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Globalisation and democratisation: Boon companions or strange bedfellows?

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... A competitive global market allocates economic resources fairly and efficiently, and democracy allocates political resources fairly and efficiently. In this sense, a global market and a global convergence to democracy are "mutually reinforcing" (Im, 1996). ...
... (1) Trade openness promotes democracy by encouraging economic development (Held 1992;Platner 1993;Weitzman 1993;Lipset 1994;Muller 1995, Im 1996. This proposition is one of the derivations of the modernization theory and is therefore as vulnerable as the modernization theory itself on challenges of lacking clear causal chains. ...
... However, a powerful counterargument maintains that the emergence of such an "international constituency" can only complicate the practice of democracy, since these global actors are not accountable to any citizenry through elections. "There does not exist a feasible democratic mechanism to force global actors to be accountable and responsible to the people" (Im, 1996). The autonomy of transnational firms over global markets can transcend the democratic authority and might make the principles of democracy obsolete. ...
Article
Democratization is more consequential than conferring the citizenry po-litical freedom and civil rights. By handing over the authority of policy making from the dictator to the voting power of the constituency, a regime transition from autocracy to democracy also entails important policy ad-justments. In an era of globalization, the appeal of democratization for citizens in an authoritarian society is three-fold. First, on the dimension of citi-zen rights, democratization guarantees ordinary citizens freedom in speech, publication and association and confers voters equal voting power in deter-mination of public policies. Second, on the dimension of domestic economic policy, democratization brings in political competition among parties which makes the direction and scale of income redistribution a most salient is-sue. For the last, on the dimension of foreign economic policy, a democratic transition more than often entails a trade liberalization process, lowering the consumption prices and making certain segments of the population bet-ter off. Against the background of globalization, a study of democratization neglecting any of the three dimensions might lead to biased estimations and incautious conclusions.
... In addition, for the debtor nations, their economic policies are largely imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), leaving them little discretion in this area. This has been referred to as the "hollowing out" of the state, and represents the marginalization of the state in economic decision making (Im 1996). ...
... Fetishism of this kind transcends class, gender, and political ideology. The market knows no boundary and global medias spread consumerism throughout the world" (Im 1996). ...
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Despite Max Weber's prediction that rational-legal bureaucracies would replace patrimonialism, we have instead seen the perpetuation of neopatrimonial systems in many developing states. For the postcolonial states that are struggling with the dual challenges of promoting economic growth and establishing stable democratic polities, the perpetuation of patrimonialism adds to their challenges. This paper has explored whether globalization could enable patrimonial states like the Philippines and Indonesia to overcome these patrimonial barriers. Unfortunately, despite the changes represented by globalization, it appears to be "business as usual" with the patrimonial officials using the state apparatus to promote their own interests and those of their cronies. Similarly, globalization seems to be promoting capitalism more than democracy, and is not strengthening the institutions essential for democratic consolidation.
... The "losers" in the global economy may try to shelter in parochial or particularistic cultures, seeking a clear and unique group identity based on ethnicity, religion, or language. Such a culture inhibits the development of democracy that flourishes in pluralistic societies, tolerant of various ideas and opinions (Im 1996;Yang 2010). In a similar vein, liberal and Westerndominated elements of international market integration may cause a movement to resist political liberalization and a desire for a strong state that can "rule" globalization, not "ruled by" it (Bloom 2016: 42;Telhami et al. 2009). ...
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Has trade openness made East Asian countries more or less democratic? Although numerous studies have explored the economic effects of market integration in the region, few have systematically examined the political consequences of trade liberalization. This research extends previous work by empirically investigating not only direct but also indirect links between trade globalization and democracy in East Asia. I find that the direct negative effect of trade integration on democracy is mitigated by its indirect positive impact via inequality. Empirical evidence is provided by the three-stage least squares method and pooled time-series data from 1975 to 2015 for 13 East Asian states.
... We argue that the effects of these forces on income distribution need to be studied together. Although both economic openness and democracy are said to affect income inequality, many studies also argue that openness affects democracy (e.g., Drake, 1998;Held et al., 1999;Im, 1996;Li & Reuveny, in press;Whitehead, 1996). Empirical studies of income inequality that exclude either economic openness or democracy as causal determinants can incorrectly attribute the effect of one force to the other. ...
