. Each of the constituent dimensions of the conceptual framework is explored in detail, and examples are provided. This leads to a discussion on understanding how knowledge diplomacy is a two-way process and why knowledge diplomacy is neither a neutral nor a normative concept. The chapter ends with a reiteration of why it is important to distinguish the role of IHERI in a knowledge diplomacy approach from the role of IHERI in a soft power approach.
Chapter
The purpose of this chapter is, firstly, to provide a brief overview of the major findings and insights related to the three questions which shaped this book; secondly, highlight the significance of these findings and their contribution to the two fields of study; and, thirdly, identify issues and questions that require further research and reflection. The importance of differentiating between the motivations, values and strategies of using a knowledge diplomacy approach versus a soft power approach is emphasized recognizing that they both exist but must be understood as having different intentions and outcomes. The chapter acknowledges that knowledge diplomacy would benefit from further investigation and identifies several key issues meriting further analysis. These include knowledge diplomacy as a two-way process; knowledge diplomacy in the knowledge society vs knowledge economy; the risk of knowledge diplomacy being used as a catch-all term; motivations driving the use of international higher education, research and innovation as soft power; national policies to support knowledge diplomacy; knowledge diplomacy in international development cooperation; IHERI as a public or private good and rationales driving knowledge diplomacy; and knowledge diplomacy and regionalization. The chapter concludes with some brief comments about the future challenges of operationalizing knowledge diplomacy.
Chapter
Just as it is valuable to analyse the different types and new developments in diplomacy and soft power, it is equally important to examine the changing world of international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) to understand its role in international relations (IR). Traditionally, IHERI’s role in strengthening relations between and among countries is understood to involve scholarships, student/scholar mobility, bilateral higher education agreements and projects, international student recruitment and joint research projects. While these activities are still important, there are new developments which must be taken into consideration and examined in terms of their potential to expand and strengthen relations between and among countries. These include the development of education cities, knowledge hubs, regional centres of excellence, international joint universities, multilateral thematic and disciplinary research networks, international private-public partnerships, regional-based universities, international satellite campuses, new professional organizations and others. These initiatives offer new opportunities to expand the flow and exchange of ideas, knowledge, people, technologies, policies, culture, science, innovation, etc. across borders. They also need to be analysed and understood in terms of potential benefits and risks to strengthening relations between and among countries.
Chapter
This chapter provides concrete examples of how the knowledge diplomacy conceptual framework was based on and can be applied to existing IHERI initiatives. Examples of INHERI initiatives from all regions of the world and representing different sectors, different levels of cooperation and varied global issues have been selected. They include the Sustainable Development Solutions Network, the Pan African Regional University, the German-Jordanian Joint International University and RENKEI – the Japan and UK university network. This chapter provides a brief description of each initiative and then analyses them according to the five key elements of the knowledge diplomacy conceptual framework: intentions/rationales, key actors, guiding values and principles, modes of operation and primary activities. This discussion highlights two key aspects of knowledge diplomacy: (1) the involvement of diverse state and non-state partners/actors coming from multiple sectors and different varied countries and (2) the importance of reciprocity and mutuality of benefits, acknowledging that benefits will vary in order to address different national interests as well as common global challenges.
Chapter
This chapter examines the similarities and differences between the concept of knowledge diplomacy and related terms. Both diplomacy and higher education scholars commonly refer to the role international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) in contemporary international relations (IR) as a form of diplomacy and a form of soft power. In addition, scholars and experts muddy the waters by suggesting that using IHERI as a form of diplomacy can also be used for soft power purposes and advantage. In this chapter the conflation of these terms is contested and examined by comparing the differences and similarities between the conceptual frameworks and use of IHERI in a soft power approach versus the role of IHERI in a knowledge diplomacy approach. The question as to whether the two approaches are ends of the same continuum or completely separate processes is considered by examining the potential of using soft power indicators to explore the differences between the two approaches. Furthermore, in order to have a clear understanding of knowledge diplomacy, the differences and similarities between knowledge diplomacy and other terms, such as cultural diplomacy, education diplomacy, science diplomacy and public diplomacy, are also examined.
