ArticlePDF Available

Hair Color Stereotyping and CEO Selection in the United Kingdom


Abstract and Figures

Hair color stereotyping is well documented in jokes and the psychological literature. Blondes are stereotyped as incompetent, but likeable, while redheads are seen as competent but cold, or often with a fiery temper. Do these stereotypes affect job progression, mobility, and the rise to the corporate suite? To test this question, the hair color of CEOs of the top 500 members of the London Financial Times Stock Exchange (FTE) was analyzed. The chi-square analysis supports the preconceived hair color stereotypes. Do the stereotypes and results point to discrimination in lower organizational ranks? The article discusses the possible implications of these findings as well as areas for further research.
Content may be subject to copyright.
Hair Color Stereotyping
and CEO Selection in the United Kingdom
Margaret B. Takeda
Marilyn M. Helms
Natalia Romanova
ABSTRACT. Hair color stereotyping is well documented in jokes and
the psychological literature. Blondes are stereotyped as incompetent,
but likeable, while redheads are seen as competent but cold, or often
with a fiery temper. Do these stereotypes affect job progression, mobil-
ity, and the rise to the corporate suite? To test this question, the hair color
of CEOs of the top 500 members of the London Financial Times Stock
Exchange (FTE) was analyzed. The chi-square analysis supports the
preconceived hair color stereotypes. Do the stereotypes and results point
to discrimination in lower organizational ranks? The article discusses
the possible implications of these findings as well as areas for further re-
search. [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery
Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: <>
Website: <> © 2006 by The Haworth Press, Inc.
All rights reserved.]
Margaret B. Takeda, PhD, is Assistant Professor of Management, The University of
Tennessee at Chattanooga, College of Business Administration, Chattanooga, TN. Marilyn
M. Helms, DBA, CFPIM, CIRM, is Sesquicentennial Endowed Chair and Professor, Dal-
ton State College, Dalton, GA. Natalia Romanova is Honor’s Student, School of Business,
University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, Chattanooga, TN.
Address correspondence to: Marilyn M. Helms, DBA, CFPIM, CIRM, Dalton
State College, 213 North College Drive, Dalton, GA 30720 (E-mail: mhelms@
Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, Vol. 13(3) 2006
Available online at
© 2006 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1300/J137v13n03_06 85
KEYWORDS. Stereotyping, CEO, selection, hair color, blonde, United
Kingdom, London Financial Times Stock Exchange, England
When one hears the ubitiquous “dumb blonde” joke, like “Why did
the blonde stare at the orange juice box? Because it said concentrate,”
how often does the recipient of the joke imagine a dumb blonde male?A
recent informal search for “dumb blonde” jokes in numerous published
joke books and from an extensive Internet search revealed over 500 dif-
ferent “dumb blonde” jokes. Approximately 63% of the joke pool made
specific reference to dumb blonde females, while less than 5% made
reference to dumb blonde men. The remaining 32% of the dumb blonde
jokes were deemed gender neutral highlighting neither men nor women.
It is not surprising the majority of the jokes are about the stereotypi-
cal dumb blonde female, however, the fact that approximately one third
was gender neutral (a male could have been the subject of the joke) was
surprising as was the fact some dumb blonde jokes specifically targeted
men. As an example:
There were two blonde guys working for the city council. One
would dig a hole; the other would follow behind him and fill the
hole in. They worked furiously all day without rest, one guy dig-
ging a hole, the other guy filling it in again. An onlooker was
amazed at their hard work, but couldn’t understand what they
were doing. He asked the hole digger, “I appreciate the effort
you’re putting into your work, but what’s the story? You dig a hole
and your partner follows behind and fills it up again.” The hole
digger wiped his brow and sighed, “Well, normally we’re a three-
man team, but the guy who plants the trees is sick today.
The purpose of this study is to explore the relationship between hair
color bias and CEO selection. The study further suggests, based upon
substantial theoretical support from the social/psychological literature,
such biases do exist in today’s business world. If these stereotypes of
blondes and blonde men in particular exist, do they carry over into the
workplace? For example, does hair color bias affect how managers
judge the competency of employees and in particular their competency
for leadership at the upper management ranks?
Do hair color stereotypes represent one of many unconsciously en-
acted barriers to managerial success, in addition to racial and gender
stereotypes which are well understood and documented? Do the stereo-
types validate the theory of ambivalent stereotyping?
The London Financial Times Stock Exchange (FTSE) top 500 com-
panies by market capitalization were selected as the database for anal-
ysis. The United Kingdom’s sample was selected for a number of
reasons. First, there is a long history of racial diversity in the corporate
environment in the United Kingdom as well as pressure to increase
both the recruitment and retention of ethnic minorities as well as to
end age and gender discrimination (Hills, 2004; Basit & McNamara,
2004; Sassi, Carrier, & Weinberg, 2004; and Kenney, 2004) in addition
to numerous studies on gender and racial stereotyping and their effect on
employment success in the U.K. (Field, 1987; Green 1997; Iganski,
Payne, & Robert, 2001; Model, 1999; Perotin, Robinson, & Loundes,
2003; Bagshaw, 2004; and Perotin & Robinson, 2000).
Since the 1980s, research on leadership has concentrated on personal
attributes considered essential for success as the Chief Executive Offi-
cer of a large corporation (Ocasio & Kim, 1999). The traits most associ-
ated with successful CEOs assume their leadership style to be based on
a set of competencies relating to the operation of a business and the
management of its employees. These traits include leadership abilities,
high levels of education and training, political savvy, and functional ex-
pertise (financial, marketing, or operational). These requirements all
describe a certain competency or working knowledge required for per-
formance at high levels (Cooper, 2000; and Jordan & Schrader, 2003).
Still other competencies include creativity, innovation, continual
learning, flexibility, strategic thinking, vision, conflict management
skills, integrity, decisiveness, problem-solving skills, technical credi-
bility, human resource management expertise, influencing, and negoti-
ating, to name a few (Jordan & Schrader, 2003). Interestingly these
competencies are not personality traits related to being likeable but
traits linked to specific job performance skills and activities. Thus, com-
petency is cited most often as a critical factor determining a CEO’s busi-
ness success. But are these competencies objectively measured during
the lifelong career of the CEO as they climb the corporate ladder? Or,
could it be as the CEO-to-be develops a reputation for being competent,
this reputation creates a halo effect?
Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 87
Research on CEO selection indicates executives with financial back-
grounds were successful in gaining control of the highest levels of cor-
porate power as far back as the 1960s (Hayes & Abernathy, 1980). This
rise of finance personnel, it is argued, led to a transformation in corpo-
rate governance, reflected a strong financial bias, and shaped corpora-
tions around the world for decades to come (Ocasio & Kim, 1999). But
the decade of the 1980s saw the destruction of corporate institutions as
the finance empires began to crumble. Mergers, acquisitions, leveraged
buy-outs, restructurings, bankruptcies, and hostile takeovers were com-
monplace. What emerged from this chaotic period in corporate gover-
nance was the importance of the role of the CEO as a leader, a catalyst
for change, and a strategic visionary. During this time, leadership re-
search grew and CEO selection became a hotly contested topic in man-
agement research (Paul, Costley, Howell, & Dorfman, 2002; Judge,
Bono, Ilies, & Gerhardt, 2002).
Are traits the key determinants of mobility or are stereotypes in-
volved? Specifically does hair color bias affect the perception of CEOs
as a competent leader and if so, does it affect their selection? In effect,
are blonde managers less likely to become CEO merely because the
presence of blonde hair is considered to reflect incompetence? Discrim-
ination or bias based on skin color and ethnicity is widely documented
and legally prohibited. Does hair color bias represent another form of
“color” discrimination? In order to answer this question, this study ex-
plores the recent research on stereotyping bias, which challenges the
long held assumption–stereotypes are role based, not content based. In
addition, this study postulates because the nature of stereotyping of
blonde hair is one of incompetence, bias against blonde male managers
does exist. We discuss the implications of this bias and recommend ar-
eas for future research.
Stereotyping Theories
Bargh (1999) in his examination of stereotypes found stereotypes are
not under motivational control as Neuberg (1989, 1994) found, but they
are uncontrollable and the result of unconscious action. Bargh (1999)
further argues the evidence of controllability is weaker and more prob-
lematic than previously realized. Glick, Fiske, Xu, and Cuddy (1999) in
their groundbreaking study challenged the long held assumption stereo-
types were largely role based, grounded in historical roles and embed-
ded in the human psyche from generations of historical story telling.
They hypothesized and later discovered an arbitrary dynamic exists
within all stereotyped groups, regardless of their historical foundation.
These manifested as two complementary images recurring across a va-
riety of outgroups, namely, competent but cold (unlikable) versus in-
competent but warm (likeable). The authors suggest these two
dimensions underlie many stereotypes and are mutually exclusive when
applied to a stereotyped group. As a result, stereotypes are more ambiv-
alent than typically considered. Moreover, social structural variables
predict which groups will be viewed as competent and which will be
viewed as warm.
Asch’s (1946) earliest research on perceptions of an individual con-
trasted a warm, competent person with a cold competent person. His re-
search revealed the meaning of intelligence differed in a warm (wise)
individual and in a cold (sly) individual. Zannah and Hamilton (1997)
expanded on this early research by showing the single trait representing
warmth (cold) carried more significant meaning. They argue stereotyp-
ic content results from structural relationships between groups (rather
than from societal roles). Specifically, two groups, (1) competent and
cold and (2) incompetent and warm, represent the social structural foun-
dation for stereotyping. Thus people envy and respect high-status
groups (wealthy people) but do not like them and people disrespect
low-status groups (maids, people with disabilities) for their incompe-
tence but may like them. Also, they argue twin dimensions of liking and
respect operate reciprocally, i.e., groups are high on one and or the other
but not on both at once.
In studies on stereotyping (Glick, Fiske, Xu, & Cuddy, 1999; Asch,
1946), the traits consistently linked with competency included intelli-
gence, confidence, competitiveness, and independence. The traits
linked with warmth (likeable) were, sincerity, being good-natured,
warmth, and tolerance. They ranked six groups to be significantly more
competent than warm (from highest to lowest): rich people, feminists,
business women, Asians, Jews, and Northerners. They found seven
groups to be consistently more warm than competent: learning disabled
people, housewives, disabled people, blind people, house cleaners, mi-
grant workers, and welfare recipients. This paper extends this frame-
work of stereotyping to include groups based on hair color along with
perceptions forming around hair color.
Specifically, it is argued blondes tend to be stereotyped as incompe-
tent and therefore may be more liked (popular). Redheads on the other
hand tend to be stereotyped as not likeable (cold) and therefore are con-
sidered competent. We argue, because of this underlying tendency to
dichotomize the two groups as competent and cold (redheads) and in-
Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 89
competent and warm (blondes), managers and executives will tend to
promote the redheads over blondes. Other hair colors (brown, black) do
not share these stereotypes.
A Hair Color Bias?
Bias or identifiable stereotypes are developed largely to make sense
of outliers or things, people, or practices different from the mean (Roll
and Verinis, 1971). They are formulaic oversimplifications of concepts,
opinions, or images. Stereotyped groups or individuals are attributed as
embodying or conforming to a set image or type. Social groups formu-
late stereotypes as a by-product of labels given to out-groups. Stereo-
types are almost always developed for “out” groups. People who share
our same attributes or beliefs are typically never labeled. Cambell
(1967) and Levine and Cambell (1972) suggest racial stereotypes result
from work roles. Physical laborers are characterized as strong and stu-
pid and pleasure loving, resembling animals and their evils are charac-
terized as sins of the flesh. Entrepreneurs, on the other hand, are
classified as grasping, deceitful, clever, and domineering and inhabiting
the sphere of commerce with its materialistic sins.
Stereotypes emerge out of groups’ relative status and their structural
independence. Status predicts perceived competence and interdepen-
dence predicts perceived warmth. For example, one envies and respects
high status groups for their competency but does not like them. One dis-
respects low status groups for their incompetence but one may like them
as they fulfill roles the dominant group needs (Glick & Fisk, 1999). Ac-
cording to Synnot (1987), hair is perhaps the most powerful symbol of
individual and group identity–powerful first because it is physical and
therefore extremely personal and second because, although personal, it
is also public.
Synnot (1987) further argues stereotyping permeates cultural beliefs,
as is evidenced by dumb blonde jokes. In her 1992 study, she found red-
heads to be categorized as active, no-nonsense executive types while
blondes were found to be attractive and happy. Hair color, although ap-
pearing to be an innocuous physical trait, remains a solid basis for ste-
Blondes: Incompetent and Likeable. In their 1986 study on blonde
and red haired males, Clayson and Maughan found blond males per-
ceived to be strong, active, and pleasant in demeanor. Their likeability
was considered to be much higher than their redhead counterparts. In a
recent study conducted in Germany of 50 subjects with learning disabil-
ities, 10 subjects (20%) were blonde. In contrast, in the same study only
121 of 1,067 subjects without learning disabilities were blond (11%).
