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A Personal and Intellectual Journey
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Introduction, Caroline Andrew and Beth Moore Milroy building women, building cities - toward gender sensitive theory in the environmental disciplines, Suzanne Mackenzie women workers and the inner city - some implications of labour force restructuring in Montreal 1971-81, Damaris Rose and Paul Villeneuve, with Fiona Colgan practical idealism - women in urban reform, Julia Drummond and the Montreal Parks and Playgrounds Association, Jeanne M. Wolfe and Grace Strachan divergent convergence - the daily routines of employed spouses as a public affairs agenda, William Michelson Canadian women's housing co-operatives - case studies in physical and social innovation, Gerda R. Wekerle new families, new housing needs, new urban environments - the case of single-parent families, Fran Klodawsky and Aron Spector interacting with the urban environment - two case studies of women's and female adolescents' leisure activities, Denise Pich gender-specific approaches to theory and method, Beth Moore Milroy and Caroline Andrew.
This paper reports an effort to apply selected principles from the general cohousing model to a group of low-income mothers residing in a complex owned and operated by HUD. In both its spatial and social facets, cohousing has thus far been the construction of middle-class, i.e., relatively advantaged households. Accordingly, they do not envision their community as a means to enhance their economic self-sufficiency. Our overarching goal was to experiment with the notion of transplanting selected cohousing principles into a HUD complex. We wanted to find out if a small number of African-American lone-mothers, residing with their children, and receiving AFDC and other benefits, would voluntarily consent to participate in a 'connected,' or cohousing-like, household lifestyle. That style is sometimes described as 'fictive kin.' We sought to discover if the mothers might want to develop the sorts of 'helping-out' patterns - aimed at benefiting themselves and their children - that are characteristic of cohousing communities. Furthermore, we sought to introduce an element that has largely been absent from cohousing, namely, that their collaborative network, or fictive kin, would also be a means to facilitate their development towards economic self-sufficiency. Initially, local HUD officials supported our efforts. However, they eventually withdrew their support, and the project faltered. Nevertheless, we suggest ways in which a cohousing-like model based on diversity could facilitate the goal of self-sufficiency. This paper reports an effort to apply selected principles from the general cohousing model to a group of low-income mothers residing in a complex owned and operated by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Accordingly, residents of cohousing do not envision their community as a means to enhance their economic self-sufficiency. They see it, rather, as a strategy to amplify and enrich the non-economic facets of their own and their children's lives. Adults opting to site their household in cohousing seek an enriched level of 'primary,' i.e., profound interpersonal relationships with other neighborhood adults. They also believe that, compared with children residing in the typical 'non connected' household style, their 'connected' household style supplies children with a richer, and more multi-faceted, form of nurturing. The same comparison holds with regard to positive adult role models. Their concerns for themselves and their children are necessarily juxtaposed with concern for the solidarity of their community as a whole and for the well being of their neighbors in particular.
Extensive research has detected unprecedented levels of public concern about environmental degradation and broad-based recognition that excessive consumption is a root cause of environmental damage. Yet in the U.S., there is little evidence for substantive attitudinal or behavioral change resulting from professed environmental awareness. Americans, it seems, don't walk their environmentalist talk! Scant research has plumbed the contextual determinants of pro-environmental behavioral change. Cohousing offers that opportunity. Cohousing communities generally have firm pro-environmental aspirations. Their physical and social setting provides support for the attitudes of individuals. To date, no systematic research has determined whether residents have been better able in cohousing to convert their environmental awareness into practice. This paper reports on the behavioral change of 346 households in 18 cohousing communities. It reveals a range of interconnected influences upon environmental praxis and argues for greater acknowledgment of the role of 'community' in the transference of environmental awareness into attitude and into practice.
During the past decade, Scandinavian women have been active participants in a movement and have been action researchers in the issues of building and housing on women’s conditions. This chapter describes (1) the history of the movement and its vision of supportive structures for a “New Everyday Life”; (2) the theoretical perspective and practical examples of the Scandinavian women’s action research project; and (3) two case studies illustrating the application of the New Everyday Life concept in the Finnish context. The chapter also discusses critical issues in this kind of action research and the implications for future research.
