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Review of Enemies of freedom: Understanding right-wing authoritarianism.

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Reviews the book, Enemies of freedom: Understanding right-wing authoritarianism by Bob Altemeyer (see record 1988-98419-000). This book is the second of a projected three volume series by Altemeyer on the right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) construct. In this volume, Altemeyer (1988) reports the results of further research conducted since the first volume using his RWA scale. Specifically, three issues are dealt with: (1) how RWA develops in the individual, (2) why RWA is organized the way it is, and (3) how RWA can be controlled in a democratic society. Altemeyer's underlying assumption in this and the preceding volume is that a considerable potential for RWA exists in countries like Canada and the United States and that it is therefore a potentially serious problem requiring vigilance and perhaps ultimately preventive measures. Are his fears in this regard justified? It depends on how seriously one takes the respondents' self-reports. Altemeyer repeatedly shows that individuals (usually college students) who score high on the RWA scale are reportedly willing to punish others and to endorse actions that would curtail the civil rights of others, especially those with left-wing political leanings, who threaten the established order. However, in most instances, the measures are attitudinal ones dealing with respondents' reactions to hypothetical incidents and situations as to what they might do or would endorse having others do. Thus, Altemeyer's fears of the high RWA scorers and the seriousness of their threat to North American and other societies depend on knowing how willing they would be to act on their personal inclinations. Be that as it may, from a number of angles Altemeyer's current book on RWA deserves close and thoughtful reading by social, personality, and developmental psychologists. Those interested in political psychology, a relatively new area attracting social and personality psychologists and political scientists, will find it especially valuable and insightful. As noted earlier in the review, both of Altemeyer's RWA volumes should be required reading for would-be constructors of personality and attitude scales. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

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... A variable closely linked to these perceptions of threat – in fact, believed to be motivated by the desire for increased security and reduced threat – is right wing authoritarianism (RWA), which has been associated with support for militancy and war (Altemeyer 1988; Doty, Peterson, and Winter 1991). Duckitt (2001) and Altemeyer (1998) argue that feelings of fear and endangerment are the foundations of authoritarian attitudes. ...
... Furthermore, certain worldviews related to feeling threatened lead to support for war. For instance, chronic perceptions of the world as a hostile, distrustful, and corrupt place have been linked to increased aggressiveness and authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1988; Duckitt, Wagner, du Plessis, and Birum 2002; Bonanno and Jost 2006; Miller, Lynam, and Leukefeld 2003; Willer, Feinberg, and Laurison 2008). Consistent with this, research using the " Belief in a Dangerous World " scale has shown that perceptions of a hostile world lead to authoritarian attitudes and derogation of out-groups (Altemeyer 1988; Duckitt et al. 2002), which, as mentioned above, have been linked to aggressive and violent attitudes toward out-groups, including support for war (e.g., Altemeyer 1988; Duckitt 2001; McFarland 2005). ...
... For instance, chronic perceptions of the world as a hostile, distrustful, and corrupt place have been linked to increased aggressiveness and authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1988; Duckitt, Wagner, du Plessis, and Birum 2002; Bonanno and Jost 2006; Miller, Lynam, and Leukefeld 2003; Willer, Feinberg, and Laurison 2008). Consistent with this, research using the " Belief in a Dangerous World " scale has shown that perceptions of a hostile world lead to authoritarian attitudes and derogation of out-groups (Altemeyer 1988; Duckitt et al. 2002), which, as mentioned above, have been linked to aggressive and violent attitudes toward out-groups, including support for war (e.g., Altemeyer 1988; Duckitt 2001; McFarland 2005). Furthermore, Willer et al. (2008) found that those who view others generally as untrustworthy are significantly more likely to support war. ...
... This pattern could be explained by basic factors within the individual's personality, for example, conventionalism, authoritarian submission and aggression, and power and toughness. A modern variant of this thinking can be found in the theory of right-wing authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1988, 1998). One idea that can be taken as evidence for the personality explanation is the empirical findings of Adorno et al. (1950) and Allport (1954), and more recently of Altemeyer (1998) and McFarland (manuscript submitted for publication), that attitudes to various out-groups seem to be highly correlated among people irrespective of their social background. ...
... Two individual difference variables have been examined in all these studies: Right- Wing Authoritarianism (RWA; see e.g. Altemeyer, 1988) and/or Social Dominance Orientation (SDO; see e.g. Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). ...