Subjects with learning disabilities were nearly twice as likely to be
blond compared with non-learning disabled subjects. These results raise
the possibility melanin may be involved both in the development of mo-
tor dominance and independently in the development of neural systems
which, when maldeveloped, result in learning disabilities (Schachter,
Ransel & Geschwind, 1987).
Redheads: Not Likeable and Competent. According to Cooper (1971)
blonde hair traditionally is appealing, brunette hair lacks any distinctive
positive or negative attributes, but red hair has “blazed an erratic trail.”
In a study by Feinman and Gill (1978) in which they examined “likes
and dislikes” preferences of opposites based upon physical attributes,
they found over 80% expressed a dislike for people with red hair. In the
same study, the skin color of most redheads was the most disliked of the
eight skin colors. In their study they asked the research question, “Why
is there such an aversion to redheads?”
Clayson and Maughn (1986) attempted to answer this question, find-
ing redheaded females to be unlikable but competent, while redheaded
males were found to be unattractive and unsuccessful. They concluded
redheads may be stereotyped negatively because they are rare. Heckert
and Best agreed (1997), arguing red hair has been stigmatized in part
because it is rare (and therefore threatening as extreme in its deviation
from the norm) representing only 1% of the population. This stigma de-
creases the attractiveness value of people with red hair, resulting in low
likeability scores. It is argued (Glick et al., 1999) these low likeability
scores result in the ambivalent ascription of “competent.”
Thus, redheads may not be likeable, but it is the very nature of their
un-likeability which results in their being labeled competent (Glick et
al., 1999). This leads to our research question: Does hair color stereo-
typing affect selection bias in the workplace? Are CEOs with blonde
hair underrepresented as compared to the percentage of people with
blonde hair in the overall U.K. population (currently at 25% based on
expert opinion and data from the World Health Organization and CIA
Fact Book)? Are CEOs with red hair overrepresented, as compared to
the percentage of redheads in the UK population (currently at 1%)?
While this research is exploratory in nature, it does address the possi-
bility of stereotyping based on hair color within the top ranks of the
Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 91
U.K. executive suite. The results should be important to a number of
groups including human resources managers, selection committees,
boards of directors and other top governance groups, shareholders, and
other stakeholders. Manufacturers of hair color, dyes, hair dressers, sa-
lons, and other sellers and applicators of such products would be inter-
ested as well. Hair coloring products usage by men, in particular, is
increasing. This has been largely attributable to the tight economic cli-
mate and job market and the need for a younger image (not gray) to se-
cure employment. Approximately one in eight American males between
the ages of 13-70 dyes their hair. This has doubled from ten years ago
and the percentage is expected to grow in the future (Brown, 1996).
With the results of this research, the color choices, particularly for the
upwardly mobile executive may change, not only in the U.K., but in Eu-
rope and other multicultural settings.
Our unconscious processes may preclude us from selecting someone
for the top management position based solely on their hair color, even
when other quantifiable measures of leadership and leadership potential
exist and have been validated by prior business research. Even with per-
formance management processes, leadership trait theories, leadership
assessment centers, management development programs, and outward
bound CEO training courses; in the end it could be hair color that deter-
mines CEO selection.
While the methodology is exploratory, the sample used for the re-
search is well validated and is the 2004 FTSE listing of companies
( Using annual reports for the fiscal
year 2003-2004 and photographs from as well as www. and image searches, the photos of CEOs
were examined to determine hair color. The CEOs were categorized as
blonde, red heads, black hair, or brunette. In bald or gray-haired CEOs,
past photos were gathered from annual reports or the researchers called
or e-mailed the company’s human resource department to determine the
original color of the CEO’s hair.
Of the 500 CEOs, 25 (5%) had blonde hair, 20 (4%) had red hair.
There were 114 CEOs with black hair (22.8%) and 341 (68.2%) with
brown hair. Of the 500 UK CEOs, only two were female and both had
brown hair. They were included in the sample. There was no minority
CEOs. These findings were compared to normal population statistics on
natural hair color provided by the CIA Fact Book (, and
supported by further research (Snee, 1974) on hair color and eye color dis-
tributions. In the U.K. population inclusive, it is estimated 25 percent of the
population is natural blonde, 68 percent is natural brunette (brown), one
percent is redhead, and six percent have black hair.
Of the 500 CEOs analyzed, 5% were blondes and 4% had red hair.
Given that within the U.K. population, approximately 25% has blonde
hair and 1% has red hair, are our findings statistically different than ex-
pected? Given these U.K. hair color statistics, in our CEO sample one
would expect to see 100 blonde CEOs (or 20% of the group) and find 5
(1%) CEOs with red hair. To test the hypothesis–Is the distribution of
hair color of the FTSE CEOs the same as the distribution of hair color in
the U.K. population?–a Chi-Square statistical goodness-of-fit test was
computed. The P-value for the statistical test was zero indicating the
two populations in fact, have significantly different distributions as
shown in Table 1.
As would be expected from the literature review, blondes, who are
viewed historically as incompetent and likeable, were underrepre-
sented in positions of corporate leadership in the UK. Redheads, while a
miniscule number in the U.K. population, were over selected to lead
some of the United Kingdom’s (and Europe’s) largest, wealthiest com-
panies. Stereotypically this would be expected as redheads are per-
ceived to be competent, though not particularly likeable. Overall, brown
or black hair is the predominant (and seemingly preferred) hair color of
Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 93
TABLE 1. Chi-Square Goodness-of-Fit Test
Hair Color Actual Hair Color Hair Color Expected
Based on U.K. Population
Blonde 25 100 56.25
Red 20 5 45.00
Black or Brown 455 395 9.113924051
Total 500 500
Test-Statistic 110.3639241 P-value 1.08337E-24 or almost 0 with 2 df
CEOs in the FTSE top 500. As previously noted, hair color stereotypes
are not directed to black or brown hair as these two hair colors repre-
sents the majority in the U.K. Our findings are consistent with the view
blondes are characterized as more likeable and possibly less competent.
This stereotype of incompetence, by definition, affects the status of
blondes in society and in particular in the workplace. One may conclude
if a stereotype operates to label a group as incompetent, it also restricts
their ability to raise their status in the corporate hierarchy. Thus, nega-
tive stereotyping of hair color does appear to affect placement into lead-
ership positions, particularly at the CEO level. The dumb blonde myth
then is not a myth. Perception becomes reality and the pattern perpetu-
ates. By having an awareness of the issue, further investigation into the
stereotyping is important and warranted. While the research indicated
stereotyping is unconscious, moving such awareness to instruments in-
cluding job screening forms could help counter such seemingly dis-
criminatory actions and possibly minimize the stereotype.