An attempt is made to render the church-sect typology empirically useful. Several dimensions of the ideal type are isolated and indicators developed for each on the basis of recently formulated definitions of church and sect. A sample of Protestant clergymen is classified into both polar categories as well as into an intermediate category. Suggestions are made as to how such a classification scheme might be used in the development of systematic theory.
This article describes long-term sociodemographic trends that have shaped American women's behaviors in three general role sets: as workers, as wives and sexual partners, and as childbearers. Reactions to these trends among conservative family policy spokespersons are documented, along with their suggestions for policies to address them. Contrasting reactions of progressives to these same demographic trends are also presented, along with policy goals and objectives differing strongly from those of conservatives.
In homes, schools, and workplaces, women and men are often separated in ways that sustain gender stratification by reducing women's access to socially valued knowledge. The fact that these spatial arrangements may be imperceptible increases their power to reproduce prevailing status differences. I use cross-cultural and historical examples to illustrate that the more pronounced the degree of spatial gender segregation, the lower is women's status relative to men's. The advantages of such a spatial perspective are its interdisciplinary foundations and its creation of avenues for change.
Twenty recent family and marriage and family textbooks are evaluated in terms of their adequacy for preparing students to make decisions about their family relations and to participate in public debates about family issues. No book is rated excellent, two are judged unacceptable, and most are considered poor or mediocre in balanced treatment of controversial issues, coverage of crucial topics, and/or scholarship and interpretation of evidence. Reasons for the less than desirable quality of the books are discussed and strategies for improvement are suggested.
Little is known about married couples who share the responsibilities of paid and family work without regard for gender prescriptions. Fifteen married couples who divide household work and child care equitably and without regard to gender are interviewed to determine how they arrived at this arrangement and what consequences such a distribution of household labor has on their relationship. Findings suggest that there are four paths to an equitable division of household labor: a dual-career household, a dual-nurturer relationship, a posttraditional relationship, and external forces. An egalitarian arrangement appears to affect both the power and emotional quality of couples' relationships.
The manner in which the concept of reciprocity is implicated in functional theory is explored, enabling a reanalysis of the concepts of "survival" and "exploitation." The need to distinguish between the concepts of complementarity and reciprocity is stressed. Distinctions are also drawn between (1) reciprocity as a pattern of mutually contingent exchange of gratifications, (2) the existential or folk belief in reciprocity, and (3) the generalized moral norm of reciprocity. Reciprocity as a moral norm is analyzed; it is hypothesized that it is one of the universal "principal components" of moral codes. As Westermarck states, "To requite a benefit, or to be grateful to him who bestows it, is probably everywhere, at least under certain circumstances, regarded as a duty. This is a subject which in the present connection calls for special consideration." Ways in which the norm of reciprocity is implicated in the maintenance of stable social systems are examined.
The decade literature is divided into studies of children and preteens, adolescents and young adults, and marrieds. The amorphous nature of the term "sex role" is discussed, and a model of gender-based decision making, applicable at both macro and micro levels, is offered as one way to specify relations between the sexes. Existing literature is then subsumed within the model; while suggestions are made to increase the sophistication of the next decade's sex role studies.
Rather than focusing merely on "who wins" in marital negotiations, as much previous research has done, this study focuses on subjective aspects of negotiation outcomes, as well as on couples' actual negotiation behavior. Four dimensions-husband's and wife's gain, the fairness of the outcome, their consensus regarding the outcome, and their affect toward each other after negotiation-are considered and tested as dimensions of subjective outcomes. Negotiation theory predicts that more acceptable outcomes should result from more effective couple negotiation. We specify a model including that proposition with three derived outcome dimensions and including husband's and wife's control, measured by husbands' and wives' give-and-take regarding a salient decision. The study verifies the proposition that effective negotiation predicts more acceptable outcomes, even after other context factors regarding the couples and their relationships are controlled, especially for women. Acceptability is modified, however, by status differences between the participants. We connect our findings to the developing equity/emotions literature by arguing that joint participation in mutual giving, taking, and creating is a significant indicator of fairness.
