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This article explains the diverse responses among the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore to Chinese nationalist movements in the 1930s. In Singapore, the slogan of “Chinese buy Chinese goods” boosted the Chinese bourgeoisie in their business competition with Japan. The same slogan was used by the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong to emphasize increased sales of Chinese goods while Japanese imports were used by Chinese manufacturers in Hong Kong. I also interpret Chinese bourgeois nationalism in Hong Kong and Singapore as a move toward transnational economic citizenship. Emphasising their Chinese ethnicity, the bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore asked the Chinese government for favourable import tariffs. At the same time, the bourgeoisie requested the British for favourable tariffs, when they wished to export goods to markets in Britain and its colonies.
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... 6 Boycotts against Japanese goods were organised, though the purpose of the boycotts varied in different places. The Singaporean bourgeoisie, for example, used the slogan of Chinese for Chinese goods to boost business competition against the Japanese while their Hong Kong counterparts used it to encourage the purchase of Chinese goods (Kuo 2006). In addition, the Chinese government issued bonds, some of which were subscribed by Chinese overseas. ...
Remittances of Chinese overseas during the decades before and just after the Second World War formed an important part of China's economy and were a significant feature of Southeast Asia's economic history. Familial and ethnic sentiments drove this impulse to send money back to China. In reviewing evidence for Malaya and Singapore, this paper is a new study on the nature, the role and the mechanisms of transmission of these remittances. In charting the ebb and flow of remittances during the period, this study examines several factors responsible for the subsequent decline of these flows. These are political changes, both in China and Southeast Asia, the policies and regulations of the British colonial administration, and generational change.
... This facilitated the emergence of modern local producers who were able to compete successfully in the value chain and then to participate in large scale production and exports. Competition from China, Hong Kong and India intensified, attracting tighter regulation through the Long Term Agreement (LTA) and the Short Term Agreement (STA) (Koo, 1982;Kuo, 2006). ...
This article provides critical coordinates for considering implications of the termination of the Multi-Fibre Agreement for employment, wages and working conditions in selected East Asian countries. It starts by discussing first the main arguments on greater liberalisation initiatives for developing economies before analysing the evolution of the clothing value chain. The article eventually provides some justification for insertion of the selected countries to anchor the issue's subsequent articles.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the survival capability of Chaoshan people in the maritime world of the South China Sea amidst the changing monetary systems of the rival empires and political regimes from 1939 to 1945. It particularly focuses on overseas Chinese remittance business in Shantou under the Japanese rule. Local societies in coastal China and overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia experienced severe hardships due to the Sino-Japanese War, the Pacific War and the Chinese Civil War. As fighting among the rival empires and regimes intensified, Chinese migrant communities straddling between Southeast Asia and South China had to negotiate and adapt to survive these crises, regardless of whether they were government-affiliated or local autonomous subjects.
This research draws on archival materials to investigate the reactions of Chinese migrant communities in Chaoshan region in times of war and regime change. How did local maritime societies and overseas Chinese adapt to the harsh realities of the wartime? How did the Japanese Empire use Wang Jingwei’s puppet government in Nanjing to control the Chaoshan remittance network? How did the remittance network shift its operational structure in face of a wartime crisis?
Faced with the wartime crisis and the Japanese occupation, Chaoshan communities used a variety of survival strategies to protect and maintain the overseas Chinese remittance business. In dealing with remittances from Singapore, British Malay and Indonesia, they cooperated with the Japanese military authority and its puppet government to maximize the autonomy of their business operation in the Japanese-controlled East Asian Co-prosperity Sphere. On the other hand, to secure the flow of remittances from French Indochina and Thailand, the indirectly controlled territories in the Japanese Empire, Chaoshan merchants sought an alternative path of delivering remittances, known as the Dongxing route, to bypass the Japanese ban on private remittances from these two regions.
It would be a better research if more resources, including remittance receipts and documents during the Japanese occupation, could be found and used to show more detailed features of Chaoshan local society.
This research is the first one to investigate the contradictory features of local Chaoshan society during the Japanese occupation, an under-explored subject in the Chinese historiography.
