Article

Armed collaboration in Greece, 1941–1944

Authors:
If you want to read the PDF, try requesting it from the authors.

Abstract

In this paper a particular strand of collaboration in occupied Greece is explored: military or armed collaboration. The available evidence is reviewed and several puzzles raised by armed collaboration in Greece are discussed: its geographical distribution, size, timing, relation to prewar politics and cleavages, and the motivations of officers and rank-and-file who served in collaborationist militias. A statistical analysis is then presented using data from a regional study conducted in Greece by the author. The article concludes with some general points about the theoretical framework that best helps the analysis of the phenomenon and three key theoretical concepts are underlined: indirect rule, civil war, and endogenous dynamics.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.

... Interestingly, the study of Arjona and Kalyvas (2009) partially resonates with both the findings of Humphreys and Weinstein (2008) and Gutiérrez Sanín (2008): In their survey of excombatants in Colombia, they find that while individuals who joined counterinsurgent organizations are more likely to be motivated by material incentives, one of the most important predictors of participation in both pro-and counterinsurgent is territorial control by the respective organizations. This finding points to the relevance of endogenous dynamics, rather than fixed preferences of individuals, and it also resonates with Kalyvas (2008a), who finds that territorial control and exposure to prior insurgent violence determined the success of German occupiers in Greece to recruit collaborationists during the Second World War. ...
... Lastly, territorial control enjoyed by armed actors -or at least spatial proximity of local communities to armed forces (Gates, 2002;Wood, 2003) -determines the opportunities for mobilization strategies to be realized, and is thus one of the most important determinants of civilian collaboration and defection, including counterinsurgent mobilization (Kalyvas, 2006;Kalyvas, 2008b;Kalyvas, 2008a;Arjona and Kalyvas, 2009 ...
... On the state-paramilitary alliances and electoral politics, seeAcemoglu, Robinson and Santos (2009). 11 Related is the study ofKalyvas (2008a) on recruitment and armed collaboration in occupied Greece. ...
... On the other hand, emotionally neutral words could be used to describe the motives and factors of collaboration. For example, Stathis Kalyvas who conducted a research on the Greek service in the Nazi auxiliary police in 1941-1944 explains that this choice of the Greek people was determined by strategic political orientation, the choice of the "lesser evil", material interests and avoidance of the Nazi violence 65 . ...
Article
Full-text available
The Holocaust, the Lithuanian anti-soviet uprising of June, 1941 (further on, the Uprising), and the Lithuanian partisan war of 1944-1953 are three events caused by different circumstances. They have no direct causal relationship and represent very different phenomena. Unfortunately, the historical reality scenes of Lithuania during the Second World War linking the Holocaust, the Uprising and the partisan war ruthlessly twisted these differently treated phenomena – collaboration with the occupants and resistance to them...
Article
Criminal extortion is an understudied, but widespread and severe problem in Latin America. In states that cannot or choose not to uphold the rule of law, victims are often seen as helpless in the face of powerful criminals. However, even under such difficult circumstances, victims resist criminal extortion in surprisingly different ways. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in violent localities in Colombia, El Salvador and Mexico, Moncada weaves together interviews, focus groups, and participatory drawing exercises to explain why victims pursue distinct strategies to resist criminal extortion. The analysis traces and compares processes that lead to individual acts of everyday resistance; sporadic killings by ad hoc groups of victims and police; institutionalized and sustained collective vigilantism; and coordination between victims and states to co-produce order in ways that both strengthen and undermine the rule of law. This book offers valuable new insights into the broader politics of crime and the state.
