Article

Ideology and Discourse Analysis

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the author.

Abstract

Contrary to most traditional approaches, ideologies are defined here within a multidisciplinary framework that combines a social, cognitive and discursive component. As ‘systems of ideas’, ideologies are sociocognitively defined as shared representations of social groups, and more specifically as the ‘axiomatic’ principles of such representations. As the basis of a social group's self-image, ideologies organize its identity, actions, aims, norms and values, and resources as well as its relations to other social groups. Ideologies are distinct from the sociocognitive basis of broader cultural communities, within which different ideological groups share fundamental beliefs such as their cultural knowledge. Ideologies are expressed and generally reproduced in the social practices of their members, and more particularly acquired, confirmed, changed and perpetuated through discourse. Although general properties of language and discourse are not, as such, ideologically marked, systematic discourse analysis offers powerful methods to study the structures and functions of ‘underlying’ ideologies. The ideological polarization between ingroups and outgroups— a prominent feature of the structure of ideologies—may also be systematically studied at all levels of text and talk, e.g. by analysing how members of ingroups typically emphasize their own good deeds and properties and the bad ones of the outgroup, and mitigate or deny their own bad ones and the good ones of the outgroup.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.

... Nous pouvons d'ores et déjà le concevoir comme un « méta-concept », dans le sens où il est généralement étudié de manière spécifiée (e.g., idéologie libérale, idéologie marxiste) et qu'il est le vecteur organisateur d'autres connaissances socialement acquises et partagées (Van Dijk, 2006). Ces éléments expliquent probablement une partie des difficultés inhérentes à la définition de l'idéologie, qualifiée par Fronty (1983) de « nébuleuse sémantique » (p.50). ...
... L'idéologie est fréquemment définie, a minima, comme un système structuré d'idées, de valeurs et d'attitudes socialement partagées (Codou et al., 2011 ;Jost, 2006 ;Jost et al., 2009 ;Moscovici, 1984Moscovici, /2017Nafstad, 2002 ;van Dijk, 2006). Cette définition renvoie ainsi à des contenus de pensée sociale. ...
... En précisions de ces propos, nous pourrions dire que l'idéologie informe sur la désirabilité et l'utilité sociale des attitudes et des comportements (Beauvois, 1994). Elle spécifie quelles sont les valeurs pertinentes pour un groupe dans une situation donnée (van Dijk, 2006). ...
Full-text available
Thesis
L'idéologie néolibérale est fréquemment théorisée comme un facteur de dépolitisation des citoyens. Néanmoins, les travaux explorant empiriquement ses effets sur des attitudes et des comportements politiques sont rares. Cette thèse a donc pour objet l'étude des implications psychosociales de l'idéologie néolibérale, comprise comme un ensemble de valeurs (i.e., idéographie) conditionnant une conception particulière de la personne (i.e., conception néolibérale du sujet). Afin d'éclairer la manière dont cette idéologie peut influencer les attitudes des personnes (e.g., justification du système) et leurs comportements politiques, 9 études ont été menées. Les deux premières études ont mis en évidence l'association entre l'adhésion aux valeurs néolibérales, la justification du système et les comportements politiques (i.e., manifestation et vote). Consécutivement, 5 études expérimentales ont été réalisées afin de vérifier la nature causale de la relation entre l'idéologie néolibérale et la justification du système. Plus encore, ces études visaient à éclairer le rôle du contrôle personnel perçu comme mécanisme explicatif de cette relation. Les résultats ne permettent pas de conclure sur l'ensemble de la médiation mais étayent l'hypothèse selon laquelle le contrôle personnel perçu constitue un antécédent à la justification du système. Enfin, les deux dernières études expérimentales explorent les effets de l'idéologie néolibérale et de la justification du système sur les intentions comportementales des sujets face à des problématiques systémiques (i.e., inégalités de genre et crise climatique). Les résultats indiquent que l'idéologie néolibérale, en tant qu'idéologie justificatrice, favorise des réponses individuelles, normatives et non-disruptives. Dans son ensemble, cette thèse fait apparaitre que l'idéologie néolibérale favorise un « citoyen minimal », figure individualisée polarisée autour de la liberté individuelle, à l'opposé d'un « citoyen agent social » polarisé autour de la liberté politique.
... The overall methodological structure of this study is based on the founding principles of the CDA framework, as in the seminal works of Fairclough (1989), Wodak (2009 and van Dijk (2001van Dijk ( , 2006, which have guided both the quantitative and qualitative analysis, with specific reference to the crucial role of context and to the interdisciplinary nature of the CDA paradigm (Faircough and Wodak 1997;Wodak 2009). ...
... Drawing on a corpus-based approach (Baker et al. 2013;McEnery and Gabrielatos 2006;McEnery and Hardie 2012;Baker 2006Baker , 2014, the quantitative analysis was carried out through Sketch Engine (Kilgarriff et al. 2014), which facilitated the description of the extracted lexical items and grammatical choices (Fairclough 1989;van Dijk 2006), thus yielding an overall view of the leader's notion of peoplehood. The Thesaurus application provided by Sketch Engine for this part of the investigation consisted in the extraction of peoplehood identifiers or close synonyms of people designated as groups or other collectives. ...
... The interdisciplinary nature of the qualitative component facilitated the interpretation and explanation of the observed phenomena (Fairclough 1989;van Dijk 2006) in terms of uncovering what is implicit, hidden or otherwise not immediately obvious in relations of discursively enacted dominance or their underlying ideologies (van Dijk 2001). This procedure began with the manual reading of the speech extracts. ...
Full-text available
Article
This study reports on a genre analysis investigating the rhetorical structures, specifically the Results, Discussion and Conclusion sections of empirical research articles from two under-re�searched disciplines, Applied Mathematics and Economics. Twenty articles were compiled for each discipline, making 40 research articles in all. Interview data were collected from authors of the articles and also specialists within each discipline (n=32). In this study, discourse ana�lytical and ethnographically-oriented approaches were integrated for the validity of the find�ings. A two-level rhetorical structure (Moves and Steps) was proposed in light of specialists’ contributions as actual authors of the articles in the corpus. The principal finding was the different role of Discussion in the target disciplines, which was difficult to analyse in Applied Mathematics in contrast to Economics. The findings showed the significant need for consulting specialist informants in genre analysis, which differs from the claim made by Askehave and Swales (2001) who argue that having specialist informants check the genre analysis may com�plicate the process.
... The concept of 'ideology', which van Dijk [12] sociocognitively defines as mutual belief systems that foster 'axiomatic' rules of social groups and are constitutive of their identities. In most cases, ideologies are manifested in discourse, though they are not restricted to discourse only because they can be expressed in various forms and actions, such as in semiotic content [13]. ...
... Several studies have investigated news headlines from a CDA perspective. Lombardi looked into headlines on school shootings in the USA, and her analysis showed certain biases in the use of verbs and terminology [12]. Similarly, Hassan [21] utilised CDA to compare Pakistani news headlines and assess the effects of the textual strategies used in them. ...
... The data were analysed according to van Dijk's model [12] of tracing ideologies in discourse structures. The model is organised by three main discourse levels, namely meaning, form and action, which comprise subordinate levels that codify the underlying ideological underpinning. ...
Full-text available
Article
COVID-19 has struck the world in an unprecedented way. Countries quickly tried to counter the rapid spread of the virus by imposing strict measures and national lockdowns. At the same time, some governments took advantage of the pandemic to besmirch their opponents. We utilize van Dijk (J Polit Ideol 11(2):115–140 2006) critical discourse analysis model to investigate how newspaper headlines reacted to COVID-19 from through ideological lenses. Results show that while the US implied that China is the origin of the virus, headlines in Arab newspapers showed that Saudi Arabia blamed travel to Iran for the early increases of COVID-19 cases.
