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The Role of Media in Conflict and their Influence on Securitisation
Abstract
During conflicts, the media are often the only source of information concerning the ‘other’ side and hence a weighty instrument of opinion making in society. This leads to the central question to what extent the media can contribute to securitising (or desecuritising) issues in society. In this article, examples from the Israeli media landscape are compared with the theoretical approach of the securitisation theory of the Copenhagen School.
... It also plays a significant role in how much and what kind of environmental information the public sees (McCallum et al., 1991), thus affecting public perceptions, changing public attitudes, and influencing subsequent public actions (Russill, 2008) embedded with power (Montgomery & Feng, 2016). Further, TV news has the power to filter available information, convey topics, and manipulate or focus public attention to a particular perspective (Hass, 2010). It has a profound influence on political, economic, information, and cultural processes (Yessenbekova, 2018). ...
... This has a tremendous effect on audiences as it operates among and through various mediating factors and influences (Klapper, 1960). Moreover, since the rise of TV and digital communication (Hass, 2010), information is now more visible and accessible (Browne et al., 2015). In this context, the media contributes not only by providing news or entertainment but also by functioning as agents of social change and national development (Schramm, 1964). ...
... TV news often becomes a source of information that delivers the latest news and messages to society. However, most media tend to focus on violence, which, according to critics, only escalates conflicts (Hass, 2010). Besides, television news is a powerful tool in constructing realities through media sociologists and culturists seen from micro-perspective (Kasmani, 2014). ...
Drawing upon observations regarding the crisis in Palestine, media is sometimes the only source of information consumed by society. This raises the critical question of how the Palestinian state media generates awareness of societal issues, such as the patriotism of citizens as a sense of devotion to one's country. This study examines whether the state media TV in Palestine contributes to existing patriotism because such a contribution should be explored separately. For this purpose, we first analyse the strategies employed by Palestine TV in delivering news during the period 2020-2021. Second, we examine whether the information framed in the state media effectively promotes Palestinian patriotism to the target audience. To discuss this issue, we use agenda-setting theories through the first level, wherein we describe the power of media to persuade viewers, influence public opinion and construct a hierarchy of being patriotic. The results revealed that the news portrayed on Palestine TV enhanced Palestinian patriotism. This finding implies that media can augment citizens' views on patriotism. This study provides insights into future investigations on the role of media in the time of crisis particularly related to the Israeli occupation in Palestine and the impacts of its occupation on Palestinians.
... Based on these general findings a more detailed list of recommendations for actions for individual stakeholders is developed. Short-term impacts of a crisis Blake and Sinclair, 2003 Role of the government in crisis management Durocher, 1994 Importance of equal stakeholder integration Ghaderi, Mat Som and Wang, 2014 Relevance of knowledge and organizational learning Glaesser, 2003 Holistic approach for crisis management in tourism Gundel, 2005 Classification of different types of crises Hass, 2009 Importance of media and communication Hayes and Patton, 2001 Significance of pro-active crisis management Hystad and Keller, 2008 Distinction into three stages of crisis management Joras et al., 2011 Importance of equal stakeholder integration and knowledge distribution Keown-McMullan, 1997 Importance of media and communication Laws and Prideaux, 2005 Overview of literature about crisis management in tourism Mair, Ritchie and Walters, 2016 Focus on post-crisis recovery Mathes, Gärtner and Czaplicki, 1993 Emphasis on the importance of effective communication Neumayer, 2004 Focus on the impact of political crises Reisinger and Mayondo, 2005 Impact of a crisis on tourist's risk perception Ritchie, 2004 Distinction into seven stages of crisis management Sausmarez, 2007a Focus on post-crisis recovery Sausmarez, 2007b Focus on post-crisis recovery Sausmarez, 2013 Distinction into three stages of crisis management Scherler, 1996 Emphasis on the importance of effective communication Scott, Laws and Prideaux, 2008 Literature review on crisis management in tourism Sönmez and Graefe, 1998 Impact of a crisis on tourist's risk perception Waller, Lei and Pratten, 2014 Importance of communication and task assignment Wintersteiner and Wohlmuther, 2014 The role of tourists in crisis management and peace promotion Xu and Grunewald, 2009 Distinction into three stages of crisis management Araña and León (2008) focused their study on the short-term impacts of a crisis. As a business case they analyzed the 9/11 terrorist attack in the United States. ...