Chapter
Governance by non-state actors is emerging as an important arena of inquiry for a variety of disciplines (Risse 2011). In a shifting global order, state-centric understandings have proven inadequate for comprehending the diverse ways in which governance appears in the contemporary period. Rebel governance, as this volume demonstrates, is a particularly fruitful subject worthy of further analysis for its pervasiveness as well as its absence from studies of governments. It is a field that promises fresh insight into conflicts both contemporary and historical, from Syria and Libya today to the American and Haitian civil wars of the past.Though the insights provided in these chapters resist easy summary, this conclusion reflects what we have learned from them and, most importantly, how, collectively, they advance our understanding of this emerging field. As the chapters demonstrate, insurgents initiate a wide array of activities when they establish rebel governance or sanction existing civilian institutions. While scholars have explored these activities individually, the approach taken in this book is to bring together these diverse activities under the rubric of “rebel governance,” enabling meaningful comparisons across and within cases.Discussing these activities together must be approached with caution. No author in this book has made an effort to describe all the activities that rebel organizations deploy to govern civilians. Rather, they discuss only those governance activities that illuminate the specific arguments they make about the causes or effects of particular features of rebel governance. Since the cases discussed here were not selected systematically, any generalizations can only be tentative.A necessary step toward theorizing rebel governance is categorizing its variation. Our authors offer two approaches. Kasfir suggests differentiating rebel patterns of rule by the substantive governance activities insurgents organize – that is, whether they concentrate their energies on one of three sets of activities, or some combination of all three. First, do the rebels encourage civilian political input such as popular assemblies or elections of local residents? Second, do they provide administrative services including education, health, and dispute resolution? And third, do they organize or regulate commercial production ranging from the activities of local traders to the machinations of multinational firms? Arjona proposes a somewhat simpler scheme. She divides rebel governance into two categories: cases where rebels intervene minimally into civilian affairs (“aliocracy”) and cases where they intrude comprehensively (“rebelocracy”).
Chapter
Rebels focused on profit sometimes provide civilian governance, contrary to the expectations of political economy and “new war” analysts. But the governance that these rebellions supply differs considerably from that of insurgents trying to win the hearts and minds of non-combatants. Charles Taylor's NPFL controlled most of Liberia between 1990 and 1992. The chaotic environment that it created would appear to help substantiate that a “greed” approach means rebels do not govern. In fact, it was integral to maintaining a distinctive political regime. Its war was not “new” and the spaces it controlled were not “ungoverned.” Violence and patronage were integral to the NPFL regime. In both respects NPFL leaders extended political practices they had learned in prewar Liberia, especially from President Samuel Doe's regime. Violence served accumulation. Maintaining insecurity facilitated personal loyalty to political leaders and military commanders. Profits from commercial ventures went into the pockets of leaders and commanders. The veneer of a government administration, legislature, and courts was constructed primarily for an unsuccessful effort to gain international recognition and for additional opportunities to collect bribes.
Chapter
I take advantage of political and geographic variation to explore the underlying dynamics of rebel governance during the Greek Civil War. Two key findings emerge from this analysis. First, the political identity of rebel groups appears to have had a clear impact on the form of governance implemented. Communist rebels set up expansive institutions of rule that stressed mass mobilization and were heavily bureaucratized. In contrast, non-communist rebels relied instead on traditional local structures. Whereas communist rebels sought to incorporate local groups and communities into a centralized system, non-communist rebels were content to just collaborate with them. Second, when holding the type of rebel group constant, I find that the temporal and spatial variation in levels of territorial control affected both the depth and character of rebel governance. The more extensive the geographical scope of control exercised by a rebel group, the fuller the expression of its political identity on the institutions of rebel rule. Conversely, limited and tenuous territorial control correlates with more openly coercive practices.
Article
This article examines whether the incidence of civil wars and the presence of violent non-state actors have an effect on state failure. Research on failed states has thus far prioritised armed conflicts as one of the key causes of state failure. This study challenges that claim and posits that civil war incidence has limited impact on the transition from fragility to failure. Global quantitative analysis of state failure processes from 1995 to 2014 shows that although armed conflicts are widespread in failed states, civil violence does not lead to state failure and large numbers of failed states become engulfed by civil war only after the failure occurs. By contrast, this study demonstrates a direct link between the presence of violent non-state actors and state failure.