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Deals with a study of the effects of both economic openness and democracy on income inequality. Research design; Empirical results; Conclusion.
... We argue that the effects of these forces on income distribution need to be studied together. Although both economic openness and democracy are said to affect income inequality, many studies also argue that openness affects democracy (e.g., Drake, 1998;Held et al., 1999;Im, 1996;Li & Reuveny, in press;Whitehead, 1996). Empirical studies of income inequality that exclude either economic openness or democracy as causal determinants can incorrectly attribute the effect of one force to the other. ...
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Scholars have studied effects of economic openness and democracy on national income inequality in two literatures. In democracy studies, scholars agree democracy reduces inequality but empirical evidence is ambiguous. In globalization studies, effects of economic openness on inequality are debated but have not been rigorously examined. This article is the first systematic statistical study of the effects of both economic openness and democracy on income inequality. These effects need to be studied together. The authors measure national income inequality from a comprehensive Gini coefficient data set. Economic openness is measured from trade flows, foreign direct investment inflows, and financial capital inflows. The period studied is 1960 to 1996, the unit of analysis is a country decade, and the sample includes 69 countries. The authors find that democracy and trade reduce income inequality, foreign direct investments increase income inequality, and financial capital does not affect income inequality. Policy implications are discussed.
... Li and Reuveny (2003) cite many sources supporting each view. See alsoHeld et al. (1999),Diamond (1999),Martin and Schuman (1997),Im (1996),Schmitter (1996), andBhagwati (1994). ...
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In recent decades, many countries have adopted, to various degrees, the ideologies of commercial and republican liberalism. One salient aspect of the spread of commercial liberalism in the world has been the growth in international trade. The spread of repub-lican liberalism has manifested itself by the rise in the level of democracy in countries over time. What are the implications of trade and democracy for the terrestrial envi-ronment? Two bodies of literature are relevant to this question: one studies the effect of trade on the environment, while a second body focuses on the effect of democracy on the environment. The effects of both forces on the environment are debated theoretically and empirically. The two bodies of literature have generally developed separately, and the effects of trade and democracy have not been evaluated in the same model. This paper discusses the theoretical effects of trade and democracy on the environment, and devel-ops a statistical model to study these effects on the terrestrial environment in the areas of deforestation and land degradation. The results indicate that a rise in trade openness reduces deforestation in autocracy and increases deforestation in democracy, and the effect is similar for the less developed countries (LDCs) and the developed countries (DCs). A rise in trade openness reduces land degradation, but the effect is not robust and does not depend on regime type. A rise in democracy increases deforestation and reduces land degradation, but these effects are weaker in LDCs than in DCs. In addition, the effect of democracy on deforestation is stronger when trade openness is high. The effect of democracy on land degradation does not depend on trade openness. The paper concludes with an examination of the implications of these results for public policy.
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A small number of studies have investigated how terrorism influences government policies such as military spending through individual case-study analyses. However, scholars have yet to investigate how terrorism influences defense funding across multiple states and regions. This is surprising since prior research has found that terrorism influences political outcomes a number ways by affecting citizens’ emotions such as anxiety and fear. Therefore, this study examines the effect domestic and international terrorism has on military expenditures in 119 states from 1989 to 2012. A cross-sectional time series analysis indicates that terrorism positively affects military spending. However, democratic states are more likely to increase defense funding following terrorist attacks than authoritarian states. Furthermore, international terrorist attacks have the largest effect on defense funding in democracies.
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Over the past decades, East Asian states have enjoyed economic development and progress toward democracy through extensive economic transformation: trade and financial liberalization. To explain the theoretical mechanism of these variables, we investigate the direct and indirect effects of globalization on democratic development via economic development. To this end, a two-equation model is specified and estimated using data from 1972 to 2010 for eleven East Asian countries. The results show that globalization has not only the direct political effect, but also the indirect impact on democracy via economic development.