Should hair color be included in the anti-discrimination legislation?
If selection of CEOs is partly based on hair color as this sample indi-
cates, does it constitute a form of discrimination? If so, is it covert? In
the U.S., for example, color as currently defined in Title VII (statutory
basis for non-discrimination in employment) refers to the shade of a
person’s skin and not race alone, because within a race, a variety of skin
colors can exist. The U.K. and the world in general often biased toward
lighter colored skin tones. While most discrimination laws currently re-
fer to skin color, should they also include hair color?
Limitations and Areas for Future Research
This study is exploratory. It is limited and uses a U.K. sample of the
FTSE 500 companies. In addition, the FTSE 500 CEOs do not accu-
rately represent the U.K. population as a whole for either gender or race
distributions. According to the CIA Fact Book (, the U.K.
population is 85.1% English, 9.6% Scottish, 2.4% Irish, 1.9% Welsh,
1.8% Ulster, and 2.8% other which includes West Indian, Indian, and
Pakistani. When considering gender ratios for the U.K. population age
15-64, there are 20,193,876 males and 19,736,516 females so there is
approximately is 1.02 males in the U.K. for every one female or almost
a 50/50 ratio. These demographics were not similarly distributed in the
group of executives profiled as only two CEOs (0.4%) are women
(where 49.4% would be normally expected in the U.K. population) and
there were no minority CEOs and 3% minority representation would be
expected in a random U.K. population sample. A larger sample size
should include women and minorities in other leadership roles to test
whether the stereotype holds equally for both genders. A larger sample
of respondents including other levels of top management is also needed.
Hair color should also be correlated with other leadership and manage-
rial traits to determine if additional correlations exist.
While the purpose of this study is to highlight the discrepancy as pos-
sible evidence of the power of hair color stereotyping, we acknowledge
there are many factors for which we do not control. Future research
should address the limitations of this research and control for other fac-
tors that may lead to discrimination of some type a well as validate the
presence of stereotypes in the top management ranks. In addition a lab
study dealing with perceptions of hair color linked to resumes is needed
to validate the importance of this research stream.
Research with entrepreneurs is needed to assess whether hair color
patterns differ from these findings. If so, did individuals leave the cor-
porate world due to mobility challenges? Including more levels of man-
agement, particularly at the vice-president and corporate board of
director levels are needed to further explore these research postulates.
Also research is needed to determine if such hair color stereotyping vio-
lates the U.K. Race Relations Act of 1976 which prevents both direct
and indirect discrimination as well as victimization.
An international, global sample should examine predominantly
blonde cultures of Germany and Sweden to see what leadership differ-
ences and stereotypes exist as well as research in the predominantly
non-blonde cultures of Asia including China, Japan, and India. This in-
ternational research should address other cultural stereotypes of hair
color and covert discrimination issues since research agrees European
and Asian companies look to their own to fill the CEO chairs (Hymo-
witz, 2004).
Finally, further research should test the arguments with other job cat-
egories within organizations, particularly divisional or functional level
leadership positions. This research could be used to predict who is pro-
moted within organizations. Still other research should correlate hair
color with other traits of individuals including job title plus height,
weight, age, gender. This research can also determine which groups are
likeable and competent versus which groups are stereotyped as likeable
and not competent. Such research can raise awareness of hair color ste-
reotypes in hopes of changing ingrained misperceptions.
Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 95
Aguinis, H., and Adams, S. (1998). Social-role versus structural models of gender and
influence use in organizations. Group & Organization Management, 23(4), Decem-
ber, 414-446.
Asch, S. E. (1946). Forming impressions of personality. Journal of Abnormal & Social
Psychology, 41, 258-290.
Bagshaw, M. (2004). Is diversity divisive? A positive training approach. Industrial and
Commercial Training, 36(4), 153.
Bargh, J. (1999). The cognitive monster: The case against the controllability of auto-
matic stereotype effects. In S. Chaiken and Y. Trope (Eds.), Dual-Process Theories
in Social Psychology. New York: The Guilford Press.
Barkouras, M., and Kliener, B. H. (1996). New developments concerning sexual ha-
rassment. Equal Opportunities International, 15(6/7), 28-36.
Basit, T. N., and McNamara, O. (2004) Equal opportunities or affirmative action? The
induction of minority ethnic teachers. Journal of Education for Teaching, 30(2), 97.
Brown, C. (1996). What’s Your Favorite Color? Forbes, October 7, Issue 8, 54.
Buddington, S. A. (2000). and Racial Identity. Annual National Conference
of the National Association of African American Studies and the National Associa-
tion of Hispanic and Latino Studies, Houston TX, February 21-26.
Cambell, D. (1967). Stereotypes and the perception of group differences. American
Psychologist, 22, 817-829.
Christensen, J. M., and Sacco, P. R. (1989). Association of hair and eye color with
handedness and stuttering. Journal of Fluency Disorders, 14(1), December, 37-45.
Clayson, D. E., and Klassen, M. L. (1989). Perception of attractiveness by obesity and
hair color. Perceptual and Motor Skills 68, 199-202.
Clayson, D. E., and Maughan, M. R. C. (1986). Redheads and blondes: Stereotypic im-
ages. Psychological Reports 59, 811-816.
Cohen, D. B. (1978). Dark hair and light eyes in female college students: A potential
biologic marker for liability to psychopathology. Journal of Abnormal Psychology,
87(4), 455-458.
Cooper, W. (1971). Hair, Sex, Society, and Symbolism. New York: Stein and Day.
De-Souza, A., and Lino, A.A. (2003). Perceptions of men’s personal qualities and
prospect of employment as a function of facial hair. Psychological Reports, 92(1),
Dobzhansky, T. (1950). The genetic nature of difference among men. Evolutionary
Thought in America. (Ed.) Stow Persons. Yale University Press, 86-155.
Eisenberg, P. (1937). Factors Related to Felling of Dominance. Journal of Consulting
Psychology, 6, 89-92
Feinman, S. U., and Gill, G. W. (1978). Sex differences in physical attractiveness pref-
erences. Journal of Social Psychology, 105(1), June, 43-52.
Fields, S. (1987) The changing nature of racial disadvantage. New Community, 14, 1-2,
Flynn, G. (2003). Same race, same sex, same harassment. Workforce, April, 70-71.