Chapter
This chapter explores the conditions that sometimes gave rise to the formation of systems of rebel governance during more than three decades of guerrilla warfare in multiple nations of Latin America, 1956–1990. In those rural areas experiencing an absence or erosion of the effective – and populace-benefitting – exercise of governance by the central authorities, rebels were presented with a basic opportunity to form counter-states. Similar opportunities were provided if politically hostile para-political influences were absent (like non-revolutionary party-loyalties), or if pro-revolutionary para-political organizations were regionally influential. Where central governments responded to the nascent or established presence of rebel governance with predation or terror against local civilians, such actions were only likely to further erode the legitimacy of central governors. Rebels could deepen their initial patterns of governance by performing the classic obligations of governors: promoting material security and welfare, providing police and judicial functions, and protecting the populace from external armed attacks. Yet central governors could also restore or expand their delivery of those same “services” (e.g., through military civic action), and the two types of governments could find themselves competing to become the sole governing body. Declines of rebel governance commonly occurred, too, and could stem from effective military repression, but more interestingly when the rebels themselves violated the obligations incumbent upon governing authorities.
Chapter
This chapter discusses the relationship between the way in which the leftist militias organized and the governance structures they created and deployed in the late 1980s and early 1990s in Medellín, Colombia. These militias displaced violent bands that had previously dominated the local population without establishing order. They succeeded due to superior organization, military discipline, and intelligence gained from disaffected civilians. The militias, motivated by leftist ideologies, gained popular support by restoring a modicum of order with harsh punishments of deviants and engaging in social campaigns of re-education among residents. But their success eventually resulted in the loss of their ideological coherence, discipline, and military capacity by recruiting former band members and local youth, and by seeking rents for personal benefit. These transformations eroded their popular support. Changes in militias' internal organization, profile of fighters, and competition with other armed actors reveal some of the mechanisms through which organizational dynamics and models of governance affect each other
Chapter
Rebels may set myths into motion when they govern civilians. Rebels who want to overturn the socio-political order often incorporate its values, beliefs, representations, and practices into their governance of civilians. In doing so they govern through some of the myths underpinning that order. Many of these operate on an unreflective level among both rebels and local residents. Deploying these enables rebels to cultivate legitimacy among civilians whose support they solicit. But the novelty of rule by rebels is that it recasts existing values and beliefs into new political narratives that shape rebel governance profoundly. Drawing on a mixture of nationalist, pre-colonial, and Christian values and beliefs, General Padiri's Mai Mai militia group from South Kivu in eastern Congo produced a mythical narrative, forged around divine authority and the bipolar relation between autochthony and foreignness. This syncretic mythical narrative resonated deeply within the local society. It endowed Padiri with charismatic authority and enabled a highly centralized, authoritarian, and coercive form of rebel governance.
Chapter
The practice of rebel diplomacy is essential for violent non-state actors on the verge of new statehood or seeking legitimacy for a new regime. But effective diplomacy can serve a number of critical purposes during wartime as well. In the short term, external ties may provide material resources, training, or otherwise martial support to alter the course of fighting on the ground. Over the longer term, establishing bilateral relations with third parties, concluding trade agreements, or being allowed to participate in cease-fire or settlement negotiations can lock in strategic advantages that are difficult to overturn. Rebels face significant barriers to utilizing diplomacy, however. Some are inherent to the nature of the international system, some are erected by the embattled governing regime, and still others are endemic to rebel organizations themselves. This chapter introduces the important – and so far neglected – topic of rebel diplomacy in wartime. I argue that we can only hope to understand contemporary civil war by better understanding the interplay between violent and non-violent tactics
Chapter
Rebel groups vary in their organization of civilian governance. How insurgents understand the nature of their rebellion and their relation to the population living in territory in which they act guides their development of governance functions. Rebel doctrine varies according to whether rebels presume they share a pre-existing identity with particular civilians and whether they want to transform civilians or realize values civilians already hold. Comparison of two Indian rebel groups shows how divergent initial premises affect governance practice. The NSCN (National Socialist Council of Nagaland) (IM) started with the idea of a natural polity, a state that would realize Naga ethnic identification. The Naxalite CPI (Maoist) began with the principle of a revolutionary polity, the establishment of a state that would eventually achieve universal social justice ideals. These divergent principles led both Naga and Naxalite administrations to different administrative choices about whom they extended protection, justice, and social services and whom they taxed. Both rebel groups applied their basic doctrines in administering local residents, but the problems of governing during civil war modified some of their choices. In particular, their belief that revolution would occur in stages allowed the Naxalites a surprising degree of pragmatism that included some accommodation with Indian state officials.