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This paper is concerned with Africa’s performance within the context of the globalization process. It was noted that economic performance in Africa had not generally measured up to East Asia and Latin America. The analyses in the paper were guided by the provisions of received theoretical and empirical paradigms. Based on a descriptive analytical approach, it showed that remarkable gains accrued in the area of democratization while modest gains generally resulted from internationalization of capital market transactions, direct investment inflows, tourism and foreign remittances. Unexpected outcomes resulted mostly from international trade. An unfavorable terms of trade with its export production disincentive flavor had generally been the order. An accelerated innovation policy could help reverse the trend through for example, increasing output production and quality. The overall outcomes would also benefit significantly from complementary actions from the international community and multinational operators.
Chapter
The world has changed considerably in the last two decades as a consequence of various technological innovations, cross-boundary socio-political decisions, and the ever-increasing changes in socio-economic demands. The world has become much smaller and more (inter) connected than ever before, therefore bringing uncertainties and more complexities to its inhabitants. To depict these changes, the term ‘globalization’ was introduced, which rapidly became a major personification of our time. Yet, globalization is not a linear process with clear rules and certainty of outcomes.
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With the onset of the global financial crisis in 2008, the ideological hegemony of neo-liberalism has been called into question. Globalization has exacerbated inequality among countries, regions, and social classes, and between regular and irregular workers, thus seriously weakening the material base of democracy. In this chapter Im first analyzes four perspectives on the relationship between globalization and democracy. Second, he discusses under what conditions globalization generates social polarization and thus weakens the material bases of emerging democracy. Third, Im explains how and why social and economic polarizations have deepened under the neoliberal Lee Myung-Bak government. Finally, the possibility of resolving social polarization under a globalized economy is discussed.
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In this book, Quan Li and Rafael Reuveny combine the social scientific approach with a broad, interdisciplinary scope to address some of the most intriguing and important political, economic, and environmental issues of our times. Their book employs formal and statistical methods to study the interactions of economic globalization, democratic governance, income inequality, economic development, military violence, and environmental degradation. In doing so, Li and Reuveny cross multiple disciplinary boundaries, engage various academic debates, bring the insights from compartmentalized bodies of literature into direct dialogue, and uncover policy tradeoffs in a growingly interconnected political-economic-environmental system. They show that growing interconnectedness in the global system increases the demands on national leaders and their advisors; academicians and policy makers will need to cross disciplinary boundaries if they seek to better understand and address the policy tradeoffs of even more complex processes than the ones investigated here.
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This article examines the effect terrorism has on civil liberties and political rights across a wide range of democracies and regions. This study includes an analysis of the influence domestic and international terrorist attacks have on civil liberties and political rights in 48 democratic states from 1971–2007. The results from a time series cross-national analysis reveal that terrorism weakens civil liberties and political rights. However, certain types of democracies are more affected by terrorism than others. These findings have important implications for democracy and counterterrorism strategies in democratic states. 2015
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The focus of this article is the effect of globalization on the protection of human rights, particularly the protection of human rights through international human rights law. This effect of globalization must be considered because, as the former Secretary General of the United Nations noted: [t]echnological advances are altering the nature and the expectation of life all over the globe. The revolution in communication has united the world in awareness, in aspiration and in greater solidarity against injustice. But progress also brings new risks for stability: ecological damage, disruption of family and community life, greater intrusion into the lives and rights of individuals. This article examines the processes of globalization and of international human rights law, as well as the impact of the economic processes of globalization on the protection of some human rights. Examples from Africa are primarily used here because the impact can be seen most clearly there. In this analysis, the consequences of globalization, including both the opportunities and dangers that it creates, are considered not only with regard to the protection of human rights, but also in terms of globalization's effect on the international legal order, of which international human rights law forms a part.