Chapter
This chapter explores the concept of soft power and differentiates it from hard, smart and sharp power and diplomacy. The theories and writings of Joseph S. Nye and his critics inform the analysis of power in international relations. Hard power and the use of military force, sanctions, payments and agenda setting is discussed first followed by an examination of the evolving definition of soft power and the importance of intangible resources such as institutions, ideas, values and culture when using the strategies of attraction and persuasion to achieve compliance or cooption. A review of the critiques of soft power follows and focuses on the elasticity and scope of the concept, the complex relationship between the sender and the target audience in the use of attraction and persuasion and the liberal-democratic bias of the concept. Smart power, which Nye believes is the calibrated use of both hard and soft power, is the topic of next section, followed by an analysis of the term sharp power which Nye maintains is not a separate category of power but is in reality a form of hard power. The last section examines the differences in the interests, values, modes and outcomes between the use soft power in international relations and diplomacy as discussed in Chap. 2.
Chapter
This chapter systematically reviews how a diplomacy scholars, experts and diplomats understand and label the expanding role of international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) in strengthening relations between and among countries. While there are more than ten different labels used to describe the role of IHERI in IR, the most common ones – cultural, education and public diplomacy as well as soft power – are examined using research and references originating in or related to all regions of the world in order to avoid a western bias. An analysis of the similarities and differences in how these terms are conceptualized and used shows overlap and confusion as well as interesting insights and dilemmas. Questions about the role of state and non-state actors, intended outcomes and the contradiction of framing IHERI as a form of diplomacy to exert soft power are explored.
Chapter
This book examines world politics through the lens of diplomatic practice. It argues that many global phenomena of our time, from the making of international law to the constitution of international public power, through humanitarianism and the maintenance of global hierarchies, are made possible and shaped by evolving forms of diplomacy. The study of diplomacy is largely dominated by firsthand accounts and historical treaties, with little effort at theoretical discussion. This book shows how diplomatic studies can benefit from more explicit theorizing, and argues that the study of world politics should pay more attention to what goes on in the diplomatic 'engine room' of international politics.
Article
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In this article, we reflect on the current socio-political context of the 1972 World Heritage Convention after 50 years rather than its significant achievements and trials throughout its turbulent history. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has already documented and publicized these formative episodes. Instead, we consider the World Heritage milieu today, embedded as it is within a much broader landscape of non-governmental organizations and civil society preservation initiatives than it was five decades ago. Like other United Nations agencies, UNESCO now faces challenges arising from various types of re-spatialization beyond the nation-state that further impact its effectiveness. Those challenges encompass not only the expansive force of globalization but also regionalization and localization, all of which have given rise to a new diplomacy. We discuss the proliferation of competing international agencies and individual donors, then describe the dilemmas facing World Heritage, including the rise of non-state actors and post-conflict remediation in the Middle East, the limited recognition of Indigenous Peoples and their role in decision making, and the persistent failures to remedy the inequitable position of Africa as a priority region.
Article
Full-text available
This research aims to determine how Indonesia uses Shuttle Diplomacy in resolving conflicts between Thailand and Cambodia. Indonesia's role in this conflict is as a third party that acts as a mediator between two parties in conflict using the shuttle diplomacy method. This research will describes the background of the Thailand-Cambodia conflict, the role and how the shuttle diplomacy is used by Indonesia in resolving the fatigue conflict, the factors from Indonesia in choosing shuttle diplomacy, and the obstacles used by Indonesia when it becomes The mediator uses shuttle diplomacy in resolving the regional conflict between Thailand and Cambodia. This research uses qualitative methods with descriptive research type. Researchers obtained data by conducting literature studies. Researchers use foreign policy theory with the concept of national interest to see and understand the reasons for Indonesia to intervene in the resolution of the conflict between Thailand and Cambodia.