... Special attention has to be paid to the role of the media. The general media even has the potential to turn an incident into an actual crisis, because it makes information available and consequently shapes the audience's view on the conflict (Keown-McMullan, 1997, Hass, 2009. However, it is challenging to convince the media to actively participate in proactive crisis management, because they do not represent a classical stakeholder with a necessary interest in the situation of the region. ...
... They are the transmitter between politics and citizens" (Hass, 2009, p. 78). For example, studies in the past decade revealed that both Israel and Palestine media report their own peoples as victims and the Other as terrorists in the chronic Israel-Palestine conflict (Hass, 2009). ...
... (p. 7) Indeed, as local newspapers shape the public mind (Hass, 2009;Hoffman, 2012;Scheufele, 2000), discursive positioning in Chinese and Philippine news reports fortify the morally correct storyline among local populations, creating psychologically nationalistic and war-ready publics in the two antagonistic countries. ...
Using the lens of positioning theory and a mixed methods strategy, we investigate domestic media’s production of nationalism during an international conflict. Philippine and Chinese news accounts of the Scarborough Shoal conflict are text mined by RapidMiner software. With almost 100% accuracy, mathematical models successfully classify sets-of-words that belong to each domestic newspaper. Principal components analyses show that Philippine Daily Inquirer reports revolve around words related to local fishing and livelihoods. News accounts in China’s People’s Daily uphold national sovereignty. A complementary qualitative analysis of the news reports gives our mathematically derived themes more meaning. Philippine maritime claims cite recent Philippine history and international law. China’s story references lost sovereignty and ancient rather than recent history. Positioning analysis demonstrates how each newspaper claims its own country owns Scarborough Shoal and is the victim of the other country. Our findings show how two contradictory and nationalistic versions of an international conflict may be linguistically constructed by domestic media. Our research also highlights the illuminative power of positioning theory in the field of international relations and media analysis.
... Wars and conflict situations are newsworthy, and the media tend to take advantage of their newsworthiness to influence people's thoughts and actions (Hass, 2009). According to Puddephatt (2006: 5), 'the media played a pernicious role in the Rwandan genocide and the wars in the Balkans that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia by inciting genocide (in the case of Rwanda) and by acting as a vehicle for virulent nationalism (in the case of former Yugoslavia).' ...
This study investigates the representation of the Russia–Ukraine conflict by two state-owned Russian news media and two state-owned Ukrainian news media, namely Izvestia, Russia Today, Ukrinform and Dzerkalo Tyzhnia. The aim of this investigation is to determine the ideologies embedded in the news reports and discourse structures, and strategies deployed in portraying the conflict actors and their actions. Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (see Ideology: A Multidisciplinary Approach, 1998; New(s) racism: A discourse analytical approach, 2000; and Politics, ideology, and discourse, 2006) and Martin and White’s Appraisal Framework of attitude and graduation (see The Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English, 2005) served as the theoretical frameworks. Using Critical Discourse Analysis as the analytical framework, the study examines how attitudinal and evaluative language use are employed to enact ideologies and to portray biased presentations of conflict actors. The findings reveal that the media reports of the Russia–Ukraine conflict are laden with militarism and nationalism. Discourse structures and strategies of emotive verbs, evaluative adjectives, positive self-presentation, negative other-presentation, national self-glorification, actor description, comparison and number games are powerful tools for enacting ideologies. The media representation of the Russia–Ukraine conflict lacked conflict resolution embedded linguistic frames and is rather distorted, stereotypic and conflict-inciting.
... The media landscape in Russia is characterised by the consistent capture of media, conveyed in the acquisition of national broadcasters, newspapers, and news agencies (Becker 2014) and accompanied by waves of regulatory restrictions (Gureeva and Samorodova 2019). Amongst these policies, "anti-terrorist" laws have been particularly useful in concealing practices of surveillance and violation of privacy, not only in Russia but all over the world (see Hass 2009;Eroukhmanoff 2016). ...