Glick, P., Fiske, S., Xu, J., and Cuddy, A. (1999). Disrespecting versus disliking: Status
and interdependence predict ambivalent stereotypes of competence and warmth.
Journal of Social Issues, 55(3), 473-489.
Goldstein, L. (1999). Barbie’s secret plan for world domination. Fortune 138(10), 38-39.
Green, A. (1987) Patterns of ethnic minority employment in the context of industrial
and occupational growth and decline. In Karen, V. (Ed.), Ethnicity in the 1991 Cen-
sus. Volume Four, Employment, Education, and Housing Among Ethnic Minority
Populations of Britain, London: The Stationary Office.
Greenwood, D., and Isbell, L. M. (2002). Ambivalent sexism and the dumb blonde:
Men’s and women’s reactions to sexist jokes. Psychology of Women Quarterly 26,
Hayes, R. H., and Abernathy, W. J. (1980). Managing our way to economic decline.
Harvard Business Review, July/August, 58(4), 67-79.
Heckert, D. M., and Best, A. (1997). Ugly duckling to swan: Labeling theory and the
stigmatization of red hair. Symbolic Interaction, 20(4), 365-384.
Hills, S. (2004). New laws . . . discrimination. Strategic Direction, 20(1), 34-36.
Hymowitz, C. (2004). Foreign-born CEOs are increasing in the U.S., rarer overseas.
Wall Street Journal, May 25, B1.
Iganski, P., Payne, G., and Roberts, J. (2001) Inclusion or exclusion? Reflections on the
evidence of declining racial advantage in the British Labour Market. International
Journal of Sociology & Social Policy, 21(4-6), 184-211.
Jordan, M. H., and Schrader, M. (2003). Executive selection in a government agency:
An analysis of the department of navy’s senior executive service selection process.
Public Personnel Management, 32(3), 355.
Judge, T., Bono, J., Ilies, R., and Gehardt, M. (2002). Personality and leadership: A
qualitative and quantitative review. Journal of Applied Psychology, 87(4), 765.
Juni, S., and Roth, M. M. (1985). The influence of hair color on eliciting help: Do
blondes have more fun? Social Behavior and Personality 13(1), 11-14.
Kenny, S. J. (2004). Equal employment opportunity and representation: Extending the
frame to court. Social Politics. Spring, 11(1), 86.
Kyle, D. J., and Heike, M. (1996). The effects of hair color and cosmetic use on percep-
tions of a female’s ability. Psychology of Women Quarterly 20, 447-455.
Langer, E., Perlmuter, L., Chanowitz, B., and Rubin, R.T. (1988). Two new applica-
tions of Mindlessness Theory: Alcoholism and aging. Journal of Aging Studies 2(3),
Lawson, E.D. (1971). Hair color, personality, and the observer. Psychological Reports
28, 311-322.
Levine, R., and Cambell, D. (1972). Ethnocentrism Theories of Conflict, Ethnic Attitudes,
and Group Behavior, New York: Wiley.
Little, A. C., Penton-Voak, I. S., Burt, D. M., and Perrett, D.I. (2003). Investigating an
imprinting-like phenomenon in humans partners and opposite-sex parents have
similar hair and eye colour. Evolution and Human Behavior 24, 43-51.
Model, S. (1999) Ethnic inequality in England. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22(6),
Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 97
Morrow, P. C., McElroy, James C., Stamper, B. G., and Wilson, M. A. (1990). The Ef-
fects of physical attractiveness and other demographic characteristics on promotion
decisions. Journal of Management, 16(4), December, 723-755.
Neuberg, S. L. (1989). The goal of forming accurate impressions during social interac-
tions: Attenuating the impact of negative expectancies. Journal of Personality & So-
cial Psychology 56, 374-386.
Neuberg, S. L. (1994). Expectance-confirmation processes in stereotyped-tinged so-
cial encounters: The moderating role of social goals. In M. P. Zanna and J. M. Olson
(Eds.), The Psychology of Prejudice, The Ontario Symposium, 7, 103-130. Hillsdale,
NJ: Earlbaum.
Ocasio, W., and Kim, H. (1999). The circulation of corporate control: Selection of func-
tional backgrounds of new CEOS in large U.S manufacturing firms 1981-1992. Admin-
istrative Science Quarterly, 44(3), 532.
O’Leary-Kelly, A., Paetzold, R. L., and Griffin, R. W. (2000). Sexual harassment as
aggressive action: A frame work for understanding sexual harassment. Acad-
emy-of-Management-Review, April, 25(2), 372-388.
Paul, J., Costley, D., Howell, J., and Dorfman, P. (2002). The mutability of charisma in
leadership research. Management Decision, 40(1/2), 192.
Peretti, P. O., and O’Connor, P. (1989). Effects of incongruence between the self and
the ideal self on emotional stability of stripteasers. Social Behavior and Personality
17(1), 81-92.
Perotin, V., and Robinson, A. (2000). Employee participation and equal opportunities
practices: Productivity effect and potential complementarities. British Journal of In-
dustrial Relations, 38(4), 557.
Perotin, V., Robinson, A., and Loundes, J. (2003). Equal opportunities practices and
enterprise performance: A comparative investigation on Australian and British
data. International Labour Review, 142(4), 471.
Rich, M. K., and Cash, T. (1993). The American image of beauty: Media representa-
tion of hair color for four decades. Sex Roles, 29(1/2), 113-124.
Roll, Samuel U., and Verinis, J.S. (1971). Stereotypes of scalp and facial hair as mea-
sured by the semantic differential. Psychological Reports, 28(3), 975-980.
Sassi, F., Carrier, J., and Weinberg, J. (2004). Affirmative action: The lessons for
health care. British Medical Journal, May 22, 328(7450), 1213.
Schachter, R., & Geschwind, N. (1987). Associations of handedness with hair color
and learning disabilities. Neuropsychologia 25, 275.
Schachter, S.C., Ransil, B.J., and Geschwind, N. (1987). Associations of handedness
with hair color and learning disabilities. Neuropyschologia 25(1B), 269-276.
Snee, R. (1974). Distribution of hair and eye color and sex in 592 statistics students.
The American Statistician, 28, 9-12.
Soewita, S., and Kliener, B.H. (2000). How to monitor electric mail to discover sexual
harassment. Equal Opportunities International,19(6/7), 45-47.
Stratton, G. M. (1934). Emotional reactions connected with differences in Cephalic In-
dex, shade of hair, and color of eyes in Caucasians. American Journal of Psychology.
46, 409-419.