... The topicality of this issue is also determined by the fact that the study of political ideologies phenomenon, especially their language in the context of modern Western society, makes it possible to establish a productive inter-civilization dialogue as the only possible way to overcome multiple crises, which have marked the globalization processes. It is the language of ideology that can develop a platform of coexistence acceptable to everyone [1], which would ensure multidisciplinary framework drawing on social, cognitive and discursive conditions [2]. ...
... This point of view is anchored in [17], [18] approach of studying the ideological discourse, as well as critical discourse studies, developed in [19], [20] and his successors in [21]. The ideological content of discourse can be very different, however in the course of the analysis strategies for its ideologization and deideologization are revealed [2]. ...
Article
The research is aimed at revealing the linguo-discursive features of political interaction within the framework of liberal-democratic ideological communication in the modern perspective. The task of substantiating the key foundations for the perception of language of political ideology as a linguo-discursive process of mutual adaptation of the state and civil society as subjects of political communication is addressed. The study is anchored in the neoclassical scientific paradigm, within which framework critical rethinking of the political discourse-analysis methodology is carried out. We proceed from the fact that ideology is a representation of a certain set of language elements, so the study of the ideology language serves to reconstruct the discursive base of ideology and the imperatives underlying it. It is shown that the study of language of political ideologies engenders the emergence of parallel centers of power in the sphere of statehood. The growth of destructive elements of communicative interactions in liberal democratic society is revealed, in particular an increase in the discursive means that serve an effective tool of denying the democratic process is identified. his study can be useful in the area of political science, namely in the political practice of liberal-democratic society. The findings are applicable in establishing the factors of destruction of social and political dialogue. In this context, the research can offer solutions, provide resources for politicians and organizations in optimizing the dialogue of political communication subjects. Drawing from Freeden’s morphological approach of studying the ideological discourse, as well as critical discourse studies of van Dijk, the research bridges the gap between the studies of the classical philosophical thought and neoclassical scientific paradigm in comprehending the role of political ideologies language. The current study urges a critical rethinking of methodology of political discourse analysis.
... There are also limitations regarding the application of this methodology, including the hermeneutic approach to text analysis, which may enter the subjectivities of the researcher into the analysis, the difficulties involved in distinguishing a discourse from what is not a discourse, as well as difficulties in showing the impact of a discourse on the objects of this discourse. For these reasons, critical discourse analysts argue that this research should be 'intelligible in its interpretations and explanations' (Titscher et al. 2000: 164), that the process of collecting, analysing and explaining data should be recognizable, and that findings should be accessible and readable for the social groups under investigation (van Dijk 2006). Triangulation techniques are sometimes used here to enrich trustworthiness in the intersubjective validity of data. ...
... Triangulation techniques are sometimes used here to enrich trustworthiness in the intersubjective validity of data. This means to make transparent and cross-check the openness and interchange between diverse types of data, interventions by participants and researcher interventions, interpretations and explanations (Fairclough 1995;van Dijk 2006;Wodak 2007). ...
Chapter
Written by an international team of over sixty experts and drawing on over three thousand scientific studies, this is the first comprehensive global assessment of the political impact of the Sustainable Development Goals, which were launched by the United Nations in 2015. It explores in detail the political steering effects of the Sustainable Development Goals on the UN system and the policies of countries in the Global North and Global South; on institutional integration and policy coherence; and on the ecological integrity and inclusiveness of sustainability policies worldwide. This book is a key resource for scholars, policymakers and activists concerned with the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals, and those working in political science, international relations and environmental studies. It is one of a series of publications associated with the Earth System Governance Project.
... Put differently, in racist white discourse, self-serving information is highlighted, favorable properties are focused upon, and access to social resources (such as education, welfare, and prosperity) is claimed. In this way, ideology allows legitimate dominance and justifies abuse actions (van Dijk 1995). ...
... The present study assumes that Trump's presidential messages selected for study contain cultural representations that have socio-political implications. To test this, the study adopts Fairclough's (1989) and van Dijk's (1995;2000) perspectives of Critical Discourse Snalysis. In addition, van Leeuwen's (2008) model of social representation in discourse is utilized as it helps in focusing on the types of representation of the social actors in the presidential messages under study. ...
Full-text available
Article
Presidential speeches and comments trigger the interest of language researchers, particularly those working in the field of critical discourse analysis. The present paper attempts to identify the linguistic inclusion and exclusion patterns in Trump’s Presidential messages on Juneteenth from a CDA perspective to see how African Americans are viewed and represented as a social group by the American administration. These messages are issued annually by every American president on behalf of the government to (de)emphasize ideologies and values that are related to the political system, the political actors (the president and the citizens), and the political event. On this occasion, Trump referred to the efforts exerted to abolish slavery, for which he commended the Americans, emphasizing equality among people. The study adopted Transitivity Analysis (TA) from Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL), Social actor Network (SAN), and the strategy of Ingroup(white Americans) vs. Outgroup(African Americans) representation to describe how the social actors such as American statesmen and African Americans were represented. Th study found that racial discrimination, which was cloaked in themes of victory and celebration, was systematically enacted and reproduced in these messages; therefore, the reiterated principle in these official messages, that all men are equal, remains questionable.
... En este sentido, los discursos ideológicos contribuyen a la construcción de conocimiento humano y permiten la edificación de la identidad individual, en tanto que instauran creencias, actitudes y objetivos comunes en los individuos que integran los grupos sociales, a través de procesos sociocognitivos que brindan identidad, seguridad, reconocimiento y unión entre sus miembros (Van Dijk, 2006). ...
... Thirdly, it will reveal the foundational religious understanding of dominant political Islamist thought in Turkey today, and how it might continue to evolve 50 years since its first emergence. I have chosen PDA as a methodology because there is a vital relation between political discourse and ideology in that 'political ideologies are largely reproduced by discourse' ( van Dijk, 2006a: 728;2006b). PDA also 'refers to the practice of analysing raw material and information as discursive forms' (Howarth & Stavrakakis, 2000: 4). ...
Full-text available
Article
The Milli Görüş political Islamic movement and the first political parties under its banner were founded and dominated by the Naqshbandis. Numerous scholars have so far suggested that political participation has led these groups to transform and moderate their former Islamist views over time. This study examines this possibility by scrutinising how Naqshbandi and Milli Görüş leadership perceive the state, essential political institutions such as the legislature, political parties, opposition, elections, and independent media, together with some defining issues in Islam such as jihad, excommunication, and al-wala’ wa-lbara’ (loyalty and disavowal). In particular, the study seeks to uncover how the Naqshbandi theological background has been turned into a political Islamist ideology through the influence of two important Naqshbandi shaykhs, Mehmed Zahid Kotku (1952–1980) and Mahmud Es’ad Coşan (1980–2001), and two leading Naqshbandi-affiliated Milli Görüş leaders Necmettin Erbakan and R. Tayyip Erdoğan to reveal if/to what extent Islamists’ participation in politics has transformed their Islamist views. As a methodology, content analysis and political discourse analysis have been used. The findings demonstrate a continuity of Islamist Naqshbandi thought in Milli Görüş leadership and that political participation has neither ‘democratised’ nor ‘moderated’ these parties and their radical Islamist thoughts.
... Teun A. Van Dijk stated that CDA is used to analyze critical discourses, including: politics, race, gender, social class, hegemony, and etc. Van Dijk (2006) define Critical Discourse Analysis as follows: CDA is a type discourse analytical research that primarily Arini dan Widyashanti,Critical Discourse Analysis..................................................... 13 Jurnal Pendidikan by http://journal.univetbantara.ac.id/index.php/jp is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. ...