The disrupted Russian media ecosystem facilitates the flourishing of political blogging on social media; the political communication expands beyond the over-controlled, institutionalised channels of political interaction. This paper maps the activity on YouTube, incorporating media and communication studies to the analysis of a hybrid political regime to answer the following research question: What representations of Navalny are available in the Russian YouTube-sphere? The analysis of a statistically random sample of 366 videos associated with the keyword "Navalny" works in two phases: image type analysis and narrative analysis. Both phases help to identify the traditional institutionalised political actors in the spillovers of political communication trends in the YouTube-sphere. This work not only enriches and updates the current understanding of the Russian political communication ecosystem, but also helps expand the research on contemporary quasi-democratic political scenarios and the communicative strategies of their legitimisation.
... Hence the importance of acting quickly to foster a climate of confidence with the creation of new policies that allow the recovery of the lost image. Communication channels will be vital in the return to normality (Hass, 2009). The perception of the risk of travel must be taken into account, as it facilitates decision-making and planning in a health crisis situation (Reisinger, & Mavondo, 2005). ...
... For them, the risk of travel must be taken into account, as it facilitates decision making and planning in a health crisis (Reisinger and Mavondo 2005). Communication channels will be vital in the return to normality (Hass 2009;Carlsen and Liburd 2008). However, the resident who became a tourist may not pay attention to all these aspects. ...
The pandemic caused by the coronavirus continues to test barriers around the world. In
this sense, the tourism industry has become the sector most affected by the crisis with more than 900 million euros in losses. Recovery will require a great effort, especially in countries where the sector accounts for a large share of the economy and employment. This study analyzes the perceptions and proposals of the residents of the autonomous community of Andalusia. A total of 658 surveys were conducted during the closure. A quantitative and qualitative thematic analysis was carried out using SPSS and NVivo Pro programs. The findings provide significant insights into the economic recovery of society after the pandemic. The Andalusians have opted for local tourism so that the residents
become the consumers of the tourist products of their territory. The deployment of new technologies and marketing campaigns should provide the basic strategies for structural changes and innovations.
The residents demand a united Europe and disagree with the statements of some political leaders.
The conclusions have practical and theoretical implications for tourist destinations.
... importantly, both outlets are publishing articles in English, and while the latter is perceived as government-friendly (Schäfer, 2013:34), the former fashions itself as an alternative media outlet that gives voice to a "silent majority" (Ammon News, 2022). News articles were chosen in particular as they can contribute to conveying a certain framing of an issue in the process of securitization (Léonard & Kaunert, 2011:73), while being a vessel for security utterances that securitizing move consists of (Hass, 2009). Securitization can work "both as an effect in media but also as effect of media" (Vultee, 2010:78) which signals media's potential of becoming a securitizing actor. ...
The following dissertation discusses the process of securitization of water scarcity in Jordan which took place in years 2013-2020. Jordanian authorities utilised a security narrative framing the Syrian refugee influx as aggravating water scarcity in the country. During the course of the analysis, special attention was paid to audiences the securitizing move was targeted towards, investigating their identity, influence and relations with other actors involved. The study was guided by a sociological approach to securitization that goes beyond Copenhagen School's initial formulation. It was conceptualised as a non-linear social process and a discursive practice with mutually constitutive agents, structures, and contexts. Theoretical base was supplemented with primary sources-Jordanian official documents and news articles-which revealed that the narrative adhered to the global water security discourse and relied on established heuristic cues to invoke security in relation to the refugees-water scarcity-Jordan nexus. This dissertation argues that the securitizing move was targeting both domestic and international audiences, with the latter, consisting of donor community, being the enabling audience and having a significant influence on threat construction. The findings further reaffirmed the important role of international donors in Jordan.