Suedfeld, P., Paterson, H., Soriano, E., and Zuvic, S. (2002). Lethal stereotypes: Hair
and eye color as survival characteristics during the Holocaust. Journal of Applied So-
cial Psychology 32(11), 2368-2376.
Synnott, A. (1987). Shame and Glory: Sociology of Hair. The British Journal of Sociol-
ogy, 38:381-413.
Von Hentig, H. (1947). Redhead and outlaw; A study in criminal anthropology. Jour-
nal of Criminal Law & Criminology 38, 1-6.
Weir, S., and Fine-Davis, M. (1989). ‘Dumb blonde’ and ‘temperamental redhead’:
The effect of hair colour on some attributed personality characteristics of women.
The Irish Journal of Psychology 10, 11-19.
Wells, D., and Kracher, B. (1993). Justice, sexual harassment, and the reasonable vic-
tim standard. Journal of Business Ethics 12, 423-431.
World Health Organization at
Zannah, M., and Hamilton, D. (1977). Further evidence for meaning change in impres-
sion information. Journal of Experiential Social Psychology 13, 224-238.
Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 99
... Red-haired women are perceived as more competent (Takeda, Helms, & Romanova, 2006), while men wearing red clothes (compared to blue or grey) are perceived as more dominant (Feltman & Elliot, 2011;Wiedemann, Burt, Hill, & Barton, 2015). Likewise, sports teams wearing red shirts are more likely to win than teams wearing other colors (Attrill, Gresty, Hill, & Barton, 2008;Feltman & Elliot, 2011). ...
... Murphy, Hall, & Colvin (2003) Posture, gaze Positive relationship between intelligence ratings and longer eyegaze, more eye contact, and an upright posture. Takeda, Helms, & Romanova (2006) Color Red-haired women are overrepresented and blonde-haired women are underrepresented in corporate leadership positions in the U.K. ...
Full-text available
Charismatic leaders have consistently been shown to affect followers' performance, motivation, and satisfaction. Yet, what precisely constitutes charisma still remains somewhat enigmatic. So far, research has mainly focused on leader traits, leader behaviors, or the leader follower-relationship, and the subsequent consequences of each on followers' self-concepts. All of these approaches share the notion that leader charisma depends on an explicit interaction between leader and follower. With the present review paper, we extend extant theorizing by arguing that charisma is additionally informed by embodied signals that flow directly from either the leader or the immediate environment. We introduce the embodiment perspective on human perception and describe its utility for theoretically understanding the charismatic effect. Correspondingly, we review studies that show which concrete embodied cues can support the charismatic effect. Finally, we discuss the variety of new theoretical and practical implications that arise from this research and how they can complement existing approaches to charismatic leadership.
... Candidate KSAOs that have been studied include firm specific skills, often determined by whether the candidate was a firm insider or outsider (Zhang and Rajagopalan, 2004), functional experience (Chen and Hambrick, 2012), tenure (Bigley and Wiersema, 2002), and education level and quality (Martinson, 2012). Researchers have also examined CEO demographics including age (Martinson, 2012), gender (Lee and James, 2007), and hair color (Takeda et al., 2006). While the majority of KSAOs studied look at the candidates functional and technical skills as well as strategic perspective, very little has been done in regards to style or leadership capability. ...
... Typology tertiary component Article number 125,127,130,142,143,144,153,160,171,174,176,179,183,184,192,197,198,201,206,210,15,19,23,31,33,42,50,51,52,55,56,65,75,80,89,90,97,99,102,115,126,128,133,134,135,140,141,146,149,151,153,158,172,173,175,176,177,182,185,186,195,199,214,226,227 ...
Full-text available
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to conduct a comprehensive analysis and synthesis of the splintered chief executive officer (CEO) succession literature and provide a unifying future research agenda. Design/methodology/approach This review content analyzes 227 relevant articles published after 1994. These articles examine the causes, process, replacement, and consequences of CEO succession. Findings The review develops a comprehensive typology, identifies gaps in the literature, and proposes opportunities for future research. For instance, the CEO succession literature can be classified along four primary dimensions: when, how, who, and consequences. These four primary dimensions are further explained by ten secondary factors and 30 tertiary components. Research opportunities include: enlarging the data pool to expand the repertoire of firms studied, incorporating the CEO’s perspective, and integrating CEO succession research with literatures in selection, turnover, and human capital theory. Practical implications Through integrating research across research domains, future research will be able to better predict when CEO succession will occur, how to avoid unwanted CEO succession, how to better implement CEO succession, and how to minimize negative aspects and maximize positive aspects of CEO succession for the firm and the CEO, as well as understand the consequences of CEO selection, and help move toward and understanding of how to prevent poor performance, and retain high performing CEOs. Originality/value This is the first comprehensive review since 1994. It creates a typology to guide and categorize future research, and shows ways to incorporate relevant, but often ignored literatures (e.g. human resources, psychology, decision making, and human capital).
... Soziale Kosten-und Nutzenfaktoren bilden hier die Basis für entsprechende als rational geltende Entscheidungen (vgl. Boudon, 1974;Meulemann, 1979 (Takeda, Helms & Romanova, 2006). Sie werden zwar im Kontrast zu blonden Personen weniger gern gemocht, gelten aber im Gegenzug als kompetenter und auch aktiver (vgl. ...
... Die Forschung geht sogar schon so weit zu diskutieren, ob Haarfarbe in Anti-Diskriminierungs-Gesetze aufgenommen werden soll (vgl. Takeda, Helms & Romanova, 2006). ...
In diesem Beitrag wird die Frage gestellt, ob die Haarfarbe von SchülerInnen einen Erklärungswert für das Abschneiden in einem Intelligenztestverfahren hat. Auf Basis von internationalen Forschungsergebnissen ist davon auszugehen, dass nicht nur die „klassischen Parameter“ wie Geschlecht, Migrationshintergrund oder soziale Schicht einen Erklärungswert für das Abschneiden in Leistungstests liefern, sondern eben auch der Phänotyp, die äußere Erscheinung von SchülerInnen. N = 1.171 SchülerInnen machten im Zuge der Fragebogenerhebung in der 8. Schulstufe (NOESIS-Kohorte 2, Mai 2015) Angaben zu ihrer natürlichen Haarfarbe. Diese Daten wurden mit Ergebnissen aus einem Intelligenztestverfahren (CFT 20-R) in Verbindung gebracht. Es stellte sich heraus, dass die Haarfarbe durchaus dazu angetan ist, Differenzen in der Leistungsfähigkeit von SchülerInnen zu erklären. Diese Ergebnisse werden in einen Diskurs um die Konsequenzen der Nutzung solcher Parameter und der (Un-)Sinnigkeit der Verwendung dieser Parameter als Erklärungsfaktoren gestellt und kritisch erläutert.