Victor Teo examines the role of Hong Kong in the Diaoyu/Senkaku territorial dispute and how it has raised tensions between China and Japan. He argues: “Contrary to the popular belief that it is often the national government in Beijing that manipulates nationalism for its political ends and legitimacy, the Hong Kong case provides an interesting departure from this perspective. It is civic nationalism and local politicking in HongKong (a “mere” administrative sub-region) that propel Chinese claims on Senkaku/Diaoyuislands.” Teo observes that in actuality the Chinese central government has sought to defuse rather than aggravate tensions with Japan by intercepting Hong Kong protestors and “patriots” who sail to the disputed islands. He also notes the irony that Hong Kong’s democratic activists who are critical of Mainland China’s authoritarianism were using the Senkaku/Diaoyu issue to “pressure the PRC, knowing full well that there were limits to what Beijing was prepared to do since the latter has no desire to engage in an armed conflict with Tokyo. It allowed them to burnish their nationalistic credentials by expediently using a Japan-related issue that would embarrass Beijing.”
This article fills the gap between the period of East-West horizontal integration in the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries and the resurgence of East Asia in the late twentieth century as discussed in Andre Gunder Frank's ReOrient (1998). It examines the operation of overseas Chinese business networks in British Hong Kong and Singapore between the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The analysis of newsletters of Chinese business associations, newspapers, and British and Japanese intelligence reports reveals the agency of overseas Chinese business networks. While they abided by the British colonial status quo, Chinese business elites managed to pursue their profits both within and outside of this framework. Above all, their establishment of manufacturing sectors in the interwar years in Singapore and Hong Kong was beyond the British colonial interest. To secure their nascent market of Chinese manufactures, overseas Chinese elites mobilized nationalist rhetoric to solicit support from both ethnic Chinese customers and the Chinese government-even to the point of competing head on with British products. In a nutshell, this article highlights the agency of overseas Chinese business groups as independent players in Asia in the age of imperialism. These business groups not only thrived as the passive recipients of the economic opportunities created by the Europeans, but also actively exploited the colonial order and established their economic influence parallel to or in conflict with the colonial order in the region.
has long been established as one of the major contributions to theories of nations and nationalism. Anderson located the rise of national identities within a long-evolving crisis of dynastic conceptions of identity, time, and space, and argued print-capitalism was the key cultural and economic force in the genesis of nations. This article offers a critical appropriation and application of Anderson's theory through two steps. Firstly, it evaluates the conceptual underpinning of his approach through an engagement with recent scholarship on the ‘theory of uneven and combined development’. The fruits of this interchange provide a deeper analytical framework to account for what Anderson calls the ‘modularity’ of national identity, that is, its universal spread across the globe. Modularity is now reconceptualised as a product of combined development with its causal efficacy derived from the latent dynamics of a geopolitically fragmented world. The latter gave shape and form to the new national communities. Secondly, this revised framework is applied to the emergence of Chinese national identity in the late nineteenth century. This allows Chinese nationalism to be recast as an ideological amalgam of indigenous and imported elements that emerged out of the crisis-ridden encounter between Imperial China and Western imperialism in the nineteenth century.
In the early 1920s Southeast Asia, before communism compelled the creation of inter-colonial intelligence networks in the late period of the decade, a situation that can be called the ‘China problem’ emerged as an issue for the colonial powers in the region. This problem refers to the political activities by local Chinese populations in response to events that were taking place in China. The colonial powers, however, could not find a common solution to this issue, but instead dealt with it individually. An explanation to this lies in the fact that, unlike in Northeast Asia where the ‘Washington System’ shaped international politics in the 1920s, in Southeast Asia no such official framework had been established to deal with regional issues. This article sets out to demonstrate that under Britain's ‘informal empire’ in Southeast Asia, the colonial powers informally started to exchange information on domestic Chinese politics in their colonies as well as the political development in China. The ‘China problem’ was thus a catalyst that brought to the region ‘international’ politics and in particular the politics of immigration control.
This article introduces the leading arguments on the promotion of garment manufacturing in late industrialising or latecomer countries, spaces opened and closed from global trading arrangements, the drivers of garment commodity value chains, nature of industrial relations and the economic significance of garment manufacturing for selected East, South and Southeast Asian countries.