... Hence the importance of acting quickly to foster a climate of confidence with the creation of new policies that allow the recovery of the lost image. Communication channels will be vital in the return to normality (Hass, 2009). The perception of the risk of travel must be taken into account, as it facilitates decision-making and planning in a health crisis situation (Reisinger, & Mavondo, 2005). ...
... Consequently, in the past decade both mainstream and social media have had a significant impact on the securitization of a variety of issues, including military conflicts (O'Reilly 2008), climate change (Brzoska 2009) and migration (Bourbeau 2011). Yet, as these studies demonstrate, media not only feature as an important factor in securitization in different security sectors, but also can play a number of different roles, ranging from a facilitating condition for creating a sense of insecurity (Vultee 2010) to a functional actor in a securitization process (O'Reilly 2008), or even a de-securitizing condition (Hass 2009). ...
I examine how social media and historical memory were used for the social construction of security issues during the Euromaidan protests in January–February 2014 and the conflict in eastern Ukraine in May–June 2014. Using a large sample of multi-lingual data, I investigate how securitizing speech-acts were produced on Twitter, what their audience was at different stages of the Ukraine crisis, and in which ways historical memories were employed by pro- and anti-Maidan groups for framing the events in Ukraine as a matter of existential threat. My findings suggest that historical memory, in particular of World War II, served as a facilitating condition for the securitization of the Ukraine crisis and contributed to its discursive escalation.
... However, quite contrary to the assumption that foreign policy is guided by the national interest, private actors and their interests can also play a significant role in foreign policy. In times of crisis, when international politics moves up the public agenda, citizens turn to the media for information, which, far from merely being a neutral observer, can have a significant impact on politics (Hass 2009). The news media, in turn, interview foreign policy " experts " to provide an interpretation of certain events. ...
A much reworked version has been published under the title "Foreign Policy Analysis, Globalisation and Non-State Actors: State Centric After all?" in the Journal of International Relations and Development.
How do great-power leaders instrumentalise humanitarianism in sustain-ing the institutional and public mandate demanded by their war agendas?We examine the ‘humanitarian securitisation’ approach adopted bypowerful state leaders as the domestic credibility and popularity of theirwar efforts become increasingly more difficult to guarantee over time. Wedefine humanitarian securitisation as a discursive-hermeneutic processthrough which powerful initiator states frame the humanitarian crisesarising from the terrorism and internal conflicts confronting less powerfultarget states as existential threats to the former’s own survival to bolsterand justify their agendas further. Using Bush’s ‘war on terror’ and Putin’sUkraine invasion as empirical cases, we argue that the humanitariansecuritisation resulting from the artificial insertion of humanitarianisminto the securitisation process becomes a double-edged sword that rein-forces the legitimising and mobilising powers required by great-powerleaders to pursue their narrow self-interests, but at the risk of beingentangled into long drawn-out wars that damage genuine humanitarianefforts. In framing these ‘extraterritorial’ humanitarian crises as collectiveborderless existential threats that all parties affected must decisivelydefeat, this ad hoc and predatory process of humanitarian securitisationalters the form and substance of contemporary humanitarianism in a waythat ultimately exacerbates existing power hierarchies.