... Therefore, participants cannot ignore a person's skin color and hair (Manning 2010;Takeda, Helms, and Romanova 2006). While participants give preference to the lighter women, they claimed that skin color and facial features did not play any role in their decision making. ...
Full-text available
Colorism is the intra- and interracial discrimination an individual experiences based on one’s phenotype. Current research focused on colorism among black Americans has found that “dark-skinned blacks have lower levels of education, income, and job status” in the United States. As bias against Middle Easterners rises in the United States, current research regarding this population is scarce. In the context of today’s political climate, the term Muslim has become a misnomer to refer to the Middle Eastern population, with the term Islamophobia specifically referring to Middle Easterners regardless of their religion rather than individuals from regions of the world who practice Islam. Participants ordered job applicants in terms of who they would hire, followed by interviews. Through 16 semi-structured interviews, this project identifies what participants believe are phenotypically Middle Eastern and Muslim facial features. Throughout the study, participants preferred to hire lighter Middle Eastern women.
... Another variation of the battle camps metaphor sees the categorization of bubbly, high-pitched, blonde-haired women positioned against serious, slow-speaking, brunette-haired women with knowledge heavily weighted in favor of the latter group. As knowledge holders, this group of women was more likely to be cast in the role of physician and lawyer, perceived to be more credible and trustworthy than their blonde counterparts (Takeda, Helms, & Romanova, 2006). The only shared commonality detected between these two groups by the participants was that of being ''fair skinned,'' another inference regarding race and who can be trusted (Nunnally, 2012). ...
Full-text available
Perceptions of menstruation by media discourses portray this bodily function to be messy, inconvenient, and as an unnecessary phenomenon to be controlled or possibly eliminated. Commercials shown on YouTube targeted toward young women suggest that having a monthly period is not healthy and a lifestyle that is menses free is both pharmacologically available and recommended in order to live a fuller life. We explored the meanings attached to online menstrual suppression commercials with 10 women aged between 18 and 25. In-depth open-ended interviews were conducted over a 10-month period in 2014 after each participant viewed three menstrual suppression online advertisements. Feminist critical discourse was used for analysis with both authors coding for inter-rater reliability recognizing how our age difference and relationship as mother and daughter informed our interpretation. An overarching theme of tension emerged from the interviews with participants feeling detached due to the gendered stereotypes the commercials used to frame menstruation as compared to their own lived experience. Meanings associated with the menstrual suppression commercials were contrary to the participants’ lived experience of menstruation as a healthy process not a detrimental one to their well-being as suggested by the commercials. Subliminal messages within the advertisements were identified as reinforcing gender bias and prejudices, including those associated with femininity. Despite attempting to emulate popular culture, the menstrual suppression advertisements were largely dismissed by this group of participants as undermining their intelligence and of intentionally creating divisive binaries between groups of women. This study suggests that historical bias and stereotypical prejudices were identified by this group of young women within the marketing of menstrual suppression products and, as such, were dismissed as inauthentic to the menstruation experience reflecting a form of menstrual activism.
... Despite the well-meaning efforts of many individuals, human beings regularly stereotype each other on a variety of different, often arbitrary, social divisions: race, ethnicity, religion, and even hair color have been adopted as tools of abuse and exclusion (Appiah, 2000;Takeda, Helms, & Romanova, 2006;Wyer, 2013). Arguably, however, the most persistent category supported by society today is gender (Killen et al., 2002). ...
... Candidate KSAOs that have been studied include firm specific skills, often determined by whether the candidate was a firm insider or outsider (Zhang and Rajagopalan, 2004), functional experience (Chen and Hambrick, 2012), tenure (Bigley and Wiersema, 2002), and education level and quality (Martinson, 2012). Researchers have also examined CEO demographics including age (Martinson, 2012), gender (Lee and James, 2007), and hair color (Takeda et al., 2006). While the majority of KSAOs studied look at the candidates functional and technical skills as well as strategic perspective, very little has been done in regards to style or leadership capability. ...
Conference Paper
This review conducts a comprehensive analysis, and develops a complete typology of the CEO succession literature. It reviews what is known about the causes of CEO succession, the CEO succession process, who replaces the CEO, and the subsequent consequences of CEO succession. It identifies gaps in the literature and opportunities for future research, including enlarging the data pool to expand the repertoire of firms studied. There also appears to be an opportunity to learn from incorporating the CEO’s perspective. Additionally, there appears to be an opportunity to integrate CEO succession research with literatures in selection, turnover, and human capital theory. Through integrating research across these areas of study, research will be able to better predict when CEO succession will occur, how to avoid unwanted CEO succession, how to better implement CEO succession, and how to minimize negative aspects and maximize positive aspects of CEO succession for the firm and the CEO.
Purpose This research aims to examine whether the facial appearances and expressions of Airbnb host photos influence guest star ratings. Design/methodology/approach This research analyzed the profile photos of over 20,000 Airbnb hosts and the guest star ratings of over 30,000 Airbnb listings in New York City, using machine learning techniques. Findings First, hosts who provided profile photos received higher guest ratings than those who did not provide photos. When facial features of profile photos were recognizable, guest ratings were higher than when they were not recognizable (e.g. faces too small, faces looking backward or faces blocked by some objects). Second, a happy facial expression, blond hair and brown hair positively affected guest ratings, whereas heads tilted back negatively affected guest ratings. Originality/value This research is the first, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, to analyze the facial appearances and expressions of profile photos using machine learning techniques and examine the influence of Airbnb host photos on guest star ratings.
Full-text available
How do top executives’ aesthetic attributes, such as their physical (e.g., attractiveness) and vocal (e.g., voice pitch) features, shape their firms and their own careers? Whereas strategic leadership scholars mostly have focused on top executives’ cognitive, psychological, and affective attributes, researchers increasingly have focused on this research question as well. As a result, a substantial body of research has emerged, as evidenced by the sixty-five empirical studies we located. Our review of the literature indicates that aesthetic attributes are related to executives’ careers and organizational outcomes in important ways, including executive selection and firm strategy. There also appear to be important contingencies, such as other individual differences and cultural factors, that shape these relationships. However, we conclude that there are important theoretical and methodological shortcomings in this literature and that addressing these issues is critical to validating extant findings, establishing more legitimacy, and moving this literature forward.