This study tests a conceptual model of the context, processes, and outcomes of joint marital decision-making. Alternative conceptualizations of partners' coerciveness, control, and consensus as individual versus couple constructs were assessed. Data collected via both observational and self-report methods from 188 married couples were analyzed by using the LISREL VI program. A model specifying spouses' process variables as individual-level measures and partners' consensus as a couple construct best fit the data. The context factor of spouses' emotional interdependence influenced both partners' coerciveness and degree of control. The specified context and process factors explained over half of the variability in married couples' shared consensus regarding the issue of wives' activities. Spouses who reached higher levels of consensus included husbands who had patterns of previous cooperativeness during conflict situations, more equitable economic resources of the spouses, wives whose communication styles were less coercive, and spouses who demonstrated greater control.
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This study addresses the question of potential differences in the processes and outcomes of joint decision making in terms of the particular issue being negotiated by spouses, and the partner's behavior or assessment being examined. The proposition is tested and verified that decision-making processes vary by both spouse and the issue being discussed. Husbands' and wives' assessments of the outcomes of decision making do not differ within couples, but their assessments do vary across issues. A further proposition-that the importance of getting one's own way regarding the particular issue influences decision dynamics and outcomes-receives much less support. Future research should take into account emerging contemporary issues and avoid treating couple decision-making processes and outcomes as unidimensional. Further work on the reasons for observed differences across issues in couple decision making is needed.
Growing diversities among families and households throughout Western societies are documented. The prevailing conceptual approach has been to distinguish “the family” from alternative life-styles. That dichotomy, rooted in functionalist thought (“old action theory”) is rejected. Drawing on what is called “new action theory” a model for conceptualizing contemporary families is presented. The model assumes that persons construct their families within a societal context that, as Giddens argues, is both constraining and enabling. The authors conceive of families as primary groups. There are least four kinds of interdependencies —each with numerous subfacets, and existing in varied combinations—that give rise to perceptions of families: extrinsic, intrinsic, sexual, and formal. The authors identify two broad expressions of primary groups. One is based on generalized exchange and univocal reciprocity. The other rests on restricted exchange and mutual reciprocity/contingency. Because the authors argue that social theory cannot be divorced from social policy, they offer policy implications of this theoretical approach.
The state of American families in the 1980s is examined in the light of a series of issues regarding the paradigm currently prevailing within family studies. On the basis of those issues, the question is raised whether or not an alternative perspective might more validly describe currently emerging family-type empirical realities. The outlines of such a perspective are described, drawing on the emerging cross-disciplinary focus on close or primary relationships.
The question of family policy is considered in terms of “conventional-progressive” interest group perspectives. The conventional perspective is that “family problems” are the result of “breakdown” and can be resolved by reestablishing the status quo ante. Progressive interest groups contend that family “difficulties” are the result of “slippage” between morphogenetic society and morphostatic (or “conventional”) family. Progressive advocates also argue that current and projected pervasive changes in citizens' marital/familial behaviors can be accepted, and that a theoretically informed, socially responsible model of family can be offered as a viable policy alternative to the conventional one.
This article constitutes the second part of a discussion of the diffusion of Simmel's thought within the American sociological community initiated in the January issue of this Journal. His influence is traced with respect to the metropolitan mentality, small groups, interpersonal knowledge, conflict, and exchange. Different levels and historical functions of the appropriation of Simmel's work are identified in conclusion.
The twenty year history of the construct known variously as "permanent availability," "universal availability," and "permanence/pragmatism" is traced to the present. Second, the latter construct is connected to the emerging research tradition that Holman and Burr label as the "causes and consequences of divorce." Third, based on data collected from college students, an index of permanence/pragmatism in close relationship (PPCR) is constructed, and its reliability and validity established. Construct validity is ascertained empirically by identifying two dimenstions-religious devoutness and gender role preference- that the literature indicates should excercise influence on PPCR. Reliability of these patterns is enhanced through replication on a separate sample. A theoretical case is made for the index's predictive validity by showing its importance in research designs assessing dyadic commitment and stability/instability. The significance of the PPCR notion for both research and clinical applications is discussed.