... Interestingly, the analyses of the various prejudice scales disclosed that these were strongly correlated, and through factor analysis it was shown that they formed one factor only. In accord with Allport (1954; see also Altemeyer, 1988; McFarland, manuscript submitted for publication), we labelled this factor generalized prejudice. Thus, in spite of the fact that our prejudice instruments were based on either a classical or a modern definition of prejudice (see the Method section) and that they covered various types of prejudice (racial prejudice, sexism, homophobia, and prejudice toward disabled people), they could all be reduced to one and the same general factor. ...
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The relationship between Big Five personality (measured by the NEO-PI) and prejudice was examined using a variable- and a person-centred approach. Big Five scores were related to a generalized prejudice factor based on seven different prejudice scales (racial prejudice, sexism, etc). A correlation analysis disclosed that Openness to Experience and Agreeableness were significantly related to prejudice, and a multiple regression analysis showed that a variable-centred approach displayed a substantial cross-validated relationship between the five personality factors and prejudice. A cluster analysis of the Big Five profiles yielded, in line with previous research, three personality types, but this person-centred approach showed a low cross-validated relationship between personality and prejudice, where the overcontrolled type showed the highest prejudice and the undercontrolled the lowest, with the resilient falling in between. A head-to-head comparison sustained the conclusion that, based on people's Big Five personalities, their generalized prejudice could be predicted more accurately by the variable- than the person-centred approach. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... The present experiments apply terror management theory (TMT; Greenberg, Solomon, & Pyszczynski, 1986) to the study of attitudes toward immigrants. Specifically, we examined the interactive effects of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA; Altemeyer, 1988) and death reminders (or mortality salience; MS) on evaluations of immigrants in both France and the United States. ...
... However, research has also shown that worldviews emphasizing the value of tolerance can neutralize this tendency (Greenberg, Simon, Pyszczynski, Solomon, & Chatel, 1992). The current studies extend this literature by exploring the hypothesis that although MS will increase negativity toward immigrants among those who have rigid authoritarian worldviews (Altemeyer, 1988), on the other hand it will increase positivity toward immigrants among those with tolerant nonauthoritarian worldviews. ...
... In considering how MS would affect attitudes toward immigrants, this latter work suggests that the effects of 64 D. R. Weise et al.: Terror Management and Immigrants MS depend on participants' level of RWA. A large body of research has shown that people high in RWA (Altemeyer, 1988) are generally more prejudiced toward diverse outgroups , including immigrants (Altemeyer, 1981; Quinton, Cowan, & Watson, 1996). RWA thus seems like a particularly important dimension of cultural worldviews. ...
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Previous terror management theory research has shown that mortality salience (MS; a death reminder) leads to the derogation of those who are perceived to be threats to or violators of one’s cultural worldview. Immigrants may be viewed as such a threat, but not necessarily to all majority group members of the culture. The studies presented here tested the hypothesis that, depending upon the nature of the participants’ worldview, MS would either increase or decrease liking of an immigrant. After being reminded of their mortality or a control topic, French and American college students evaluated an immigrant. To assess differences in worldview, participants completed a measure of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). Consistent across two studies, MS led to more negative evaluations of an immigrant among those high in RWA, but more positive evaluations for those low in RWA. Discussion focuses on the implications of these findings for understanding the interplay of mortality concerns and RWA in determining attitudes toward immigrants.
... RWA has been associated with resistance to change (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003) as well as need for structure and a greater reliance on heuristic processing (Kemmelmeier, 2010). Individuals high in RWA have tended to submit to authorities, punish evildoers, and enforce strict rules about moral or proper behavior (Altemeyer, 1988). As such, individuals high in RWA have been shown to be highly punitive toward value-violating others such as gay men (Altemeyer, 1988). ...
... Individuals high in RWA have tended to submit to authorities, punish evildoers, and enforce strict rules about moral or proper behavior (Altemeyer, 1988). As such, individuals high in RWA have been shown to be highly punitive toward value-violating others such as gay men (Altemeyer, 1988). ...
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Most religions teach tolerance; however, dimensions of religiousness and prejudice are often positively related. This study examined whether rigid ideological beliefs associated with religion, such as right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and religious fundamentalism (RF), mediate relationships between general religiosity and certain prejudices. Participants completed self-report measures of RWA, RF, homosexual prejudice, and racial prejudice. State-of-the-art mediation path analysis and structural equation modeling were used to test the mediational effects of RWA and RF on the religiosity–prejudice relationship. Components of RWA and RF fully mediated the relationship between religiosity and prejudice. RF was the strongest mediator of value-violating prejudice, and RWA aggression solely mediated the relationship between religiosity and subtle racism. Cognitively rigid ideologies may be responsible for the appearance of a religiosity–prejudice relationship.