Article
Militias are an empirical phenomenon that has been overlooked by current research on civil war. Yet, it is a phenomenon that is crucial for understanding political violence, civil war, post-conflict politics, and authoritarianism. Militias or paramilitaries are armed groups that operate alongside regular security forces or work independently of the state to shield the local population from insurgents. We review existing uses of the term, explore the range of empirical manifestations of militias, and highlight recent findings, including those supplied by the articles in this special issue. We focus on areas where the recognition of the importance of militias challenges and complements current theories of civil war. We conclude by introducing a research agenda advocating the integrated study of militias and rebel groups.
Article
Full-text available
The aim of this paper is to provide an analysis of the activities of the Greek officer corps during the 1941-1944 period. The term "officer corps" in this instance is employed to describe the professional element of active officers, including those who were purged from the armed forces before the war. It should be noted that collectively these two broad divisions did not represent a monolithic body but defined the officer corps in a technical sense. The permanent officers of the armed forces formed a distinct group which identified with the established order, or did not subscribe to any political philosophy. The professional officers who were purged from the armed forces opposed the Metaxas regime and the monarchy, and as such they maintained a separate identity. An important consideration, however, is that it is not possible to account for the activities of every single officer during the occupation. At best, we can only surmise about the conduct of the organized element of each group, which to some degree might have represented the sentiments and activities of the majority of the military. Before the war, the Greek armed forces suffered repeated unrest caused by the forced retirement of officers who had participated in the unsuccessful coups of the 1930's. These upheavals in the military were preceded by several coups and countercoups from 1909 to 1923. An interesting characteristic of these two periods is that, from 1909 to 1923, the coups paved the way for purges and counter-purges which resulted in the temporary displacement of officers. The first period of unrest was marked by a constant disruption in the chain of command and the destabilization of the officer corps.' In contrast, the purges of the 1930's resulted only in the permanent removal of republican officers from the armed forces. With the absence of the republicans, the per-1For a detailed account of the role of the military during this period and their involvment in the corps up to 1936, see Th. Veremis, 01 ansii6cEascc crcpcao8 arty &XXlvocii naeuxii 1916-1936, Athens, 1983. One result of this was the replacement of experienced officers in command of the Greek army in Asia Minor with less experienced royalist officers, after the fall of Venizelos and the return of King Constantine. This, according to L. Spats (11sv9lvta xpOvta crcpctudrcic, Athens, 1970, pp. 144-145) was a contributing factor to the defeat of the Greek army.
Article
Cambridge Core - Comparative Politics - The Logic of Violence in Civil War - by Stathis N. Kalyvas
Article
Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood: Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia 1870-1990. ANASTASIA N. KARAKASIDOU. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. xxiv. 334 pp., maps, gallery, appendix, tables, notes, bibliography, index.