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My intention is to explore the link between globalization and higher education restructuring in South Africa and whether it looms as a threat to democracy. I contend that an argument can be made that the ascendancy of market-driven concerns in defining the restructuring of higher education in South Africa may have the effect whereby higher education institutions (universities and technikons) become subordinated to the demands of the market place, which situation in turn, can be detrimental to the consolidation of South Africa's newly found democracy. First, I argue that the restructuring of higher education according to the ‘logic of globalization’ would not necessarily minimize socio-economic inequality, thus providing a major barrier to the move towards deepening democracy. However, the economic, political and cultural effects of globalization as determinants of higher education restructuring in South Africa are not going to disappear, at least not for the immediate future. Already the South African government considers as a central feature of its economic policy the meeting of the ‘challenge of international competitiveness … (and) an inability to compete will increasingly marginalise the South African economy (and), have profound effects on its rate of growth and consequences for the social well-being and stability of South African society’ (CHE 2000a: 20)
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In the oil-rich Niger Delta, the three dimensions of exclusion - social, economic, and political - have systematically uprooted millions. Solutions must be sought in a framework of development with focus on non-market measures. Three most important challenges of government are how to incorporate, re-enfranchise, and empower the marginalized and excluded people of the Niger Delta. Meeting these challenges requires understanding the processes of inequalities and historical evolution, and the inadequacies of the failed neoliberal economic model. The IFAD/UNDP non-market approach considers these factors in analyzing the present crisis and emphasizes participation and ownership achieved through quality education that promotes human development and sustainable development in the Niger Delta. The lesson is that even with new economic growth, the necessities of ownership cannot be fostered simply with markets. In this vein, building on the strength and values of stakeholders is about enlarging their opportunities to pursue developmental goals that they value, both collectively and as individuals, motivating them to play their roles as stewards of their destiny and holders of unique cultural heritages.
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Virtually, all institutions of higher education almost everywhere in the world have been influenced by the concept of globalisation. The resulting policy changes in each nation-state have, of course, reflected the degree of impact of globalisation on the country, hence the changes in higher education. This chapter critically examines policy changes in higher education based on the effects of globalisation. The chapter is divided into four major areas, viz: (a) key elements and analysis of neoliberal ideas about globalisation; (b) purpose of higher education prior to the late 1970s onward; (c) policy changes in higher education and its impact on students, demands for private universities, funding and the issue of quality; (d) future trends and recommendations. The research on which this chapter is based was conducted partially in West Africa in 2000-2001 and partially in the USA in the 2002-2003 academic year. The chapter is not country-specific; rather, examples where appropriate, are drawn from all over the world.
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Advocates of higher education have long contended that universities should operate above the crude material negotiations of economics and politics. Such arguments, ignore the historical reality that the American university system emerged through, and in service to, a capitalist political economy that unevenly combines corporate, state, and civil interests. As the corporatization of U.S. universities becomes nearly impossible to deny, the common response from many academics has been a superior stand against the contamination of the professional ideal by tainted corporate interests. Inside the Teaching Machine proposes a correction to this view through the lens of historical materialism. Chaput argues that the U.S. public research university has always been a vital component of the capitalist political economy. While conventional narratives of public higher education emphasize civic preparation and upward mobility, Chaput demonstrates that supposedly egalitarian policies like the Morrill Land-Grant Act and the G.I. Bill served the changing interests of capitalism much as education, creating a professional class that supports the capitalist political economy. Chaput also focuses on the relationship between American universities and globalization, showing how the trend toward professionalization contributes to the production of surplus value, and the ways that the American university model circulates outside the United States. Chaput concludes by advocating rhetorical strategies for the professional who opposes the capitalist logic of the global university system, proposing concrete options for engaging and redirecting globalization within the university system. © 2008 by The University of Alabama Press. All rights reserved.
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A world government capable of controlling nation-states has never evolved. Nonetheless, considerable governance underlies the current order among states, facilitates absorption of the rapid changes at work in the world, and that direction to the challenges posed by interstate conflicts, environmental pollution, currency crises, and the many other problems to which an ever expanding global interdependence gives rise. In this study, nine leading international relations specialists examine the central features of this governance without government. They explore its ideological bases, behavioural patterns, and institutional arrangements as well as the pervasive changes presently at work within and among states. Within this context of change and order, the authors consider the role of the Concert of Europe and the pillars of the Westphalian system, the effectiveness of international institutions and regulatory mechanisms, the European Community and the micro-underpinnings of macro- governance practices.