この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。 Over the past few years, transnationalism and network analysis have received increasing attention among students of the Chinese Diaspora in the Asia-Pacific. Yet the two subjects have been treated separately and the existing literature tends to focus on the personal/informal dimensions of Chinese (transnational) business networks, paying little attention to their historical precedents and formal institutionalization. Using the influential Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCCI) as a case study, this paper attempts to establish the historical linkages between organized Chinese transnationalism and the institutionalization of business networks. It aims to broaden the horizons of existing scholarship on personal and informal patterns of Chinese transnationalism by delineating the complex mechanisms and agencies through which SCCCI was vitalized and connected to the institutionalizing, regionalizing-and, eventually, globalizing-processes of multi-dimensional Chinese social and business networks in Asia.
Politics can be a profitable business as can be found in Republican era Canton amidst a politically fragmented China. Competing merchant groups in Hong Kong sought to finance the regional Canton government in return for financial concessions. This patronage system made commercial endeavours dependent on politics and embedded business in politics.
During the 1920s, China's intellectuals called for a new literature, a new system of thought and new orientation towards modern life. Commonly known as the May Fourth Movement or the New Culture Movement, this intellectual momentum spilled beyond China into the overseas Chinese communities. This work analyzes the New Culture Movement from a diaspora perspective, namely that of the overseas Chinese in Singapore. Because they were members of a diaspora, the Chinese in Singapore first had to imagine themselves as part of the Chinese nation before they could fully participate in the movement. Also, Singapore's new culture advocates adopted then amended the movement's basic ideas to fit their situation. This work furthers our understanding of transnationalism and reminds us that in our rush to deconstruct the nation we should remember the discursive power of nationalism as it both enhances and restricts the authority of its advocates.
The Kuomintang (KMT) - the first legalised political party and movement in modern Malaysian and Singaporean history - is studied against the background of British colonial rule, the changing political circumstances and fortunes in China and the rising and waning of Malayan Chinese nationalism from 1894. While it highlights the development of the Malayan KMT Movement in terms of leadership, organization and ideology, it also analyses changing British colonial policy and management techniques toward the Movement.
Once the premier port in colonial Southeast Asia and one of the foremost in the British Empire, Singapore now ranks as the world's fourth busiest port, tonnagewise, with the second highest per capita G.D.P. in Asia. Its post-war achievements rest on solid historical advantages. A broad historical survey of its commercial growth before World War II is therefore not amiss: the more so, as there has been no such panoramic presentation before. With no natural resources, Singapore's economic growth was almost synonymous with its foreign trade. In most historical works, especially those written before World War II, Singapore has been treated as an integral part of the Straits Settlements or British Malaya, for, until its emergence as a separate nation in August 1965, Singapore as the focal point of reference for researches was not part of the historical consciousness.Footnotes* The author wishes to acknowledge with thanks the help given by the following: Prof. Robin F.A. Fabel (Visiting Professor, History Department, University of Singapore), Dr Ernest Chew, Dr Yeo Kim Wah (Senior Lecturers, History Department, University of Singapore), and Dr Chiang Hai Ding, M.P., (a banker in the Citibank). The author has not gone into the question of the regular import surplus shown in Singapore's statistics — a vexed historical question, deserving of treatment by itself.
The existing literature has examined the Chinese nationalism of Chinese overseas merchants, detailing their financial contributions to the anti-Japanese war and their participation in boycott movements ofJapanese goods.' This paper uses Japanese consular reports, prewarJapanese publications, as well as Chinese andJapanese newspapers from Taiwan, Fujian,Japan, Singapore, and the United States to study the adoption of multiple nationalities, including Japanese nationality, by overseas Chinese merchants to reduce commercial risk and seek out economic opportunity. The phenomenon suggests that overseas Chinese merchants were not simply agents of Chinese nationalism. This paper first examines the Indonesian overseas Chinese merchant, Guo Chunyang (1859 to 1935). It then turns to the widespread adoption of multiple nationalities by overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and in their chief native province, Fujian, in the early twentieth century. The paper will then proceed to elaborate the use of multiple nationality to diminish commercial risk and seek economic opportunity. The conclusion will draw out implications for our
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