Article
When we discuss critical discourse analysis, we are not only talking about assertions, but also about the structure and principles of discourse. Discourse principle and critical discourse analysis structures cannot be divorced from the connection or relationship between discourse and reality. The term "reality" refers to a collection of social creations established through discourse. The discourse analysis discussed in this paper will establish a foundation for understanding discourse as something other than a subject of language study, but as an intentional social practice. Discourse does not always occur in this manner, but has a definite goal intended to be communicated to the listener. It is not sufficient to evaluate the language parts alone while undertaking discourse analysis; one must additionally consider the context in which the speech is constructed. Not only does critical discourse analysis evaluate language in terms of linguistic studies or isolated parts of language, but it also analyzes language in relation to its environment. The context indicates that the language is being utilized for specific purposes and behaviors
... The "us vs. them" structure, which hinges on the use of the pronouns "we" and "us" to refer to self and "they" and "them" to characterize or construct an "other," stands out as a pivotal discursive technique that speakers in the field of politics utilize to prioritize their outlook to issues to the detriment of others'. Political speakers often appeal to this legitimization technique to bolster their positions and to enlist support for their policies and decisions by painting the self and its attributes in a good light all in painting the other and its attributes in a bad light (Van Dijk, 2006). This contrast entails the rationalization and the legitimization of the self's intentions and actions which implies the de-politicization and the demonization of all that is the other (van Leeuwen, 2008, p. 42;Thompson, 2004, p. 75). ...
... Second, I will elaborate on the events evolving in Nicaragua since 2018, causing the migration movement. Third, I will concentrate on the group Recuperemos Costa Rica where I will look at the group's neo-national ideology (Van Dijk 2006;Gingrich & Banks 2006) and analyse the contents of their anti-migrant discourse. ...
Full-text available
Article
This case study explores xenophobic sentiments and actions in Costa Rica during the refugee crisis from April to December 2018, caused by the internal political crisis in Nicaragua. By looking at Costa Rica’s long histories of migration it is evident that xenophobic sentiments against Nicaraguans derive from long-lasting interconnections and migration movements between these two countries. This study demonstrates not only that much of nationalist and xenophobic discourses originate from prolonged historical arguments, but also that the global dimension of anti-migration sentiments has to be considered. Using neo-institutionalist theory, in particular historical and sociological institutionalism, this paper explores how the history of migration in Costa Rica has contributed to the creation of Costa Rican nationalism. Furthermore, by combining past and present examples, namely the history of migrations between Nicaragua and Costa Rica and actions by nationalist groups on social media channels, this paper contributes to a historically centred analysis to one of the central issues of the 21st century.
... Discourse analysis is an established method of social research. It joins the study of language to the social context of its production enabling an examination of the ways ideologies are manifested in discourses and, the role discourses play in creating, legitimising, challenging or reproducing particular worldviews through use of language (Fairclough 1995(Fairclough , 1996(Fairclough , 2003van Leeuwen 1996van Leeuwen , 2008van Dijk 2001van Dijk , 2013. ...
... The "us vs. them" structure, which hinges on the use of the pronouns "we" and "us" to refer to self and "they" and "them" to characterize or construct an "other," stands out as a pivotal discursive technique that speakers in the field of politics utilize to prioritize their outlook to issues to the detriment of others'. Political speakers often appeal to this legitimization technique to bolster their positions and to enlist support for their policies and decisions by painting the self and its attributes in a good light all in painting the other and its attributes in a bad light (Van Dijk, 2006). This contrast entails the rationalization and the legitimization of the self's intentions and actions which implies the de-politicization and the demonization of all that is the other (van Leeuwen, 2008, p. 42;Thompson, 2004, p. 75). ...
... Discursive legitimation is one of the most important issues that are often discussed in political and social studies (Haunss & Schneider, 2013;Vaara, & Tienari 2008). The established policies have had a great impact on the community so that their formations take into account various aspects (Van Dijk, 2006)). Researches on discursive legitimation were more directed to the analysis of language and power behind the formation of texts. ...
... They present facts and opinions and try to control public discourse on important problems of public life. Van Dijk (2006) considered editorials an institutional opinion. He has argued that editorials are the mouthpiece of owners. ...
Full-text available
Article
Labor leaders and trade unionists often complain that newspapers do not give a proper presentation to labor issues. This research article is an effort to address their complaint and investigate the presentation of labor issues in the editorials of elite newspapers of Pakistan (Dawn and the News) from 2013-2018. Editorials present the case of the voiceless segment of society, and they also reflect general trends of coverage on news pages, because the editorials are written on important events and issues which emerged on news pages. They also present newspaper policy and generate debate in society on important issues. The selected newspapers have great importance in the public discourse of Pakistan, and they are read by the most influential segments of society. The period under the study was very eventful for labor in Pakistan. It is a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of editorials written on selected labor issues (trade unions and workplace security) by selected newspapers during the period under study. Applying the theory of agenda setting and framing the study has found that newspapers have given a very insufficient presentation to labor issues, but they positively presented the labor issues
... The heteronormative phenomenon, on the other hand, organises identity into a hierarchal spectrum, whereby heterosexuality is the superior-oppositional to homosexuality, normalising the idea that sex, gender roles and sexual orientation are naturally and coherently fixed (Schilt and Westbrook, 2009). Such ideologies about sex and gender, which marginalise those who deviate from the norm, are often reproduced in spoken discourse (Van Dijk, 2006), both deliberately and unconsciously. They not only naturally offend members of the transgender community, but also legitimise the existing power relations between those who are cis gender and those who are transgender. ...
Full-text available
Article
Ideologies about sex and gender, which marginalise those who deviate from the norm, are often reproduced in spoken discourse both deliberately and unconsciously. They not only offend those who identify as transgender, but also legitimise the existing power relations between the cis-gender community and the transgender community. Adopting a combined discourse-analytical and pragmatic approach, the following study explores the relationship between discourse, ideology and power in a television interview hosted by Piers Morgan with transgender activist, Janet Mock. This interview sparked twitter outrage, with many people criticising Piers for his insensitive handling of the interview. This study thus sets out to explore why the way Piers handled the interview with Janet Mock could be considered insensitive. Drawing on concepts and tools of pragmatics, as well as other dimensions of talk such as genre and topic, one explores how topics are ideologically managed by Piers, how his speech acts reflect and reproduce power and ideology and how rapport is (mis)managed in the interview. To explore how rapport is (mis)managed, Spencer Oatey’s (2005) Rapport Management Model is operationalised. A quantitative analysis of Piers Morgan’s question turns is conducted and Piers’ speech acts are then analysed qualitatively to determine how their underlying meanings affect rapport in this interview. Close analysis of this interview reveals Piers’ discourse implicitly embodies a naturalised view of sex and gender, which is interpreted as offensive by Janet. One concludes that Piers does not communicate face-attack intentionally in this interview, nor does Mock perceive Piers’ communicative behaviour as intentionally face-attacking. Rather, Piers simply lacks understanding of how to communicate with a transgender individual in a manner that is deemed respectful. This study aims to raise people’s self-consciousness that you can be completely kind, but say something very offensive at the same time – the two things are not mutually exclusive.
... Celce-Murcia and Olshtain (2000) point out, competence in the production and interpretation of discourse is crucial for language learners; by extension, language teachers must understand how discourse is structured and how it can be analyzed so that they are better equipped to teach effectively, and also so that they can foster their own professional development by using discourse analysis to analyze the nature of language use for themselves. (Van Dijk, 2006) technique. In this research, the data were from students' chat in WhatsApp group discussion from April 2017 to May 2017. ...