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Until recently, dominant theoretical paradigms in the comparative social sciences did not highlight states as organizational structures or as potentially autonomous actors. Indeed, the term 'state' was rarely used. Current work, however, increasingly views the state as an agent which, although influenced by the society that surrounds it, also shapes social and political processes. The contributors to this volume, which includes some of the best recent interdisciplinary scholarship on states in relation to social structures, make use of theoretically engaged comparative and historical investigations to provide improved conceptualizations of states and how they operate. Each of the book's major parts presents a related set of analytical issues about modern states, which are explored in the context of a wide range of times and places, both contemporary and historical, and in developing and advanced-industrial nations. The first part examines state strategies in newly developing countries. The second part analyzes war making and state making in early modern Europe, and discusses states in relation to the post-World War II international economy. The third part pursues new insights into how states influence political cleavages and collective action. In the final chapter, the editors bring together the questions raised by the contributors and suggest tentative conclusions that emerge from an overview of all the articles. As a programmatic work that proposes new directions for the analysis of modern states, the volume will appeal to a wide range of teachers and students of political science, political economy, sociology, history, and anthropology.
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One of the first signs that changes were coming in the Soviet Union was the anti-corruption drive undertaken by Andropov. He used this campaign as a weapon against the Brezhnev faction, accusing the late leader's family and followers of extravagant corruption. More than a simple tactical maneuver, Andropov's campaign was seen as an important component of a general overhaul of the Soviet system. After the Chernenko interlude, when the anti-corruption campaign was abandoned, Gorbachev resumed this policy and turned the struggle against corruption into one of the major battle-cries of perestroika. The study of corruption in communist countries is more than simply an intellectual exercise since corruption is an integral, structural element of these systems.
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We live in a new economy, gradually formed over the past half century and characterized by five fundamental features which are systemically interrelated. The first such feature is that sources of productivity—and therefore of economic growth in real terms—are increasingly dependent upon the application of science and technology, as well as upon the quality of information and management, in the processes of production, consumption, distribution, and trade. The pathbreaking work of Robert Solow in 1957,1 followed by the aggregate-production-function studies on the sources of economic productivity by Denison, Malinvaud, Jorgenson, and Kendrick, among others,2 has shown that advanced economies increased their productivity not so much as a result of the amount of capital or labor added to the production process, as was the case in the early stages of industrialization, but as the outcome of a more efficient combination of the factors of production. Although econometric equations are obscure in identifying the precise sources of the new productivity pattern, the “statistical residual” found to be critical in the new production function has often been assimilated to the new inputs represented by the deeper penetration of science, technology, labor skills, and managerial know-how in the production process.3
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L ike the ubiquitous prefix "post," "flexibility" has be-come a common buzzword of the 1980s in a wide variety of academic writing. The two are in fact often connected, for the essence of this "post" period -whether postmodern, post-fordist, or post-industrial -is said to be flexibility -flexible specialization, flexible accumulation,' flexible firm, labour market flexibility, the "Age of Flexibility." Essentially, the debate surrounding post-for-dism/flexibility has to do with the way firms, industries and indeed national economies and world capitalism are restructuring in this era of technological change, heightened international competition and rapidly changing markets. Whereas the post-war period is characterized as one of mass production/consumption, planning, control and stability, the current age, it is argued, requires flexibility and rapid response to change by capital, and hence by labour. The debate is about the extent and nature of these changed con-ditions, how we can understand these processes, and what the implications are for political strategy. Post-fordism, like postmodernism, is grounded in the sense of dislocation and unease brought about by the rapid changes in the world order since the early 1970s. In scholar-ly work in political economy there has been a rush to in-terpret these developments, and an eagerness to declare a "new era," one which supersedes the extended post-war boom. While the left has flirted with both postmodernism and post-fordism, each approach has critically challenged some aspects of left analysis and political strategy and each has been developed to a large extent by those working in Studies in Political Economy 36, Fall 1991 177 Studies in Political Economy other social science paradigms. The language used is of dramatic reversals in business as usual, captured in words like restructuring, deindustrialization, and globalization. The literature is wide ranging -from overarching theories of the new regime of accumulation-to case studies of par-ticular firms and their labour reorganization in the 1980s. All aspects of the economy are under scrutiny -industrial organization, labour relations, international financial markets, state involvement in the economy. The debate has been taken up by the left and the right; by institutional social scientists and marxists; by industrial relations stu-dents and business school professors; by academics writing in many languages and in different countries. My purpose in this review is to examine the implications of the post-fordism and flexibility debates for political economy. What insights do they hold and what pitfalls do they reveal? How useful are they in enhancing our way of understanding the world, our concrete knowledge of that world, and our ability to shape it? Some see the whole project as reactionary and antithetical to a marxist analysis, while other political economists are in the very centre of the fray. It is difficult to study a process as it unfolds and we are not yet at the point where history can settle the debates. What we can evaluate is whether the discussion has been fruitful in intellectual and practical terms. Different Literatures There are at least three broad fields within political economy which have been heavily engaged in some sort of flexibility debate, and among these there have been uneven degrees of communication and cross-fer-tilization. These fields are geography, crisis theory/interna-tional capitalism, and labour process/labour studies. This section briefly describes the literature on post-fordism/ flexibility in each of these fields, emphasizing the diversity of approaches to the issue. The next section highlights the major issues under debate and offers a critique of the litera-ture.