Chapter
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This introductory chapter attempts to make a theoretical contribution and frame the role of Non-State Actors (NSAs) in International Relations (IR) discipline as an under-examined subject-matter. The study situates its argument within the current debate of the increasing power of NSAs in international relations (ir) and what this means for the theory. Building on previous work, it offers a conceptualisation of the non-state entities and provides the ground for the book’s rationale. In specific, the chapter offers a definition as to what non-state actorsNon-state actors (NSAs) are based on a systematic and coherent analysis and creates a typologyTypology (of the nature) of NSAsNon-state actors (NSAs). A table on NSAsNon-state actors (NSAs)’ modus operandi illustrates why this is important but not a criterion of distinction among them. Considering the continuum of NSAsNon-state actors (NSAs), the mainstream literature has mainly separated them according to cases in point. Even though different types of NSAsNon-state actors (NSAs) have been analysed separately, a frame that brings them together is lacking. Therefore, the chapter’s primary objective is to classify them as actors on their own right and justify their existence as intrinsic part of the IR’s ontologyOntology.
Article
Siyaset bilimi ve uluslararası ilişkiler alanındaki tartışmaların bir bölümü, bireylerin ve devlet dışı aktörlerin, kamu diplomasisini hangi yollarla ve ne kadar etkilediği noktasında yoğunlaşmaktadır. Bilgi ve iletişim teknolojilerinde yaşanan büyük ve hızlı değişim ve sivil toplumun rolünün giderek artması sonucu, yeni kamu diplomasisi, devlet dışı aktörleri daha fazla içerir hale gelmiştir. Bununla birlikte, kamu diplomasisi alanındaki perspektifler arasındaki farklılıklar nedeniyle, devlet dışı aktörlerin alandaki yerlerinin tam olarak tanımlanması mümkün olamamıştır. Bu çalışma, literatürde söz konusu olan bu belirsizliğe dikkat çekerek, sosyal medyanın kullanımıyla yeni kamu diplomasisinde devlet dışı aktörlerin, özellikle bireylerin aktör rolü üstlenmelerini incelemektedir. Bu çerçevede literatür taraması ve nitel araştırma yöntemi uygulanmıştır. Makalenin ilk bölümünde yeni kamu diplomasisi anlayışında yaşanan değişim ve dönüşüm ile özellikle sosyal medyanın etkisi üzerinde durulmuştur. İkinci bölümde ise; yeni kamu diplomasisinde devlet dışı aktörlerin varlığı, zaman içerisinde değişen ve artan rollerinin önemine dikkat çekilmiştir. Sonuç olarak çalışma, farklı perspektiflerin ortak bir görüşte birleştirilmesi halinde, yeni kamu diplomasisinin hem daha anlaşılır hem de daha doğru işler duruma geleceğini, aksi takdirde -devlet dışı aktörlerin kamu diplomasisi içerisindeki konumu hususundaki belirsizliğin sürmesi durumunda- “yeni bir akademik alanın doğuşunun” mümkün olamayacağını iddia etmektedir.
Article
Full-text available
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) employs a public diplomacy strategy that highlights how women’s past and changing roles contribute to society and the nation. The aim is to be seen as a modern Muslim country with an international leadership position. Through participant observation of four events and sites in Abu Dhabi and Dubai, and 12 in-depth interviews with both expat and UAE women entrepreneurs and UAE Government officials, this article analyzes the role of gender in public diplomacy and implications of UAE governmental representations of women. It asks how women’s empowerment enters the policy discourse in the UAE, how it is deployed, and what its policy goal is. In other words, who are the representations of women for and how do these images fortify the image of the UAE as a nation state? Through the themes of visibility, agency, and identity, it examines definitions of empowerment to account for the diversity of experiences and understandings of women’s contributions in the UAE. The UAE embraces traditional roles while also claiming change, which simultaneously expands and constrains women’s positions and choices.