The problem of structural conflict between occupational and conjugal roles among clergy couples is investigated. It is found that church-type couples resolve this conflict by allowing occupational roles at certain times to go unfulfilled while they carry out expressive conjugal roles. Sect-type couples are not as apt to consider it legitimate to allow occupational roles to "cool off," and therefore, they tend to experience less expressive conjugal interaction than do church-type couples. It is suggested that further research into conflict resolution between other occupations and the family might investigate the presence or absence of orientations analogous to those within church and sect groups. For example, a "total-work" orientation might result in behavior similar to that of sect clergy, whereas a "work-home" outlook might result in the mode of resolution practiced by church clergy. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Our task in this chapter is unique and thus extraordinarily challenging. The task is unique because unlike the remaining theory
chapters, we consider a framework that has become virtually obsolete throughout general sociology (Coleman, 1990). Thirty
years ago, structural-functionalism (or simply, functionalism) occupied a central place in family anthologies (McIntyre, 1966;
Pitts, 1964). But in more recent collections, no one noticed or cared that it was omitted (Burr et al., 1979; Sus-sman & Steinmetz, 1987). Nevertheless, this book must address functionalism (1) because of its historic significance
for studies of families, and (2) because functinalist assumptions remain central to family sociology and family studies, in
spite of arguments to the contrary (Broderick, 1971a; Holman & Burr, 1980). To understand why functionalism was once considered
important, then fell into disrepute, but continues to be significant for family research, we must first grasp what it was
and is trying to say.
A constrast is drawn between public policy and programmatic implementations of policy. The argument is made that conservatives possess a coherent and thoughtful family policy, whereas progressives are devoid of such a policy. Lacking any "high moral ground" progressives find themselves on the defensive when proposing specific programs. Consequently guidelines for a progressive policy for families is proposed, along with examples of programs that might derive from it. Copyright 1989 by The Policy Studies Organization.
Mounting pressures on the nation's system for helping children who are abused and neglected have prompted new efforts to reform the child protective services (CPS) system to better protect children's safety. As this article explains, current reform efforts are focusing on the "front end" of the system, in which reports of abuse and neglect are screened and investigated, and caseworkers recommend whether and when to close a case, provide in-home services, or remove a child from a home. This article discusses the problems of the CPS system that are currently receiving attention, and it closely examines one proposal for reform--the community-based partnership for child protection. This approach emphasizes targeting investigations by CPS toward only high-risk families, building collaborative community networks that can serve lower-risk families, and providing a differentiated response to both high- and low-risk families that is tailored to each family's situation. Early experiences implementing these ideas in Missouri, Florida, and Iowa illustrate the promise and challenges of reform.
PIP
The prevailing image of the family is based on the notion that although the family is changing in certain peripheral respects, it maintains a great deal of fundamental or core continuity as well. There is a small but steadily growing number of researchers and practitioners who, for a variety of theoretical and empirical reasons, are uncomfortable with the validity of the prevailing paradigm and are asking whether it is time for a fresh image of the family. Scanzoni examines the state of American families in the 1980s in the light of a series of issues regarding the paradigm currently prevailing within family studies. He asks the following questions to identify some of the blinders limiting reality; the concerns addressed provide a sketch of the beginnings of an alternative family paradigm. 1) Are the purposes of marriage/family best expressed in term of rights, duties, and obligations? 2) How widespread is the variability in expectations for duty and freedom in marriage and family relationships? 3) Are the ingredients of relationships more meaningful than such labels as legal marriage and conjugal family? 4) What is the social meaning of the marriage license? 5)How valid is it to retain the conjugal family as the benchmark? 6) Do the notions of child/adult/relationship development need rethinking? 7) Is a more generalizing construct than marriage/family needed? 8) How should different types of situations be distinguished? 9) Has evolution of institutions such as marriage ceased? 10) Is permanence prized for its own sake or is it a net effect? The question is raised as to whether or not an alternative perspective might more validly describe currently emerging family-type empirical realities.
- Andrew C.