Article
This research is under the discipline of Discourse Analysis. It focused to investigate the politeness used by students in social media, especially WhatsApp application. This research was consist of 20 students in one class at the Graduate Program of State University of Makassar. To collect the data, the researchers transcribed students’ chat and discussion from the students’ WhatsApp group discussion. This researcher was analyzed by using discourse analysis approach based on the politeness theory by Brown and Levinson (1987). The result of this research showed that students only use positive politeness in questioning to show closeness and respect to the other students in the WhatsApp group discussion.
... Answers from open-ended questions were analyzed using a discourse analysis as part of the qualitative analysis. A discourse analysis is used to study the structures or functions of underlying themes from participants' responses (O'Halloran et al. 2018;Van Dijk 2006). This approach is often referred to as a views-based analysis. ...
Full-text available
Article
For almost a decade, Twitter use and its impact on students’ academic performance have been explored by many researchers. Despite growing scholarly interest, studies have been mostly quantitative in nature. The findings of previous studies are conflicting; thus, an in-depth study is needed to determine how and what impacts college students’ academic performance (i.e., GPA) when they spend time on Twitter. The purpose of this study was to understand the effects of Twitter use on college students’ academic performance. The present study shows that individual analysis techniques, such as quantitative or qualitative tools, are not enough to understand the underlying relationship. Therefore, a mixed-method approach (i.e., correlation and discourse analysis) was used to analyze the research data. Undergraduate students responded (N = 498) to a set of items along with some open-ended questions (n = 121). The results of this study indicate that how students use Twitter matters more than the amount of time they spend using it for their studies.
... These construction processes involve foundational, underlying ideas about what constitutes one's culture, nation, way of being, worldview, and what are one's relations to others in a historical, geopolitical, and philosophical sense. As such, we argue that these processes are ideological by nature, meaning that they reflect particular foundational or axiomatic belief systems that organize and control the discourses and other social practices of those involved as members of particular social groups with supposedly related goals and interests (see Van Dijk, 2006). The ideological basis of national identity constructions at this level makes these constructions durable, rigid and powerful in shaping up social and power relations between actors in and around MNCs. ...
Chapter
In this chapter, we focus on national identity in and around multinational corporations (MNCs). We offer three conceptualizations of national identity and demonstrate how it may be studied in MNCs. First, we argue that organizational actors (re)construct their national identities via references to, and associations with, particular ideologies and worldviews. These are rigid constructions, which are deeply rooted in actors' place in and fundamental views about the world. Second, national identity is (re)constructed through group-level relations vis-à-vis relevant 'others' in the specific organizational context. Such constructions are relatively stable but they are relational in the sense that they are rooted in actors' identification with their cultural group. Finally, national identities are (re)constructed by organizational actors through mundane everyday relations and interaction. These are fluid and temporary constructions contingent on the immediate interests of those involved and the social dynamics of specific interactions. Based on our conceptualization, we outline avenues for future research to understand better the changing roles and implications of national identity in modern organizations.
... These construction processes involve foundational, underlying ideas about what constitutes one's culture, nation, way of being, worldview, and what are one's relations to others in a historical, geopolitical, and philosophical sense. As such, we argue that these processes are ideological by nature, meaning that they reflect particular foundational or axiomatic belief systems that organize and control the discourses and other social practices of those involved as members of particular social groups with supposedly related goals and interests (see Van Dijk, 2006). The ideological basis of national identity constructions at this level makes these constructions durable, rigid and powerful in shaping up social and power relations between actors in and around MNCs. ...
... The texts analyzed are the party manifesto, the code of ethics, and the press releases section. As analytical approach, we will follow the model initiated by Teun van Dijk in 2006 [11], respectively in the model elaborated by Ben Stanley, which we previously mentioned. ...
Full-text available
Conference Paper
The first half of the year 2018 brought about a new player on the Romanian political scene, Mișcarea România Împreună (the Romania Together Movement), initiated by the former technocratic prime-minister Dacian Cioloș. Built on the foundations of the civic initiative Romania 100, the new political formation proclaims itself to be a moderate party, pro-European, and center-left. In this paper we aim to demonstrate that, despite this self-identification, MRI illustrated a particular political model, initiated in France by the current president, Emmanuel Macron, La République En Marche. Unlike other authors, who speak about "anti-populist populism" in order to define this particular political formula, we consider that, on the contrary, it should not be considered as a special category in the taxonomies regarding the populist phenomenon, but as a formula by which the demo-liberal political order understands to adapt itself to the challenge of the populist phenomenon. Consequentially, the so called liberal populism inspired by Macron, professed in Romania by MRI, must be looked at from a different perspective, namely that of a contextualized political reaction from the liberal civil society which, fundamentally, chooses to mobilize itself in front of the populist challenge through an adaptive strategy capable, finally, to produce a consistent and coherent reaction to the populist discourse-Manichean, anti-establishment and nationally self-centered. Methodologically, we aim to examine qualitatively the fundamental documents of MRI, as they can be accessed on the official website of the aforementioned political movement. We will try to identify the central elements of the identity and political discourse of MRI, in order to offer a better understanding of the populist phenomenon in general and, also, to propose a new model of interpreting this phenomenon which should include the demo-liberal adaptive formulas.
... While the frequent usage of certain pronouns could be also related to other personality traits (e.g. narcissism [18]), to rhetorical strategies (e.g., [27,33]) or to the communication of ideologies (e.g., [34]), the relative increase of the plural first-person personal pronouns compared to its singular form have been exclusively described as a correlate of hubristic behavior ( [5,19]). ...
Full-text available
Article
Powerful figures, such as politicians, who show a behavioural pattern of exuberant self-confidence, recklessness, and contempt for others may be the subject of the acquired personality disorder, the hubris syndrome, which has been demonstrated to leave its mark on speech patterns. Our study explores characteristic language patterns of Hungarian prime ministers (PMs) with a special emphasis on one of the key indicators of hubris, the shift from the first person "I" to "we" in spontaneous speech. We analyzed the ratio of the first-person singular ("I") and plural ("we") pronouns and verbal inflections in the spontaneous parliamentary speeches of four Hungarian PMs between 1998-2018. We found that Viktor Orbán during his second premiership (2010-2014) used first person plural relative to singular inflections more often than the other three PMs during their terms. Orbán and another Hungarian PM, Ferenc Gyurcsány, who were re-elected at some point showed an increased ratio of first-person plural vs. singular inflections and personal pronouns by their second term, likely reflecting increasing hubristic tendencies. The results show that the ratio of "I" and "we" usually studied in English texts also show changes in a structurally different language , Hungarian. This finding suggests that it is extended periods of premiership that may increase hubristic behaviour in political leaders, not only experiencing excessive power. The results are particularly elucidating regarding the role of re-elections in political leaders' hubristic speech-and behaviour.
... In politics, creating frames requires repeating key phrases, using the same vocabulary and maintaining tone and sentiment in their discourse that allows political leaders the creation of a consistent context for setting topic priorities and partisan interpretation of facts [27]. To survive and compete in this arena, politicians and political parties need to build conscious and wellorganized discourses using primarily language [32,33] 'to influence in any way any of the other participants' [34, p. 15]. This is why frame analysis has proved to be a flexible and powerful analytical tool to build taxonomies [35]. ...