Article
I discuss several conceptual problems raised by current understandings of political violence, especially as they pertain to actions, motivations, and identities in civil wars. Actions often turn out to be related to local and private conflicts rather than the war's driving (or ) cleavage. The disjunction between dynamics at the top and at the bottom undermines prevailing assumptions about civil wars, which are informed by two competing interpretive frames, most recently described as Rather than posit a dichotomy between greed and grievance, I point to the interaction between political and private identities and actions. Civil wars are not binary conflicts, but complex and ambiguous processes that foster the action of local and supralocal actors, civilians, and armies, whose alliance results in violence that aggregates yet still reflects their diverse goals. It is the convergence of local motives and supralocal imperatives that endows civil wars with their particular and often puzzling character, straddling the divide between the political and the private, the collective and the individual.
Article
Deftly combining archival sources with evocative life histories, Anastasia Karakasidou brings welcome clarity to the contentious debate over ethnic identities and nationalist ideologies in Greek Macedonia. Her vivid and detailed account demonstrates that contrary to official rhetoric, the current people of Greek Macedonia ultimately derive from profoundly diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Throughout the last century, a succession of regional and world conflicts, economic migrations, and shifting state formations has engendered an intricate pattern of population movements and refugee resettlements across the region. Unraveling the complex social, political, and economic processes through which these disparate peoples have become culturally amalgamated within an overarchingly Greek national identity, this book provides an important corrective to the Macedonian picture and an insightful analysis of the often volatile conjunction of ethnicities and nationalisms in the twentieth century. "Combining the thoughtful use of theory with a vivid historical ethnography, this is an important, courageous, and pioneering work which opens up the whole issue of nation-building in northern Greece."—Mark Mazower, University of Sussex
Education level (secondary school students per capita) Mean
  • Max
Max:1 Education level (secondary school students per capita) Mean:.71
01 Max:.24 Income proxy (interval variable; wealthiest village ¼3) Mean: 2
  • Min
Min:.01 Max:.24 Income proxy (interval variable; wealthiest village ¼3) Mean: 2.21
Too Weighty a Weapon " , 34; Occupation & Resistance
  • Hondros
Hondros, " Too Weighty a Weapon ", 34; Occupation & Resistance, 82.
Summary of report on 'Communism in the Peloponnese
  • Pro
  • Fo
PRO, FO 371/43689, " Summary of report on 'Communism in the Peloponnese'. " 14. PRO, WO 208/713, " Political Intelligence Paper No. 55, Greek Security Battalions ", dated 18 June 1944.
Occupation & Resistance: The Greek Agony 1941–
  • ———
———. Occupation & Resistance: The Greek Agony 1941–1944.
European Review of History—Revue europé d'histoire ——— The Ontology of 'Political Violence': Action and Identity in Civil Wars
  • Princeton
  • Nj
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. European Review of History—Revue europé d'histoire ———. " The Ontology of 'Political Violence': Action and Identity in Civil Wars. " Perspectives on Politics 1, no. 3 (2003): 475– 94.
Koliopoulos, Ioannis S. Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia
  • Chicago
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. Koliopoulos, Ioannis S. Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941– 1949.
Miliarakis, Antonios. Geographia politiki, nea kai archaia, tou nomou Argolidos kai Korinthias [Political geography, modern and ancient, of the prefecture of Argolid and Korinthia
  • London Hurst
  • Company
London: Hurst & Company, 1999. Miliarakis, Antonios. Geographia politiki, nea kai archaia, tou nomou Argolidos kai Korinthias [Political geography, modern and ancient, of the prefecture of Argolid and Korinthia]. Athens: No Publisher, 1886. Marantzidis, Nikos. Yasasin Millet, Zito to Ethnos. Prosfygia, katohi kai emfylios: Ethnotiki taftotita kai politiki symperifora stous tourkofonous elinorthodoxous tou Dytikou Pontou [Yasasin Millet, Long Live the Nation.
Ethnic Identity and Political Behaviour in the Turkish-speaking Greek-Orthodox of Western Pontos]. Irakleio: University Press of Crete Military Violence and National Socialist Values: The Wehrmacht in Greece
  • Uprooting
  • Occupation
  • War
Uprooting, Occupation, and Civil War: Ethnic Identity and Political Behaviour in the Turkish-speaking Greek-Orthodox of Western Pontos]. Irakleio: University Press of Crete, 2001. Mazower, Mark. " Military Violence and National Socialist Values: The Wehrmacht in Greece 1941–1944. " Past and Present 134 (1992): 129–58.
