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Hasan Bey Shukri and His Contribution to the Integration of Jews in the Haifa Municipality at the Time of the British Mandate
Abstract
The relations established between the Jews and the Haifa mayor Hasan Bey Shukri were undoubtedly one of the special and fascinating features in the history of the Jewish–Arab conflict at the time of the Mandate. Shukri's ability to create a common language with the Jews made the Municipality an institution graced with cooperation whose like did not exist in other mixed cities in Mandatory Palestine. It was particularly evident in the setting of the escalation in the Jewish–Arab conflict generally. Shukri believed this conflict could be settled, and that the foundation for Jews and Arabs living together lay in the sides talking to each other as a basis for making peace. Now, for the first time in Palestine, the Jewish side had the opportunity to cooperate in a municipality controlled by Arabs by participating in its management. This situation accorded with the assumption prevalent among some of the leadership of the Jewish Yishuv that understanding could be reached with the other side in mixed municipalities. This article sets out to analyze the relations that formed between Shukri and the Jews. It shows that the cooperation that materialized between them was based on mutual trust, stemming from an identical approach by both sides to municipal activity.
The shift from government to governance has become a starting point for many studies of contemporary policy-making and democracy. Practices of Freedom takes a different approach, calling into question this dominant narrative and taking the variety, hybridity and dispersion of social and political practices as its focus of analysis. Bringing together leading scholars in democratic theory and critical policy studies, it draws upon new understandings of radical democracy, practice and interpretative analysis to emphasise the productive role of actors and political conflict in the formation and reproduction of contemporary forms of democratic governance. Integrating theoretical dialogues with detailed empirical studies, this book examines spaces for democratisation, institutional design, democratic criteria and learning, whilst mobilising the frameworks of agonistic and aversive democracy, informality and decentred legitimacy in cases from youth engagement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Over the past 20 years, historians have been engaged in a critical reappraisal of the history of Israel and Palestine. Spurred on by the work of Israeli ‘New Historians’ and Palestinian revisionists, the field has seen a sustained challenge to the crude narratives of conventional nationalist historiography. This article investigates the impact of this reappraisal on the study of British rule in Palestine (1917–1948), arguing that while the work of the new historians has been useful in opening up debate about the nature of Zionist development, Israeli revisionist history has done a poor job of considering how Jews and Arabs lived and worked together under British rule. To get away from the distorted idea that Jews and Arabs developed in communities that were closed-off from each other, we need to adopt an approach that treats them as participants in the same narrative, a perspective adopted by historians who use a ‘relational history’ approach to understanding the Mandate. The paper concludes that the most promising development in the field has been the integration of new voices and primary sources into scholarship, but cautions that, in our quest to understand the lives of the colonized, we may be missing opportunities to reconsider the nature of British colonial rule.
Securitisation theory, which has been developed by a number of scholars affiliated to the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute, has become one of the most attractive analytical tools in contemporary critical security studies. The work of Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and others has made a major contribution to our understanding of the dynamics of security by introducing the concepts of ‘securitisation’ and ‘desecuritisation’. However, while this approach has made a major theoretical contribution in general, there have been few attempts at applying the concept of desecuritisation in particular. Moreover, at the theoretical level, there are also problems, notably an under-theorisation of the desecuritisation. This article is an attempt to apply the under-employed/under-theorised concept of desecuritisation to the Israeli–Palestinian case with a particular focus on the potential for desecuritisation arising from Israeli–Palestinian cooperation/coexistence efforts. Based on a conceptual framework that integrates desecuritisation with the concepts of peace-building and peace-making, the article pays attention to peace education efforts involving Israeli and Palestinian civil societies as desecuritisation initiatives. This essay was judged the best entry in a competition designed to encourage outstanding research on practical and theoretical questions posed by a rapidly globalising world. The competition attracted new research into the international dimensions of political, economic and cultural life, and into the contradictions of an increasingly integrated yet fragmented world. George Myconos, Editor, Global Change, Peace and Security.
Belfast, Jerusalem, Brussels, Montreal, Sarajevo and Nicosia are among the most oft-mentioned examples of ethnically divided cities, situated in a wider context of ethnonational conflict (to varying degrees of intensity). At the same time there are other cities where ethnic and cross-community tensions are significant, but which have not occupied sufficient academic interest. In the Israel/Palestine context, the cities of Tel Aviv-Jaffa and Haifa represent such cases. They both contain a minority of Israeli-Palestinians whose patterns of political mobilization and interaction with local state institutions have rarely been explored. Yet the interaction between urban governance actors and Palestinian activists in these cities reveals much about the nature of contemporary ethnopolitics in Israel/Palestine. The aim of the paper is to provide an analysis of the ways through which the different mobilization strategies of Israeli-Palestinians in these cities are shaped by altercations between local governance mechanisms, and the internal and external intricacies of ethnic movement politics. The paper develops a relational approach to the study of citizenship in ethnically polarized cities. It suggests that powerful insights into patterns of claiming citizenship can be gained by incorporating dynamic institutional approaches to local minority mobilization with the important roles of symbolic urban politics and the politics of place. The constellation of those factors provides for a rich picture of the subtleties of minority strategies and the governance of ethnically fractured cities.
The contest for control of mixed municipalities in Palestine reached its peak in the period of preparations for the last municipal elections to be held in the closing years of the British Mandate. Control of a mixed municipality, as the Mandate approached its end, was considered by Jews and Arabs to be a position of power not to be conceded. The post of mayor carried not only personal prestige, but also the possibility of translating it into influence favouring the needs of national ambitions. From the Jews' point of view, these elections had the potential to damage, more than benefit, them. The principal and most significant loss in these elections was liable to find expression in the loss of the mayoralty of Haifa, and in consequence to constitute a threat to the gains so far made by the Jewish Yishuv in that city. The escalation in the Jewish-Arab struggle towards the end of the Mandate period bore directly on the enormous importance attributed by Jews and Arabs to holding the post of mayor of Haifa, hence on the intense preparations for the elections. The elections threw into even sharper relief the importance that the two sides placed on the status of Haifa in the struggle for Eretz-Israel. The article examines the factors and thinking that guided the Jewish leadership in determining its stance regarding the Haifa mayoralty and the election campaign in the period 1940-7, in light of the attitude evinced by the Arab side.
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