Full-text available
Article
Political tensions have grown throughout Europe since the beginning of the new century. The consecutive crises led to the rise of different social movements in several countries, in which the political status quo changed. These changes included an increment of the different tensions underlying politics, as has been reported after many other political and economical crises during the twentieth century. This article proposes the study of the political discourse, and its underlying tension, during Madrid’s elections (Spain) in May 2021 by using a mixed approach. To demonstrate if an aggressive tone is used during the campaign, a mixed methodology approach is applied: quantitative computational techniques, related to natural language processing, are used to conduct a first general analysis of the information screened; then, these methods are used for detecting specific trends that can be later filtered and analyzed using a qualitative approach (content analysis), which is also conducted to extract insights about the information found. The main outcomes of this study show that the electoral campaign is not as negative as perceived by the citizens and that there was no relationship between the tone of the discourse and its dissemination. The analysis confirms that the most ideologically extreme parties tend to have a more aggressive language than the moderate ones. The content analysis carried out using our methodology showed that Twitter is used as a sentiment thermometer more than as a way of communicating concrete politics.
Full-text available
Preprint
This paper uses the cognitive model of mental symmetry as a meta-theory to integrate a number of theories within second language acquisition (SLA), as well as provide a framework for neurological research in linguistics. Mental symmetry has been used to analyze several fields and systems, but it applies especially well to SLA. That is because learning a language means mentally acquiring a structure that is capable of describing all aspects of human thought and experience, and acquiring a new language has a similarly universal impact. Thus, SLA really needs an integrated theory of cognition. In most fields there is a large gap between the technical specialization of that field and a meta-theory. This gap is unusually small within the field of SLA, making it possible to present a meta-theory as an integrated theory of the specialization.
Full-text available
Article
735 strategic, sincere and effective interventionist policies. They also revealed nine recurrent themes in the President's discourses to depict the President's intense focus on national development in tandem with his pre-election campaign slogan of Security, Economy and Anti-corruption (SEA). The research uncovered linguistic frames comprising pragmatic speech acts of locution, illocution and perlocution in the President's discourses, to highly and frequently reiterate his ideologies in ensuring national growth and development. The findings also revealed that the President's discourses framed and propagated ideologies, dissimilar to his military antecedents, for the advancement of his national development interventionist policies. The research concluded that the interplay among President Muhammadu Buhari's ideology and human development policies in the text of his national addresses between 2015 and 2021, consciously construed his administration's interventionist policies for the enactment of socio political development against the excruciating challenges in the Nigerian nation. Thus, this research recommended that political leaders should ensure that subsisting problems and those envisaged as the foundation of social order in their societies; the value systems appropriate for social justice, wealth creation and distribution, social efficiency with moral sensitivity and concern for the common good, as deduced from the knowledge of shared values with their citizenry, are pragmatically tackled not only in the discourses, but as well experientially. This research also recommended that politicians and their speech writers should effectively and positively adopt the use of discourse framing to promote societal progressive growth.
Article
This article scrutinizes the frames that are deployed by the Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau about the Russia–Ukraine event and the actors who are involved in this event. Accordingly, the corpus consists of 108 English text-only original tweets retrieved from the Twitter account of Trudeau (@JustinTrudeau) between 23 February and 30 April 2022. This timeframe covers the beginning and the early stages of the Russia–Ukraine event that has captured the attention of mainstream and social media. Qualitative content analysis is conducted on the selected tweets, guided by framing theory and critical discourse analysis. The findings reveal that Trudeau utilized different frames to label and portray the current event. He also used ‘authoritarian’ frames to depict Russia and pro-Russia actors as outgroup members, who are directly responsible and should be held accountable for their actions, whereas ‘freedom’ frames are employed to represent Ukraine and pro-Ukraine actors as ingroup members, who have common values with Canada and need all kinds of support and assistance.
Full-text available
Article
Now mostly known as “COVID-19” (or simply “Covid”), early discourse around the pandemic was characterized by a particularly large variation in naming choices (ranging from “new coronavirus” and “new respiratory disease” to “killer bug” and the racist term “Chinese virus”). The current study is situated within corpus-assisted discourse studies and analyses these naming choices in UK newspaper coverage (January–March 2020), focusing on terminology deemed “inappropriate” as per WHO guidelines on naming infectious diseases. The results show that 9% of all terms referring to COVID-19 or the virus causing it are “inappropriate” overall, with “inappropriate” naming being more prevalent (1) in tabloids than broadsheets and (2) in the period before compared to the period after the virus was officially named on 11th February, 2020. Selected examples within each of the categories of “inappropriate” names are explored in more detail [terms (1) inciting undue fear, (2) containing geographic locations, and (3) containing species of animals], and the findings are discussed with regard to the contribution of lexical choices to the reproduction of (racist and otherwise problematic) ideologies in mainstream media.
Full-text available
Article
Understanding the reception of public health messages in public-facing communications is of key importance to health agencies in managing crises, pandemics, and other health threats. Established public health communications strategies including self-efficacy messaging, fear appeals, and moralising messaging were all used during the Coronavirus pandemic. We explore the reception of public health messages to understand the efficacy of these established messaging strategies in the COVID-19 context. Taking a community-focussed approach, we combine a corpus linguistic analysis with methods of wider engagement, namely, a public survey and interactions with a Public Involvement Panel to analyse this type of real-world public health discourse. Our findings indicate that effective health messaging content provides manageable instructions, which inspire public confidence that following the guidance is worthwhile. Messaging that appeals to the audience's morals or fears in order to provide a rationale for compliance can be polarising and divisive, producing a strongly negative emotional response from the public and potentially undermining social cohesion. Provenance of the messaging alongside text-external political factors also have an influence on messaging uptake. In addition, our findings highlight key differences in messaging uptake by audience age, which demonstrates the importance of tailored communications and the need to seek public feedback to test the efficacy of messaging with the relevant demographics. Our study illustrates the value of corpus linguistics to public health agencies and health communications professionals, and we share our recommendations for improving the public health messaging both in the context of the ongoing pandemic and for future novel and re-emerging infectious disease outbreaks.
Full-text available
Article
In interpreter-mediated international conferences, it is the interpreters' “voice” rather than the speaker's “voice” that is heard by world leaders. With a focus on the political discourse (re)produced at international conferences, this paper presents a brief review of relevant studies on interpreters' ideological mediation/intervention. The review starts with an introduction of related terminologies for ideological intervention in conference interpreting research (CIR). The review paper examines relevant studies in terms of (1) the international conferences as discursive events, (2) meeting/panel/speech topics as discourse topoi, and (3) interpreters' use of linguistic means to realize ideological shifts in the reconstructed discourse. The review concludes with a summary and gaps paralleled by future directions for CIR.
Article
This paper examines social‐psychological factors that can facilitate and hinder public support for conservative agendas over time. Using four waves of longitudinal panel data from Chile (N = 2,394), we estimated the between‐person and within‐person associations among individuals’ self‐reported conservative ideologies, political disaffection, civic behaviour, political attitudes towards democracy and social change, and their support for conservative (vs progressive) social movements over time. As expected, between‐person increases in social dominance orientation (SDO), right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), right‐wing self‐categorization, and political disaffection correlated positively with support for conservative social movements. Between‐person increases in people's social change beliefs, support for democracy, and civic participation predicted less support for conservative social movements over time. Within‐person increases in RWA and SDO correlated positively with conservative social movement support, whereas civic participation correlated negatively with it. Results provide novel evidence for the dynamic processes underlying support for conservative/progressive agendas.