Full-text available
Discrimination based on appearance has serious economic consequences. Women with blonde hair are often considered beautiful, but dumb, which is a potentially harmful stereotype since many employers seek intelligent workers. Using the NLSY79, a large nationally representative survey tracking young baby boomers, this research analyzes the IQ of white women and men according to hair color. Blonde women have a higher mean IQ than women with brown, red and black hair. Blondes are more likely classified as geniuses and less likely to have extremely low IQ than women with other hair colors, suggesting the dumb blonde stereotype is a myth.
Full-text available
This experiment examined whether a female applicant's hair color and use of cosmetics might affect perceptions of her ability for a professional position. One hundred thirty six college students reviewed the identical professional resume of a female applicant for the position of a staff accountant. Attached to the resume was a photograph of the stimulus female applicant either wearing or not wearing cosmetics and depicted with brunette, red, or blonde hair color. The results demonstrated significant main effects of both hair color and cosmetic use. Specifically, the applicant was rated more capable and was assigned a higher salary both when depicted with brunette hair color and when depicted without cosmetics. There were no interactions between hair color and cosmetic use. The findings demonstrate that biases regarding personal appearance may affect judgments about a female applicant's ability.
Full-text available
This article examines the relationship between gender, hostile sexism, benevolent sexism and reactions to a seemingly innocuous genre of sexist humor, the dumb blonde joke. After hearing an audiotaped conversation in which two students swapped dumb blonde jokes, participants high in hostile sexism rated the jokes as more amusing and less offensive than those low in hostile sexism. Among individuals low in hostile sexism, however, benevolent sexism interacted with gender. Specifically, men high in benevolent sexism found the jokes significantly more amusing and less offensive than either women in the same group or men low in both hostile and benevolent sexism. This study replicates and extends previous research examining the relationship between hostile sexism and the enjoyment of sexist humor, and underscores the possibility that benevolent sexism may represent qualitatively distinct attitudes for men and women.
Selection processes are critical to identifying and employing those individuals who will perform well on the job. Selection of senior management is equally as significant, requiring the selection process to be effective and robust. The Senior Executive Service (SES) selection process for the Department of the Navy (DON) is analyzed. Some practical insights and recommendations generated by this analysis are offered.
36 male and 44 female college students were presented with a series of 15 stimuli which were designed to represent the variables of hair color, hair length, quantity of scalp hair, hair quality and amount of facial hair. Each stimulus was rated on scales representing the Evaluative, Potency, and Activity dimensions. The proposition that stereotypes are identifiable was strongly confirmed. Of 18 specific predictions 15 were also confirmed. Explanation in full of these findings was not effected.
The impetus for the present srudy was the serendipitous findings in an attempt at replicating a study by Wilson (1968). He had shown that the perceived height of a person increased with perceived status. A pilot study was conducted in which a target person was introduced to one group of 13 student subjects as a new professor and to another group of 10 subjects as a student janitor. Thirty minutes after the target person left, che students were asked to recall his physical characterisics. Both groups correctly remembered the target's height within less than 0.2 in. of his actual height, replicating the findings of Lerner and Moore (1974). The finding of interest, however, was that 62% of the "professor" group remembered the target as being blond and 15% remembered him as a redhead. In the "student janitor" group only 10% remembered him as a blond and 60% remembered him as a redhead (blond: Z = 2.45, f~ < 0.01). The target person was a strawberry blond with a flaming red mustache. A quick review indicated that haircolor has been associated symbolically with personal attributes, but the pattern appears to be mixed. Clowns, Howdy Doody, Lucille Ball, Red Skelton, Red Buttons, and probably Judas Iscarioc had/have red hair. Marilyn Monroe, Jessica Lange, and Steve Canyon are blonds. But then, Ramses 11, Cleopatra, Queen Elizabeth, and Thomas Jefferson, as well as Ann Margaret (occasionally) were redheads and Hitler was particularly fond of blonds. Nevertheless, the students in the above mentioned study appeared to be sharing a common stereotype based on haircolor. Very few investigations of preference by hair color have been conducted. Lawson ( 1971), one of a few who have studied this problem, found that for all men and women, for 42 comparisons, redheaded men were rated significantly superior on none. In fact, neither dark nor blond men saw redheaded men as superior on any trait. Women rated redheaded men cnly as "safe".
Existing models outlining the cause of sexual harassment have not received clear research support. We present an alternative model, framing harassment as aggressive action. We explain the aggression framework, how it improves on existing models, and its implications for understanding the acquisition and instigation of sexually harassing behavior.
Doth not nature itself teach you, that if a man have long hair it is a shame unto him? But if a woman have long hair, it is a glory to her. So wrote St. Paul to the people of Corinth (1 Cor. 11: 14- 15); the shame of one sex is the glory of the opposite sex. Indeed the debate over hair symbolism is both ancient and complex, and applies not only to gender but also to politics, as Hippies, Skins and Punks, among others, have recently demonstrated. Hair is perhaps our most powerful symbol of individual and group identity powerful first because it is physical and therefore extremely personal, and second because, although personal, it is also public rather than private. Furthermore, hair symbolism is usually voluntary rather than imposed or 'given'. Finally, hair is malleable, in various ways, and therefore singularly apt to symbolize both differentiations between, and changes in, individual and group identities. The immense social significance of hair is indicated by economics: the hair industry is worth $2.5 billion in the USA (New York Times, 7.1.85).
In research on sexual harassment, authors have given little attention to sexual harassers. We present an actor-focused model of sexual harassment interactions. In the model, which is based on interpersonal aggression research, we frame sexual harassment as one form of behavior an actor might choose for pursuing valued goals. The model is interactive, in that we discuss the effects of sexually harassing actions on the target's perceptions, motives, and behavioral response choice. We also provide propositions to guide future research.
Research has shown that human partners are more similar than expected by chance on a variety of traits. Studies examining hair and eye colour show some evidence of positive assortment. Positive assortment may reflect attraction to self-similar characteristics but is also consistent with attraction to parental traits. Here, we examine self-reported partner hair and eye colour and the influence that own and parental colour characteristics have on these variables. Parental characteristics were found to correlate positively with actual partner characteristics for both men and women. Regression analysis predicting partner characteristics from maternal and paternal traits (which controls for own traits) revealed the greater importance of the opposite-sex parent over the same-sex parent in predicting both hair and eye colour of actual partners. The findings may reflect an influence of parental colour characteristics on human partner choice. Attraction to opposite-sex parental characteristics is seen in a wide variety of animals where it is usually attributed to imprinting processes in infancy. Although the mechanism is unclear and not necessarily confined to infancy, the data reported here are consistent with a somewhat analogous process to imprinting occurring in humans.