Die blutige Spur der 117. Jä-Division durch Serbien und Griechenland. Moehnesee: Bibliopolis, 2002. Stamatelatos, Michail, and Fotini Vamva-Stamatelatou
  • New Haven
  • London Meyer
  • H F Von Wien
  • Kalavryta
New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993. Meyer, H.F. Von Wien nach Kalavryta. Die blutige Spur der 117. Jä-Division durch Serbien und Griechenland. Moehnesee: Bibliopolis, 2002. Stamatelatos, Michail, and Fotini Vamva-Stamatelatou. Epitomo Geographiko Lexiko tis Ellados. Athens: Ermis, 2001.
Apple of Discord: A Survey of Recent Greek Politics in their International Setting
  • Athens
Athens: Alexandria, 1993. Woodhouse, C. Apple of Discord: A Survey of Recent Greek Politics in their International Setting. London:
Details of Collaborators with Missions in the Field Appendix " B " to Final Report by 199417 Capt Summary of report on 'Communism in the Peloponnese Political Intelligence Paper No. 55, Greek Security Battalions
  • Hutchinson
Hutchinson, 1948. Primary Documents Public Records Office (PRO), Kew Gardens, UK Special Operations Executive (HS) PRO, HS 5/699, " Second Report of Colonel J.M. Stevens on Present Conditions in Peloponnese. " PRO HS 5/698, " Details of Collaborators with Missions in the Field. " Appendix " B " to Final Report by 199417 Capt. Gibson. Foreign Office (FO) PRO, FO 371/43689, " Summary of report on 'Communism in the Peloponnese'. " PRO FO 371/43688 R9898/9/19, Col. C.E. Barnes. " Observations in Greece, July 1943 to April 1944. " War Office (WO) PRO, WO 208/713, " Political Intelligence Paper No. 55, Greek Security Battalions. " dated 18 June 1944. National Archives (NARS), Washington, DC, USA NARS Microfilm T-78, Roll 410, Frames 6378310–72;
The Civil War from the Perspective of a Messenian Village In Studies on the History of the Greek Civil War
  • Stanley Aschenbrenner
Aschenbrenner, Stanley. " The Civil War from the Perspective of a Messenian Village. " In Studies on the History of the Greek Civil War, 1945–9, edited by Lars Baerentzen, J.O. Iatrides and O.L. Smith, 105 –25. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1987.
The Ontology of 'Political Violence
  • Kalyvas
Kalyvas, " The Ontology of 'Political Violence' ". Notes on contributor
In Greece, 'Quislings' are pro-British
  • Walter Lucas
Walter Lucas, " In Greece, 'Quislings' are pro-British, " Daily Express, 11 October 1944.
Epitomo Geographiko Lexiko tis Ellados
  • Michail Stamatelatos
  • Fotini Vamva-Stamatelatou
Stamatelatos, Michail, and Fotini Vamva-Stamatelatou. Epitomo Geographiko Lexiko tis Ellados. Athens: Ermis, 2001.
Hills of Blood; Vermeulen To varos tou parelthontos " ; Aschenbrenner, " The Civil War from the Perspective of a Messenian Village
  • Fields Karakasidou
  • Wheat
Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood; Vermeulen, " To varos tou parelthontos " ; Aschenbrenner, " The Civil War from the Perspective of a Messenian Village ".
Gagalis. I Argoliki Pedias. Athens: Self-published
  • N N Anagnostopoulos
Anagnostopoulos, N.N., and G. Gagalis. I Argoliki Pedias. Athens: Self-published, 1938.