Chapter
Critical theory, a multidisciplinary and multifaceted approach, was put forward to reconstruct dominant ideology by the critical task of explaining and criticizing. Contextualizing this new approach, the chapter is designed to focus on the development of social thought and its application in social research grounding on the critical theory. The discussion, drawing from many kinds of literature, depicts that critical theory as a perspective of social praxis unveils the critical reality through a detailed analysis of leading texts, pervasive conversations, social interactions, and persistent social practices. Thereby, critical theory provides insight to form ‘Critical paradigm’ and ‘Critical Realist Paradigm’ that generates ‘Ideology critique’, ‘Critical action research’, and ‘Critical Discourse Analysis’ (CDA) as the dynamic research methods. With those, researchers can explain the relationship between theory and practice linking language, ideas and social actions. By highlighting the basic characteristics of critical theory, this chapter analyses its application in the field of social research focusing on when and in which context critical theory is applied. Finally, the chapter attempts to ascertain the emancipatory function of this new approach by providing some examples of research output in connection to perpetual social problems in modern social settings.KeywordCritical theoryCritical research paradigmCritical research methodsSocial research
Article
This study analyzes and shows the elements of Francisco Francos’ various speeches and manner in which he targeted people's beliefs and conduct. His prime targets were the higher education organizations, educators and college students. Franco believed they needed to be indoctrinated in order to eradicate the republican beliefs from the previous Spanish administration. Thus he directed his propaganda towards them. His yearning to reach out to teachers and students was evident in Discurso pronunciado por S.E. El Generalísimo Franco, Jefe del Estado Español con motivo de la inauguración del presente curso escolar y de la Ciudad Universitaria de Madrid. The totalitarian vocabulary of the text comprises a utopian vision of reality and covert techniques of persuasion as well as control that, when combined, provided a potent weapon of manipulation. Taking into account both the era’s historical setting and the current political climate, this critical discourse analysis of the speech selected incorporates Wodak’s historical discourse approach with other approaches to analyze topoi in critical discourse. We see in the findings of this article how the combinations of a charismatic leader and power of speech play an important role in obtaining support of the population, even when it is against their own personal interest and well-being.
Full-text available
Article
This article examines the depiction and construction of Muslim identity in Indonesian cinematic discourse. We conducted a close reading of our case study, which is Nurman Hakim’s Islamicate film trilogy about Indonesian Muslims: 3 Doa 3 Cinta (2008), Khalifah (2011), and Bid'ah Cinta (2017). Consistently exploring the theme of moderate Muslim identity in the age of global terrorism, the films shed light on the development of Indonesian Muslim self-representation over a decade (2008–2017). The goal of discourse analysis is to assess how narrative and stylistic elements in films are used to construct a moderate Muslim identity. Our findings indicate a shift in the identity discourse between the first and subsequent films. While the first film attempts to construct a moderate Muslim identity as a reaction to illiberal Islamophobia, the second and third films move toward articulating liberal Islamophobia. We argue that this dynamic of representational politics reflects contemporary Indonesia’s shifting political discourse on moderate Islam.
Chapter
No creed has called for education for peace. Instead of revealing the world of injustices, such an assertion emerged since the 1970s by Paulo Freire, Frantz Fanon from French, Syed Hussein Alatas from Malaysia, Vine Deloria from the American Indians. Later, Gayatri Spivak, Walter Mignolo, Eve Tuck, and Yung have pointed out the system's problem. This chapter demonstrates an unorthodox, non-linear discussion with UNESCO's (in effect, the SDG 4) educational program references. The inspiration came from different masterpieces—Spivak's Righting Wrong, Vine Deloria's Indigenous Metaphysics, Frantz Fanon's Black Skin White Mask, Darryl Macer's Bioethics for Love. In terms of gnoseology, the authors followed Sadia Gaon's phrase—a polymath said in 872 AD: ‘observe the unobserved' in the new normalcy—a part of practical philosophy—and the analytical or conceptual domain. This chapter contains three parts: first the motivation, then the analytical framework, and finally, established argument. The authors conclude that the education system shapes mental faults that shape our activation.
Thesis
The emergence of right-wing populism in transatlantic democracies is one of the most significant political trends of the 21st century. When then-candidate Trump denounced globalist policies and elites in his 2016 Presidential campaign, he introduced the American public to a new term: ‘globalism’. Since then, anti-globalist populism has become the definitive political ideology of the Republican Party and right-wing movements around the world. Where did anti-globalist populism come from? To answer this question, this dissertation explores the previously neglected history of anti-globalist ideology and politics in the United States from 1945 to 2000. I argue that the historical emergence of anti-globalism as a distinctive ideology in the late 20th century U.S. can be attributed to the long-term efforts of two far-right groups: the John Birch Society and the Liberty Lobby. These organizations were established in the late 1950s by far-right social movement leaders seeking to promote a far-right conspiracist ideology oriented against Communism and internationalism. During the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, these organizations institutionalized into the ideological and organizational hubs of the American far right. After multiple decades, these groups produced a ‘conspiracist canon’ of anti-globalist books and newsletters that were among the most widely read and circulated texts on the American Right. By the 1990s, many conservatives were already thinking through the ideological lens of anti-globalism. During the 1990s, a backlash against globalization took place on the American Right. Republican politicians, anti-government militias, and violent extremists were all united by their shared opposition to an ambiguous ‘New World Order’. I argue that anti-globalist ideology pre existed the hyper-globalization that began in the 1990s. By tracing the history of anti-globalism before globalization, this dissertation offers a novel argument about the origins of contemporary populism and the history of the American Right.
Article
Teachers’ English language ideologies play a crucial role in English language education reforms. It is important to understand how their ideologies evolve outside and inside the classroom. This paper explores how micro-level factors shape teachers’ English-only ideology, encompassing both their beliefs and their associated pedagogical practices. Adopting a Vygotskian sociocultural theory and activity theory perspective, this case-study research focuses on two Indonesian EFL teachers. Data include interviews, classroom observations, and relevant artefacts. Data analysis follows a combined genetic and activity system analytical framework. Findings revealed that when driven by a tension between their English-only ideology and the students’ varied levels of English competency, both teachers compromised to their practices, reflecting transformations in their ideology. Beyond uncovering the process of changes in EFL teachers’ English-only ideology, this paper offers a new and contingent perspective on the relationship between teachers’ ideological belief, practice, and context.
Full-text available
Article
The differences between the Islamic doctrines in the interpretation of the verses of the Holy Quran gave terrorist groups like IS the opportunity to spread new ideologies of hatred, murder, and bloodshed. Then again, to recruit as many young people as possible from Europe and invite them to emigrate (Hijrah ) to the land of the Caliphate in Syria and Iraq. This study is based on content analysis, Van Dijk's (2006) ideology approach, and finally (Tafsir Fi Zilalil Quran). The study shows a clear contradiction between the interpretation of the Qur'an’s verses in (Tafsir Fi Zilalil Quran), and the interpretation of IS, the organization used (cut, copy, and paste) specific verses parts from the holy Quran that serves their ideologies without indicating when, why or how the verses were revealed or used before.
Article
New topic modeling technique has been increasingly used in research of communication for quick discovery of latent topics that are spread across huge volumes of text. This work intends to analyze and compare the topics automatically generated by Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA). The data for building LDA model in this work is based on 38,124 articles published from 1991 through 2016 in one of the world’s most influential political and economic magazines, The Economist. The retrieved documents for generating topics are divided into three countries of the UK, the US, and China in order to observe topical differences between these ingroup or outgroup countries in The Economist coverage. The work analyzes interpretability, overall weight distributions, and historical changing patterns of the topics using LDA model diagnostics. It discusses the hot or increasing trends using regression coefficient. The work also tentatively explores the relationship between the media agenda and events.