Article
This paper proposes diplomatic studies of science as a new field of research, which sheds light on actual diplomatic processes as an integral part of knowledge making and presents the notion of nuclear science and diplomacy as co-produced. Science and diplomacy display fundamental similarities: scientists attempt to make knowledge produced locally seem global, thereby achieving universal epistemic order, while diplomats endeavour to maintain political order on a global scale that accommodates the local concerns of their country. In particular, the co-production of nuclear knowledge and political nuclear order has characterised the post-World War Two period. Hence, the making of global political orders includes the emergence of relevant diplomatic actors, which comprise not only sovereign states but also non-state actors, such as international organisations or individual experts. This paper claims that nuclear history provides a suitable ground for cross-fertilisation between the history of science and diplomatic history.
Presentation
Full-text available
The new diplomatic era started after the First World War when international relationships became worldwide. During this period, international relationship and practice of diplomacy were no longer confined to European nations as the USA, Japan and the rest of the world became a field of diplomatic operations. The founding of the League of Nations in 1919 marked a radical departure from the previous methods of diplomacy. Prior to August 1914, traditional diplomacy or ‘Old Diplomacy’ as it was called after the First World War was a system of intercourse between the governments of sovereign states. This paper therefore seeks to examine the originality of the New Diplomacy that was inaugurated in 1919. An understanding of the old and new diplomatic system is necessary in order to be able to draw a line of divergence between the two systems.
Article
How do societal actors in the host country matter to Beijing’s diplomatic strategies? In the course of political transition in Myanmar, the Myitsone Dam was suspended in 2011, and the China–Myanmar High-Speed Railway was reportedly halted in 2014. Since then, Beijing is said to have adopted public diplomacy in response to these economic setbacks. However, this article finds variations in Beijing’s approaches; Beijing actively engaged with the dam challengers, but not the railway opponents, who offered less of a challenge. Moreover, Beijing tolerated the project’s suspension in the dam case, but ramped up pressure in the railway case by increasing Naypyitaw’s costs of defection. Beijing’s inconsistent diplomatic approaches are attributed to different levels of social opposition observed in the anti-Chinese project movements. As such, Beijing has the propensity to bypass societal actors and pressure Naypyitaw for project continuation if it perceives that social opposition is not a major obstacle in bilateral economic cooperation.
Chapter
This edited volume examines power in its different dimensions in global governance. Scholars tend to underestimate the importance of power in international relations because of a failure to see its multiple forms. To expand the conceptual aperture, this book presents and employs a taxonomy that alerts scholars to the different kinds of power that are present in world politics. A team of international scholars demonstrate how these different forms connect and intersect in global governance in a range of different issue areas. Bringing together a variety of theoretical perspectives, this volume invites scholars to reconsider their conceptualization of power in world politics and how such a move can enliven and enrich their understanding of global governance.
Article
Internet public opinion, an essential part of public opinion, attracts enormous academic research efforts in China. The research on internet public opinion, which involves a fusion of both social and natural sciences, requires both theoretical elaboration and empirical analysis. This article aims to assess the current situation of internet public opinion research in China by employing a bibliometric method to analyse 9,060 studies selected and collected from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI). Based on the findings, the authors assess the overall situation of internet public research in China, and discuss the existing problems and emerging trends.
Article
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Article
America could have had a foreign service second to none. But Washington could not accept any such rigorously selective and nonpolitical corps. And with the diffusion of authority around the globe, many entities from outside the diplomatic world are busy representing their nations abroad, for better or worse.
Article
I wish to acknowledge the assistance of Jonathan Bach and James Muldron; and to express thanks for the support given by the Carnegie Corporation of New York to the study of diplomacy and non-state actors.
Article
Diplomacy is used to manage the goals of foreign policy focusing on communication. New trends affect the institution of diplomacy in different ways. Diplomacy has received an additional tool in the form of the Internet. In various cases of interdependence and dependence interference in a country's affairs is accepted. Multilateral cooperation has created parliamentary diplomacy and a new type of diplomat, the international civil servant. States and their diplomats are in demand to curb the excesses of globalization. The fight against terrorism also brought additional work for diplomacy. Consulates are busy working to cope with the pressures of immigration. Though parts of the foreign policy agenda have been outsourced to other actors the range and importance of diplomacy did not shrink, but rather expanded.