Political geography, modern and ancient, of the prefecture of Argolid and Korinthia]
  • Antonios Miliarakis
  • Geographia
  • Nomou Argolidos Kai Korinthias
Miliarakis, Antonios. Geographia politiki, nea kai archaia, tou nomou Argolidos kai Korinthias [Political geography, modern and ancient, of the prefecture of Argolid and Korinthia]. Athens: No Publisher, 1886.
Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941–
  • Ioannis S Koliopoulos
Koliopoulos, Ioannis S. Plundered Loyalties: Axis Occupation and Civil Strife in Greek West Macedonia, 1941– 1949. London: Hurst & Company, 1999.
forming) (Athens, LXVIII Army Corps area) Volunteer battalions: I Volunteer Battalion
  • V Gendarmerie Battalion
V Gendarmerie Battalion (forming) (Athens, LXVIII Army Corps area) Volunteer battalions: I Volunteer Battalion (Katerini, Macedonia, LXXXXI Army Corps area)
British Reports on Greece 1943–44
  • Lars Baerentzen
Baerentzen, Lars. British Reports on Greece 1943–44, by J.M. Stevens, C.M. Woodhouse & D.J. Wallace. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1982.
Kalyvas is Arnold Wolfers Professor of Political Science at Yale, where he also directs the Program on Order, Conflict, and Violence. He is the author of, among others, The Logic of Violence in Civil War
  • N Stathis
Stathis N. Kalyvas is Arnold Wolfers Professor of Political Science at Yale, where he also directs the Program on Order, Conflict, and Violence. He is the author of, among others, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge, 2006).
Details of Collaborators with Missions in the Field Appendix " B " to Final Report by 199417 Capt. Gibson. Foreign Office (FO) PRO, FO 371 Summary of report on 'Communism in the Peloponnese Observations in Greece
  • C E Col
  • Barnes
Primary Documents Public Records Office (PRO), Kew Gardens, UK Special Operations Executive (HS) PRO, HS 5/699, " Second Report of Colonel J.M. Stevens on Present Conditions in Peloponnese. " PRO HS 5/698, " Details of Collaborators with Missions in the Field. " Appendix " B " to Final Report by 199417 Capt. Gibson. Foreign Office (FO) PRO, FO 371/43689, " Summary of report on 'Communism in the Peloponnese'. " PRO FO 371/43688 R9898/9/19, Col. C.E. Barnes. " Observations in Greece, July 1943 to April 1944. " War Office (WO) PRO, WO 208/713, " Political Intelligence Paper No. 55, Greek Security Battalions. " dated 18 June 1944. National Archives (NARS), Washington, DC, USA NARS Microfilm T-78, Roll 410, Frames 6378310–72; Befehlsgiederung OB Sudost (Heeresgruppe F), Stand: 15.8.44.
Die blutige Spur der 117. Jäger-Division durch Serbien und Griechenland. Moehnesee: Bibliopolis
  • H F Meyer
  • Von Wien Nach Kalavryta
Meyer, H.F. Von Wien nach Kalavryta. Die blutige Spur der 117. Jäger-Division durch Serbien und Griechenland. Moehnesee: Bibliopolis, 2002.
Situation in Greece British Reports on Greece 1943–44 by
  • C M Woodhouse
Woodhouse, C.M. " Situation in Greece, Jan to May 1944 ", quoted in Baerentzen, British Reports on Greece 1943–44 by J. M. Stevens, C. M. Woodhouse & D. J. Wallace, 1982, 77.
LXXXXI Army Corps area) VII Volunteer Battalion (Kilkis, Macedonia, LXXXXI Army Corps area) VIII Volunteer Battalion
  • Vi Volunteer Battalion
VI Volunteer Battalion (Kozani, Macedonia, LXXXXI Army Corps area) VII Volunteer Battalion (Kilkis, Macedonia, LXXXXI Army Corps area) VIII Volunteer Battalion (Lachanas, Macedonia, LXXXXI Army Corps area)
  • Karakasidou Anastasia N.