Chapter
This chapter provides a detailed political profile on each case study country, tracing the history of each country’s ruler from the moment they gained power up until they were challenged by domestic unrest. Such profiling places (non-democratic) Political Legitimacy and Religious Legitimacy within the context of each country’s government and style of rule (be it monarchical or republican). The chosen countries include: Tunisia, the origin of the Arab Spring; Egypt, the Arab world’s most populous state and a key American ally under former President Mubarak; The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, where the author resided for four years and a geostrategic monarchy adjacent to warring Syria, Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Jordan remains an ally of the United States especially; Bahrain, the Gulf case study. Unlike its Jordanian counterpart, Bahrain is a monarchy that claims (limited) oil reserves. The choice of case studies ensures parity by covering the entire MENA region (North Africa, the Levant and the Gulf) and by choosing two republics and two monarchies, with republican case studies representing regimes that fell while their monarchical counterparts represent governments that have heretofore survived the Arab Spring. This chapter draws on primary sources in the form of personal correspondence with students who witnessed protests and how governments reacted to such protests during the height of the Arab Spring. Further, each case study profile discusses the ruling style of each regime, arguing that the build up to the Arab Spring was inevitable due to the actions of leaderships that eventually found themselves at the mercy of the masses. In addition, this chapter discusses how the regimes of monarchical case studies Bahrain and Jordan manipulated religion and ethnicity to counter the Arab Spring, a fact that is expanded upon in Sect. 3.6 Understanding MENA Monarchies and Chapter 4’s main analysis of speeches.
Article
Artykuł omawia dyskursy Krzysztofa Bosaka i Roberta Biedronia na Twitterze podczas kampanii prezydenckiej w 2020 r. Jako ramę badawczą wykorzystano krytyczną analizę dyskursu – interdyscyplinarne podejście, które zakłada triangulację metod oraz traktuje dyskurs jako przejaw praktyki społecznej, będący w dialektycznej relacji ze społeczeństwem. W celu precyzyjnego zbadania strategii dyskursywnych kandydatów w artykule posłużono się metodami lingwistyki korpusowej, które umożliwiają analizę na poziomie ilościowym. Narzędziem badawczym był program Sketch Engine. Wykazano, że kandydat Konfederacji istotnie częściej akcentował swoją sprawczość, odpowiadał na wpisy innych użytkowników oraz istotny posługiwał się formami grzecznościowymi. Z kolei przedstawiciel Lewicy stosował bardziej inkluzywny język, kładł nacisk na budowanie wspólnoty oraz zamieszczał więcej tweetów. Stwierdzono również, że osoba Andrzeja Dudy odegrała istotnie większą rolę w kampanii Roberta Biedronia. Wyniki badania stanowią przyczynek do dyskusji na temat dyskursów formacji, którym poświęcono w literaturze relatywnie niewiele uwagi oraz demonstrują, w jaki sposób można wykorzystać metody lingwistyki korpusowej w badaniach medioznawczych lub politologicznych.
Article
The increasing popularity of the Internet and the rapid development of social media in China have given more power of discourse to migrant workers, who have traditionally been in a disadvantageous position in terms of labor conflict. Based on a textual analysis of a typical strike, this article finds that, during collective protest, the discourse of migrant workers is dual, as it consists of both a traditional class discourse and a modern legal discourse. When using traditional class discourse, they do so to justify their actions and win the sympathy and support of public opinion. When applying modern legal discourse, they do so to cater to the governing concept of rule by law in contemporary China and use it as a means to advocate practical economic interests. This dual discourse is a reflection of the political reality in contemporary China, and points to the contradiction faced by China’s ruling party in the transition period.
Article
Illegal investment under the guise of binary options is currently being discussed in the community. This issue has also become the main topic of news coverage in online news portal in Indonesia. The online news portal Kumparan is one of the online news portal that reports about this case of illegal binary options investment. The discussion about illegal binary options investment is inseparable from the two cases of arresting influencers who were caught in illegal investment cases. The first case ensnared Indra Kesuma who was proven guilty of fraudulent binary options investment through the Binomo application. Then, the second case ensnared Doni Salmanan who was also proven to have committed a binary option investment fraud through the Quotex application. This study uses a descriptive qualitative research method with a critical paradigm approach. The researcher will use the theory of Critical Discourse Analysis of the Teun A. Van Dijk model by taking one of the news uploaded on the online news portal Kumparan entitled "Mahfud MD: The Government Is Not Half-Half Acts of Illegal Investment Actors". By using critical discourse analysis, it is expected to reveal linguistic rules that construct discourse, produce discourse, understand discourse, and symbolize something in discourse. Abstrak. Investasi ilegal berkedok binary option saat ini ramai diperbincangkan di tengah-tengah masyarakat. Isu ini pun menjadi topik utama pemberitaan di berbagai portal berita online di Indonesia. portal berita online Kumparan menjadi salah satu portal berita online yang memberitakan mengenai kasus investasi ilegal binary option ini. Ramainya perbincangan mengenai investasi ilegal binary option ini tak lepas dari dua kasus penangkapan influencer yang terjerat kasus investasi ilegal. Kasus pertama menjerat Indra Kesuma yang terbukti melakukan penipuan investasi binary option melalui aplikasi Binomo. Lalu, kasus kedua menjerat Doni Salmanan yang juga terbukti melakukan penipuan investasi binary option melalui aplikasi Quotex. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan paradigma kritis. Peneliti akan menggunakan teori Analisis Wacana Kritis model Teun A. Van Dijk dengan mengambil salah satu berita yang diunggah di portal berita online Kumparan yang berjudul “Mahfud MD: Pemerintah Tak Setengah-Setengah Tindak Pelaku Investasi Ilegal”. Dengan menggunakan analisis wacana kritis diharapkan dapat mengungkapkan kaidah kebahasaan yang mengonstruksi wacana, memproduksi wacana, memahami wacana, dan melambangi suatu hal dalam wacana.
Book
News media shape public opinion on social issues such as child sexual abuse (CSA), using particular language to foreground, marginalize or legitimize certain viewpoints. Given the prevalence of CSA and the impact of violence against children in Jamaica, there is a need to examine the representation of children and their experience of violence in the news media, which remain the main source of information about such abuse for much of the population. The study aims to analyze accounts of CSA in Jamaican newspapers in order to show how different representations impact public understanding of CSA. This study offers a new perspective around child abuse by using an eight-million word corpus from articles over a three-year period (2018- 2020). The study argues that media reports often fail to conceptualise and represent accurately children who have experienced abuse. Representations of children are generic, their experiences often reduced to statistical summaries. Corpus analysis uncovered the use of terms which normalize sexual abuse. From the reader’s perspective, there was little emotional connection to the child or the child’s experience. The newspapers rarely report first-hand survivors’ experience of abuse, depriving these children of a voice. Instead, a marked preference is given to institutional voices. An issue of concern is a tendency to sensationalism with disproportionate attention given to cases involving celebrities. By exposing these problems, the authors hope that news media in Jamaica can play a more positive role in heightening awareness around child abuse and allowing the voices of victims/ survivors to be heard.
Full-text available
Article
News sites on Facebook present posts with headlines that are aimed at triggering a reaction in their audience. This is significant specially when observing one of the currently most polarizing figures in Mexico, Andres Manuel López Obrador. This article analyses how these sites present AMLO for their audience and the intended image they portrait in the combination of written discourse and the image of the president attached to it. This image could be negative, positive or neutral.