Article
Au-dela du debat sur la distinction entre morale et ethique, l'A. defend la these de la complementarite des deux theories de la raison pratique. Rejetant les positions exclusives de B. Williams et J. Habermas, l'A. montre que la philosophie n'a pas a choisir entre deux categories abstraites, d'une part, et privilegie la notion de communaute concrete chez Hegel comme ideal politique, d'autre part.
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This article examines the ways in which diplomacy is adapting in the information age, to the increased pressures and opportunities that changes in information and communication technologies and capabilities provide. The interaction of technological, economic, political and social changes, such as globalisation, the development and rapid expansion of information and communication technologies, the increasing ability of citizens and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to access and use these technologies, and the rise of transnational and co-operative security issues, are affecting the ways in which governments conduct their diplomacy. These changes are giving rise to what might be termed a ‘new public diplomacy’. This can be characterised by a blurring of traditional distinctions between international and domestic information activities, between public and traditional diplomacy and between cultural diplomacy, marketing and news management. The article focuses on a comparison of Britain and Canada. It argues that, in Britain, the new public diplomacy features a repackaging of diplomacy to project a particular image to an overseas audience, which is largely treated as a passive recipient of diplomacy. However, in Canada the new public diplomacy is characterised by a more inclusive approach to diplomacy, enabling citizen groups and NGOs to play a greater role in international affairs.
Article
People engaged in international relations/international studies (IR/IS) should study more diplomacy, especially since diplomacy is reviving in the aftermath of the Cold War. In methodological and theoretical terms, diplomacy has fallen afoul of the old arguments between diplomatic historians and IR/IS theorists. In prescriptive terms, it has fallen foul of critical perspectives on states, their practices, and their rationales. Advocates of diplomacy and its study have also contributed to its isolation by presenting it as an exclusive and esoteric practice. Nevertheless, an opportunity now exists to bring the study of diplomacy to center stage in IR/IS, and in so doing, to revive the flagging conversations among its subfields. Perspectives that focus on the construction of ambiguous identities offer a way of reinterpreting diplomacy, providing a richer account than positivist approaches. Diplomacy, seen in terms of representation of constructed identities, is not a residual of the modern state system, but transcends it and constitutes that which is particular to the kinds of human relations in which IR/IS is interested.
Book
Please note that 'The changing politics of foreign policy' (2003), which I am often asked for, is a book not an article, and I do not have any electronic copy of it. In any case it is now superseded by a fully revised second edition: 'Foreign Policy in the 21st Century' (2016)
Cat-alytic Diplomacy: Between 'Newness' and 'Decline'
  • Brian Hocking
Brian Hocking, " Cat-alytic Diplomacy: Between 'Newness' and 'Decline', " in Jan Melissen, ed., Innovation in Diplomatic Practice (New York, 1999).
What if there is a Revolution in Diplomatic Affairs? United States Institute of Peace Virtual Diplomacy website
  • David Ronfeldt
  • John Arquilla
David Ronfeldt and John Arquilla, " What if there is a Revolution in Diplomatic Affairs?, " United States Institute of Peace Virtual Diplomacy website, 25 February 1999, http://www.usip.org/virtualdiplomacy/ publications/reports/ronarqISA99.html (accessed on 6 December 2007).
Along the Domestic-Foreign Frontier
  • James N Rosenau
James N. Rosenau, Along the Domestic-Foreign Frontier (Cambridge, 1997).
Transnational Actors in International Organizations in Global Politics The Globalization of World Politics
  • J R Kelley
  • Peter
J. R. Kelley 22. Peter Willetts, " Transnational Actors in International Organizations in Global Politics, " in John Baylis, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens, eds., The Globalization of World Politics, Fourth Edition, (Oxford, 2008), p. 332.