Book
Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend in the late twentieth century. In The Third Wave,Samuel P. Huntington analyzes the causes and nature of these democratic transitions, evaluates the prospects for stability of the new democracies, and explores the possibility of more countries becoming democratic. The recent transitions, he argues, are the third major wave of democratization in the modem world. Each of the two previous waves was followed by a reverse wave in which some countries shifted back to authoritarian government. Using concrete examples, empirical evidence, and insightful analysis, Huntington provides neither a theory nor a history of the third wave, but an explanation of why and how it occurred. Factors responsible for the democratic trend include the legitimacy dilemmas of authoritarian regimes; economic and social development; the changed role of the Catholic Church; the impact of the United States, the European Community, and the Soviet Union; and the "snowballing" phenomenon: change in one country stimulating change in others. Five key elite groups within and outside the nondemocratic regime played roles in shaping the various ways democratization occurred. Compromise was key to all democratizations, and elections and nonviolent tactics also were central. New democracies must deal with the "torturer problem" and the "praetorian problem" and attempt to develop democratic values and processes. Disillusionment with democracy, Huntington argues, is necessary to consolidating democracy. He concludes the book with an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural factors that will decide whether or not the third wave continues. Several "Guidelines for Democratizers" offer specific, practical suggestions for initiating and carrying out reform. Huntington's emphasis on practical application makes this book a valuable tool for anyone engaged in the democratization process. At this volatile time in history, Huntington's assessment of the processes of democratization is indispensable to understanding the future of democracy in the world.
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The quest for freedom from hunger and repression has triggered in recent years a dramatic, worldwide reform of political and economic systems. Never have so many people enjoyed, or at least experimented with democratic institutions. However, many strategies for economic development in Eastern Europe and Latin America have failed with the result that entire economic systems on both continents are being transformed. This major book analyzes recent transitions to democracy and market-oriented economic reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. Drawing in a quite distinctive way on models derived from political philosophy, economics, and game theory, Professor Przeworski also considers specific data on individual countries. Among the questions raised by the book are: What should we expect from these experiments in democracy and market economy? What new economic systems will emerge? Will these transitions result in new democracies or old dictatorships?