Kebijakan represif yang dikeluarkan pemerintah Hungaria telah memposisikan pengungsi dan migran tersebut sebagai ancaman bagi keamanan nasional telah menjadi sorotan banyak pihak termasuk Uni Eropa, padahal Hungaria merupakan negara pihak dalam Konvensi Pengungsi tahun 1951 dan protokol 1967. Penelitian ini melihat bahwa perilaku yang ditunjukan oleh Hungaria, merupakan bentuk dari sekuritisasi yang dilakukan terhadap isu pengungsi dan migran oleh Pemerintahan Viktor Orban. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini berupaya untuk mengungkap proses dan aktor dalam sekuritisasi yang dilakukan Pemerintah Hungaria terhadap pengungsi dan migran yang berasal dari Timur Tengah pada periode tahun 2015-2019. Penelitian ini didasarkan pada pendekatan konstruktivisme dengan teori sekuritisasi yang dikembangkan oleh mahzab Copenhagen School untuk melihat proses dan aktor dalam sekuritisasi isu pengungsi dan migran oleh pemerintah Hungaria. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa keberhasilan proses sekuritisasi isu pengungsi dan migran terletak pada speech act sebagai bentuk komunikasi intersubjektif yang ditujukan untuk membangun referent object dan membentuk persepsi mengenai ancaman dari pengungsi dan migran yang dilakukan oleh PM Viktor Orban. Disamping itu ditemukan bahwa media massa di Hungaria menjadi functional actor yang berkontribusi besar dalam keberhasilan proses sekuritisasi isu pengungsi dan migran dengan menjadi jembatan yang berhasil menghubungkan securitizing actor dan audience. Kata Kunci: Viktor Orban, nilai, identitas, ancaman, media massa
While securitisation theory sees that the news media can be both a securitising actor and audience, the existing literature has not explored cases where the media are framed as the threat. This article illustrates how former President Donald Trump framed the U.S. news media as a threat, and argues that this constitutes a securitising move. Discourse analysis informed by framing theory is applied to a sample of tweets posted by Trump. These examples illustrate how Trump has continuously framed the media as a threat, highlighting the referent object as being a threat to the truth, the people and the country, thereby undertaking a securitising move.
Based on the representation of Russia in the leading Lithuanian online media outlet, the article attempts to examine the structure of news demand. The images and main narratives of Russia constructed by the media are relatively easy to identify and analyse through quantitative and qualitative content analysis. Nevertheless, an even more important part of the reception or the demand side of the news content is more difficult to assess. Audience interest can be measured by examining the attributes of articles of greatest interest and endorsement. Article share statistics is utilized as an indicator of the interest of active readers. Comparing the selected characteristics of the most shared articles with the control group of the mainstream articles, the article investigates the difference between the thematic frames, sentiment and length of the pieces. The results demonstrate that audience demand attributes differ from the general supply of media texts. Readers tend to endorse less intellectually demanding texts. Trivia and non-political texts are shared more often by the audience than deeper analytical texts.
Defining the Russian Federation as one of the four contemporary empires (Zielonka 2012), this article links the imperial paradigm (Parker 2010; Zielonka 2012, 2013, 2015; Colomer 2017), social constructs building (Wendt 1992), strategic narrative theory (Miskimmon et al. 2013), and soft power-associated public diplomacy instrumentarium (Melissen 2005; Nye 2008; Cull 2008, 2009; Cowan and Arsenault 2008) into a single conceptual framework to examine public diplomacy by the Russian Federation towards the Republic of Estonia. This analysis assumes that Russia understands Estonia as its own periphery in geo-strategic as well as imperial terms.
The impact of American media on the Indian imegrants to the US.
Pro-war rhetoric has become almost everyday practice of contemporary tabloid press in Serbia, and such editorial policy finds a backbone in the unstable social and political conditions in the Western Balkans, in the turmoil on the world political scene, the rise of extremism, as well as in unrealized nationalistic and territorial pretensions from the former Yugoslavia. Media reporting on arming becomes extremely ecstatic, and it is often followed by chauvinistic discourse and claims without any factual references. The topic of this research are the implicit and explicit announcements of war on the front pages of the tabloids Informer and Srpski telegraf in a one-year period, from 1 April 2016 to 31 March 2017. The aim of this paper is to identify discourse patterns that tabloids Informer and Srpski telegraf use in these announcements of wars, which was achieved by the method of quantitative-qualitative discourse analysis. Pro-war rhetoric is just one of the forms of unethical behavior of media outlets, but potentially the most dangerous, as evidenced by the Yugoslavian experience of the 1990s. Announcements of war with Croatia, Kosovo, Albania or Bosnia and Herzegovina, which have become the daily routine of the analyzed daily newspapers, violate the ethical principles of the journalistic profession, in the first place by introducing unjustified fear and fomenting discrimination and inter-ethnic intolerance.