Public Diplomacy in the Information Age " (speech given before the United States Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy
  • George P Shultz
George P. Shultz, " Public Diplomacy in the Information Age " (speech given before the United States Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, Washington, DC, 15 September 1987).
Communication, Power, and Counter-power in the Network Society p. 257. 28. I attribute the best articulation of this argument to Livingston New Media
  • Delli Carpini
Williams and Delli Carpini quoted in Manuel Castells, " Communication, Power, and Counter-power in the Network Society, " International Journal of Communication, 1(2007), p. 257. 28. I attribute the best articulation of this argument to Livingston, " New Media. "
Brian Hocking notes that public diplomacy is " increasingly defined as diplomacy by rather than of publics Rethinking the 'New' Public Diplomacy
  • Brian Hocking
Brian Hocking notes that public diplomacy is " increasingly defined as diplomacy by rather than of publics, " in Brian Hocking, " Rethinking the 'New' Public Diplomacy, " in Jan Melissen, ed., The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations (Basingstoke, 2005), p. 32.
Domestic-Foreign Frontier
  • Rosenau
Rosenau, Domestic-Foreign Frontier, pp. 67–68.
and CSIS Report, observe how the American " new diplomacy " dialogue has taken shape in United States Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, The New Diplomacy: Utilizing Innovative Communication that Recognize Resource Constraints
  • Arquilla
In addition to Arquilla and Ronfeldt, " Revolution, " and CSIS Report, observe how the American " new diplomacy " dialogue has taken shape in United States Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, The New Diplomacy: Utilizing Innovative Communication that Recognize Resource Constraints: Report of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy (Washington, DC, July 2003);
The Rise of Netpolitik: How the Internet is Changing International Politics and Diplomacy: Report of the Eleventh Annual Aspen Institute Roundtable on Information Technology
  • David Bollier
David Bollier, The Rise of Netpolitik: How the Internet is Changing International Politics and Diplomacy: Report of the Eleventh Annual Aspen Institute Roundtable on Information Technology (Aspen, CO, 2003).
Ronfeldt and Arquilla The Emergence of Noopolitik: Toward and American Information Strategy The 1998 CSIS report also portrays the RDA as a willful exercise of modernization, but it is my belief that states have less to say on the direction of this process than these reports imply
  • Rosenau
  • John Frontier
  • David Ronfeldt Arquilla
Rosenau, Domestic-Foreign Frontier, p. 28. 41. Ronfeldt and Arquilla, " Revolution " ; John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt, The Emergence of Noopolitik: Toward and American Information Strategy (Santa Monica, CA, 1999). The 1998 CSIS report also portrays the RDA as a willful exercise of modernization, but it is my belief that states have less to say on the direction of this process than these reports imply. This may something to do with the policy-oriented format and the intended (American) audience.
Technology and Industry Scoreboard According to comScore Russia Has Fastest Growing Internet Population in Europe, " press release
  • Economic Organization
  • Cooperation
  • Development
  • Oecd
  • Science
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD Science, Technology and Industry Scoreboard 2007 (Paris, 2007), p. 123 43. According to comScore, " Russia Has Fastest Growing Internet Population in Europe, " press release, August 27, 2008, http://www.comscore.com/Press_Events/Press_Releases/2008/08/Russia_Internet_ Growth (accessed 10 February 2009).
Foreign Policy Goes Glam National Interest Online
  • Daniel W Quoted
  • Drezner
Quoted from Daniel W. Drezner, " Foreign Policy Goes Glam, " National Interest Online, November 1, 2007, http://www.nationalinterest.org/Article.aspx?id=15932 (accessed January 31, 2008).
Global Civil Society and the Ottawa Process
  • Maxwell A Cameron
Maxwell A. Cameron, " Global Civil Society and the Ottawa Process, " in Ibid., pp. 75–77.
Non-State Actors, " p. 33. Downloaded by
  • Langhorne
Langhorne, " Non-State Actors, " p. 33. Downloaded by [Mount Allison University 0Libraries] at 20:35 19 May 2013