Article
DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY Guillermo O'Donnell Guillermo O'DonneU, an Argentine political scientist, is Helen Kellogg Professor of lnternational Studies and Academic Director of the Kellogg Institute of International Studies at the University of Notre Dame. His books include Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism (1979); Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Argentina, 1966-1973, in Comparative Perspective (1988); and, with Philippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule (1986). Here I depict a "new species," a type of existing democracies that has yet to be theorized. As often happens, it has many similarities with other, already recognized species, with cases shading off between the former and some variety of the latter. Still, I believe that the differences are significant enough to warrant an attempt at such a depiction. The drawing of neater boundaries between these types of democracy depends on empirical research, as well as more refined analytical work that I am now undertaking. But if I really have found a new species (and not a member of an already recognized family, or a form too evanescent to merit conceptualization), it may be worth exploring its main features. Scholars who have worked on democratic transitions and consolidation have repeatedly said that, since it would be wrong to assume that these processes all culminate in the same result, we need a typology of democracies. Some interesting efforts have been made, focused on the consequences, in terms of types of democracy and policy patterns, of various paths to democratization. I My own ongoing research suggests, however, that the more decisive factors for generating various kinds of democracy are not related to the characteristics of the preceding authoritarian regime or to the process of transition. Instead, I believe that we must focus upon various long-term historical factors, as well as the degree of severity of the socioeconomic problems that newly installed democratic governments inherit. Let me briefly state the main points of my argument: 1) Existing Journal of Democracy Vol. 5, No. 1 January 1994 56 Journal of Democracy theories and typologies of democracy refer to representative democracy as it exists, with all its variations and subtypes, in highly developed capitalist countries. 2) Some newly installed democracies (Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, Philippines, Korea, and many postcommunist countries) are democracies, in the sense that they meet Robert Dahl's criteria for the definition of polyarchy. 2 3) Yet these democracies are not -- and do not seem to be on the path toward becoming -- representative democracies; they present characteristics that prompt me to call them delegative democracies (DD). 4) DDs are not consolidated (i.e., institutionalized) democracies, but they may be enduring. In many cases, there is no sign either of any imminent threat of an authoritarian regression, or of advances toward representative democracy. 5) There is an important interaction effect: the deep social and economic crisis that most of these countries inherited from their authoritarian predecessors reinforces certain practices and conceptions about the proper exercise of political authority that lead in the direction of delegative, not representative democracy. The following considerations underlie the argument presented above: 3 A) The installation of a democratically elected government opens the way for a "second transition," often longer and more complex than the initial transition from authoritarian rule. B) This second transition is supposed to be from a democratically elected government to an institutionalized, consolidated democratic regime. C) Nothing guarantees, however, that this second transition will occur. New democracies may regress to authoritarian rule, or they may stall in a feeble, uncertain situation. This situation may endure without opening avenues for institutionalized forms of democracy. D) The crucial element determining the success of the second transition is the building of a set of institutions that become important decisional points in the flow of political power. E) For such a successful outcome to occur, governmental policies and the political strategies of various agents must embody the recognition of a paramount shared interest in democratic institution building. The successful cases have featured a decisive coalition of broadly supported political leaders who take great care in creating and strengthening democratic political institutions. These institutions, in turn, have made it easier to cope with the social and economic problems inherited from the authoritarian regime. This...
Article
World politics is entering a new phase, in which the great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of international conflict will be cultural. Civilizations - the highest cultural groupings of people - are differentiated from each other by religion, history, language and tradition. These divisions are deep and increasing in importance. From Yugoslavia to the Middle East to Central Asia, the fault lines of civilizations are the battle lines of the future. In this emerging era of cultural conflict the United States must forge alliances with similar cultures and spread its values wherever possible. With alien civilizations the West must be accommodating if possible, but confrontational if necessary. In the final analysis, however, all civilizations will have to learn to tolerate each other. Copyright © 2006-2010 ProQuest LLC. All Rights Reserved.
Article
This introductory paper surveys a variety of Western analyses of the emergence of a liberal social order, ranging from the Scottish enlightenment, through responses to the French Revolution, and discussions of American exceptionalism, to various Central European reactions to the traumas of the interwar period, to “dependency” theory and Christian Democracy.It identifies a number of central issues that are reappearing, in somewhat modified form, in the analysis of contemporary economic liberalization and political democratization issues in the South and East. Contrary to some recent triumphalism, most Western social theory has been deeply preoccupied with the fragility and reversibility of economic cum political liberalization processes.
‘Democracy and Economic Reform: Tensions, Compatibility, and Strategies of Reconciliation
  • Larry Diamond
‘The Borderless World and the Walled City
  • Schrecker
The Social Contract, 141Harmondsworth: Penguin
  • Jacques Rousseau
‘Democracy in Danger
  • Trent
“‘Can There Be Political Democracy Without a Democratic Economy?
  • Fields