Studies on securitization dynamics in a growing number of sectors have been conducted, including securitization of climate change. However, a relatively understudied agent of securitization is media. In the proposed analysis, we study Turkey’s media framing of climate change and whether and how it relates to the framings of security in general to acquire in-depth understanding of the role national media plays in securitization of climate change. Along with alternative online media outlet Bianet, mainstream outlets (Sabah, Sözcü, Hürriyet, Milliyet) are analyzed. This article addresses the following main research question: How do the mainstream and alternative media frame climate change in the Turkish context? In order to answer this question, it adopts content analysis to analyze selected frames on climate change–related news utilized in Turkish media. Data have been collected and coded for three periods: first, the period of September–December 2007, when climate change was high on the global agenda. Second, January 1 to March 25, 2015, which was the period before the Pew survey began. Third, we have collected data for October 1 to November 4, 2015, which is the period just before the United Nations Paris Agreement on Climate Change was signed. We find alternative media’s potential to serve as “alternative public sphere” by voicing the unspoken in public debate on climate change.
This article analyses the relationship between civil society and conflict. It aims to provide an
analytical framework to unpack this complex relationship and assess the impacts which civil
society may have on conflict. In a first section, it analyses the implications of context on civil
society, namely the implications that statehood, democracy, nationalism, development and
international presence have on the nature of civil society. In the second section it examines
more specifically the role of civil society in ethno-political conflicts, or as we rename it
‘conflict society’. The final section turns to the identification of different factors determining
the impact of civil society on conflicts, including political identities, frameworks of action and
political opportunity structures in which civil society actors operate. Accordingly, the different
combinations of these determinants lead to the formation of civil society actors and
ensuing actions that can either fuel conflict, sustain the status quo, or build peace
This article analyses the relationship between civil society and conflict. It aims to provide an
analytical framework to unpack this complex relationship and assess the impacts which civil
society may have on conflict. In a first section, it analyses the implications of context on civil
society, namely the implications that statehood, democracy, nationalism, development and
international presence have on the nature of civil society. In the second section it examines
more specifically the role of civil society in ethno-political conflicts, or as we rename it
‘conflict society’. The final section turns to the identification of different factors determining
the impact of civil society on conflicts, including political identities, frameworks of action and
political opportunity structures in which civil society actors operate. Accordingly, the different
combinations of these determinants lead to the formation of civil society actors and
ensuing actions that can either fuel conflict, sustain the status quo, or build peace.
With new suicide bombings reported in Israel, more violence threatens. Can this conflict be reported differently? Can the media play a more pro-peace role? I was asked to write about that possibility for the Palestine-Israel Journal, jointly edited by Israelis and Palestinians and published in East Jerusalem. Thanks to Common Ground, here's a summary of my piece from a just published issue that looks at Media and the Second Intifada. For more information, write pij@palnet.com. Every time I see Jerrold Kessel I know what he's going to tell us. He is the "breaking news" bearer of bad tidings. He gets automatic face time on CNN every time there is a suicide bombing. You can close your eyes and hear him cite the body count, and then describe the retaliation already underway, as in "Israeli Defense Forces are already responding with tanks and planes and armed intervention." The media focus on these incidents, on the bloodshed, just reinforces the sense of tragedy and futility of two peoples pictured only as hating each other. The cumulative impression: the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is beyond redemption, beyond solution.
New media has caused drastic changes in the reporting of current events and shattered the old boundaries of region, nation, and traditional deadlines. While journalists have quickly adapted to a world where a story is instantaneously accessible across the globe, a new code of ethics to deal with reporting to a globalized world is beginning to emerge. Reformulating the basic aims and principles of journalism, Global Journalism Ethics offers a systematic philosophy for this new era of reporting news in a technologically connected age where stories and ethics cross borders. Stephen Ward argues that present media practices are narrowly based within the borders of single country and thus unable to successfully inform the public about a globalized world. Presenting an ethical framework for work in multimedia, the author extends John Rawl's theories of justice and the human good to redefine the aims for which journalism should strive and then applies this new foundation to issues such as the roles of patriotism and objectivity in journalism. An innovative argument that presents a necessary corrective to contemporary media practices, Global Journalism Ethics is a theoretically rich study for journalists on the air, in print, and on the internet.
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