Full-text available
Article
Makala hii inaangazia dhima ya maongezi katika riwaya ya Kiswahili. Riwaya ni mojawapo wa tanzu muhimu za fasihi ya Kiswahili ambayo inaendelea kukua kwa upande wa wahusika, dhamira, maudhui, mtindo na upeo. Utanzu wa riwaya ya Kiswahili ulianza mwanzo wa karne ya ishirini wakati James Juma Mbotela alipoandika riwaya ya Uhuru wa Watumwa (1934). Ukuaji wake umeshika kasi zaidi katika mwongo wa mwisho wa karne ya ishirini na mwanzo wa karne ya ishirini na moja. Ni muhimu pia kutambua kuwa, utungaji wa riwaya umeendelea kukua sambamba na uhakiki wake. Katika karne ya ishirini na moja, riwaya ya Kiswahili imefikia utungaji wa kimajaribio (Mwamzandi, 2013:48-66 na Mohamed 2003:78-79). Katika riwaya za kimajaribio, watunzi hujumuisha nadharia, visasili pamoja na kuzungumzia masuala ya utandawazi na soko huru. Ni riwaya ambazo hukiuka miundo ya riwaya iliyozoeleka. Kwa upande wa maongezi, usemaji wa wahusika katika riwaya umekua kutoka sahili hadi changamano kutokana na masuala yanayojadiliwa katika riwaya mahususi. Ni maoni ya waandishi wa makala hii kuwa, usemaji wa wahusika unaweza kuathirika na vipindi vya kihistoria hivyo basi kuwa na mchango muhimu katika maendeleo ya riwaya. Madhumuni ya makala hii ilikuwa ni kuainisha maongezi katika riwaya za Kiswahili. Riwaya ambazo zilichanganuliwa kwa mujibu wa makala hii ni Kusadikika (1951), Mafuta (1984) na Kufa Kuzikana (2003). Riwaya hizo ziliteuliwa kuwakilisha vipindi mahususi vya ukuaji na maendeleo ya riwaya ya Kiswahili. Makala hii iliongozwa na nadharia ya Uchanganuzi wa Usemi Hakiki. Kutokana na uchanganuzi huo, makala hii imebainisha mchango wa maongezi kwa ukuaji, maendeleo na uumbufu wa utanzu wa riwaya kwa ujumla.
Article
This study investigates empirically the way in which interpreter ideology is manifested in the evaluative language of the World Economic Forum’s Annual Meeting in China in 2016 (English–Chinese language pair). Methodologically, van Dijk’s Ideological Square and Martin and White’s Appraisal framework have been operationalised for the analysis of positive or negative evaluative language in ‘us’ vs ‘them’ discourses. The results reveal an overall positive-‘us’ and negative-‘them’ pattern in the interpreter’s ideological positioning. This is manifested in three ways: (i) negative, pejorative, and sensitive discourses about China are self-censored; (ii) positivity is accentuated and negativity is neutralised in China-related discourses, and (iii) negative tones in the discourses of other countries are amplified. The speaker discourse is ‘edited’ when interpreter ideology is at work during the simultaneous interpreting process. However, the linguistic patterns can provide only partial indications of the possible relationship between interpreter ideology and cognitive operations.
Full-text available
Article
This research examined individual differences in action identification level as measured by the Behavior Identification Form. Action identification theory holds that any action can be identified in many ways, ranging from low-level identities that specify how the action is performed to high-level identities that signify why or with what effect the action is performed. People who identify action at a uniformly lower or higher level across many action domains, then, may be characterized in terms of their standing on a broad personality dimension: level of personal agency. High-level agents think about their acts in encompassing terms that incorporate the motives and larger meanings of the action, whereas low-level agents think about their acts in terms of the details or means of action. Research on the convergent, divergent, and predictive validity of this construct examined its implications for the individual's overall competence in action, for the individual's inclination toward planful vs impulsive action, and for the degree to which the individual's actions are organized by and reflected in the self-concept. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Book
Bringing together papers written by Norman Fairclough over a 25 year period, Critical Discourse Analysis represents a comprehensive and important contribution to the development of this popular field.
Article
Research in public opinion and mass belief systems has provided numerous insights into the organization of political attitudes and beliefs and levels of political sophistication in the public. However, having found that most people do not structure their beliefs ideologically, this literature is of limited usefulness in understanding how people do form their political attitudes and beliefs. Another large body of literature suggests that specific attitudes and beliefs are in part a reflection of people's core beliefs and values. This paper examines the role of three core beliefs--support for equality of opportunity, economic individualism, and the free enterprise system--in structuring political beliefs and evaluations.
Article
In this book, a study is made of ethnic prejudice in cognition and conversation, based on intensive interviewing of white majority group members. After an introductory survey of traditional and more recent approaches in social psychology to the study of prejudice, a new 'sociocognitive' theory is sketched. This theory explains how cognitive representations and strategies of ethnic prejudice depend on their social functions within intergroup relations. It is also shown how ethnic prejudice is communicated in society through everyday talk among majority members. The major part of the book systematically analyzes the various dimensions of prejudiced conversations, such as topical structures, storytelling, argumentation, local semantic strategies, style and rhetoric, and more specific conversational properties. It is shown that such an explicit discourse analysis may reveal underlying cognitive representations and strategic uses of prejudice. Moreover, it appeared that many aspects of prejudiced talk are geared towards the overall strategic goals of adequate self-expression and positive self-presentation. This book is interdisciplinary in nature and should be of interest to linguists, discourse analysts, cognitive and social psychologists, sociologists, and all those interested in ethnic stereotypes, prejudice, and racism.
Article
This article presents fragments of a new, multidisciplinary theory of ideology and its relations with discourse, formulated in the broader framework of a critical discourse analysis. Ideologies are defined as basic systems of fundamental social cognitions and organizing the attitudes and other social representations shared by members of groups. They thus indirectly control the mental representations (models) that form the interpretation basis and contextual embeddedness of discourse and its structures. In this framework, it is examined how semantic structures of discourse (such as topic, focus, propositional structure, local coherence, level of description, implications and macrostructures) are monitored by underlying ideologies, as expressed in opinion articles in the New York Times and the Washington Post.
Article
In this book, the way racism is reproduced through everyday talk is analyzed. . . . Thus, the first step must be a clarification of the cognitive dimensions of racism. . . . Second, we analyze how ethnic prejudice becomes manifest in discourse. . . . Therefore, we also examine how discourse about ethnic minority groups is monitored by interaction strategies (e.g., those of positive self-presentation and persuasion), as well as by social goals, norms, and values. . . . Fourth, we analyze how prejudiced discourse is understood, evaluated, and represented by in-group recipients who participate in such talk. . . . Additional interview data have also been collected in Southern California, especially with the aim of finding out whether the results of the research in Amsterdam not only hold for the Netherlands or Western Europe but are also relevant in the United States. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
This study was conducted to investigate the effect of a counterattitudinal news story on the perceived credibility of a television newscaster. In the basic 2 × 2 design, subjects, who were either pro-student or pro-police, viewed a newscast in which either students or police were blamed for initiating a violent confrontation. The results indicated that subjects, for whom the newscast's conclusion was counterattitudinal (as compared to those for whom the conclusion was consistent with initial student-police attitudes), rated the newscast as less objective, rated the newscaster as less credible and more intending to persuade, and attributed to the newscast and newscaster more extreme political positions consistent with the newscast's conclusions The implications of these results for the problem of newscaster credibility are discussed, as are the connections between the present results and previous research on communicator credibility.
Soldiers of Peace. Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement
  • T F Curran
T. F. Curran, Soldiers of Peace. Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement (New York: Fordham University Press, 2003);
The Concept of Ideology, op. cit., Ideology and discourse analysis Ref
  • Larrain
Larrain, The Concept of Ideology, op. cit., Ideology and discourse analysis Ref.
Studies in the Theory of Ideology This article, however, is intended as a debate with other approaches, so I shall not detail this overall criticism of traditional approaches)
  • J B Thompson
J.B. Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1984). This article, however, is intended as a debate with other approaches, so I shall not detail this overall criticism of traditional approaches).
Context Models', op. cit., Ref
  • Van Dijk
Van Dijk, 'Context Models', op. cit., Ref.
Discourse, ideology and context', Folia Linguistica XXXV
  • T A Van
  • T A Dijk
T.A. Van Dijk, T. A., 'Discourse, ideology and context', Folia Linguistica XXXV/1–2, 2001, pp. 11–40;