... Wulff (1997) suggests that one consistency to this area of research are studies which have found a relationship between an extrinsic orientation toward religion and different facets of conservatism (Hoge & Carroll, 1973; Kahoe, 1975; Morris, Hood, & Watson, 1989; Ponton & Gorsuch, 1988). In addition, there is some evidence that an intrinsic orientation toward religion is related to general conservatism (Allport & Ross, 1967; Altemeyer, 1988; Wulff, 1997). Inasmuch as an intrinsic orientation reflects a commitment to religious beliefs, this orientation suggests an orthodox set of beliefs. ...
... Devoutly religious teens can believe that premarital sex is wrong, but be just as likely to engage in premarital sex as their less devout peers (Donnelly, Duncan, Goldfarb, & Eadie, 1999). Altemeyer (1988) found that a large percentage of highly religious college students, confronted with a Biblical passage forbidding punishment for sinning, failed to apply it to their own stated attitudes toward homosexuals . If compartmentalization mediates attitudes toward celebrities and religiosity, then we might expect that ''having no other gods'' and ''celebrity worship'' would be filed in separate mental compartments, and the two would be unrelated. ...
... The above theories of personality fail to explain racists or bigots who are not necessarily authoritarian or dogmatic, and fail to recognise the situational and socio-cultural context of discrimination (see below). However, although the original work of Adorno et al. has been criticised on grounds of methodology and theoretical basis (see Hogg and Vaughan (1998)), recent studies by Altmeyer (1988) demonstrate a consistency between a prejudice nature and an authoritarian personality, and has thus attracted much research interest. The onset of such a personality type is believed to arise through early childhood experiences, and particularly with children who are subjected to excessively harsh and disciplinarian parents or guardians. ...
Article
A review of some psychological theories of prejudice is presented. These are shown to typically involve a person-centred or social-influence bias. Based on these theories, discussion is given on the extent to which prejudice may be alleviated, and specific methods for its possible reduction considered. Such methods involve aspects of child-rearing practice, group conflict minimisation through superordinate goals, and frustration release. Issues of the influences of social identity and language in perpetuating negative group differences or stereotypes are also addressed, and the role of the media and education system discussed in this context. Introduction. Prejudice is based on biases in information processing and perception that lead to individuals being pre-judged on the basis of group membership. Usually, beliefs, attitudes and assumptions about such groups are unfavourable, and subsequently negative biases are formed upon individuals. In today's Western society, overt forms of discrimination (i.e. unfair or unequal actions upon an individual due to prejudice) are unusual, but subtle biased attitudes against individuals based on, for example, gender, religion, age or ethnicity, persist and are widespread. The decline of direct and crude discrimination in Western society may in part be attributed to legislation and other inhibitions arising from a perceived social acceptability, rather than any fundamental change in the prejudices of individuals, or an individuals susceptibility towards prejudice under appropriate social conditions (see below). Indeed, whilst to many individuals of post world war generations, historical acts of mass inhumanity may seem inconceivable (e.g. holocaust against the Jewish people; systematic slavery of black people), recent examples of genocide in Iraq, Rwanda, and the former Yugoslavia, suggest that such actions are still within human capabilities. Furthermore, even where there has been an absence of any institutional support for discrimination, appalling acts of violence continue to occur in Western society, e.g. attacks on black people in the USA and UK, and Turkish immigrants in Germany. However, even subtle (non-violent) forms of discrimination may lead to detrimental effects on self-esteem, and lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy of low potential and ability (see Hogg and Vaughan (1998)). If there is to be some progress towards a righteous society, in which, for example, there is a genuine compassion for all humans, a fundamental understanding of the processes which facilitate prejudice is needed. Such processes have been the subject of study by many social scientists and psychologists, and explanations postulated range from personality theories to a basic characteristic of human social perception, comparison and judgement. In the following sections, a brief review of some common theories will be described. These will be considered in terms of person-centred (intra-personal) and inter-group (inter-personal) categories. Particular attention will be given to the implications of the theories towards prejudice alleviation.
... Another benefit is providing clients with the space to talk about spiritual or religious concerns they might perceive as being taboo in their social support systems. Many people hide their questions, doubts and differences from their religious or spiritual communities (Altemeyer, 1988). This can then lead to feelings of isolation, fear, and uncertainty. ...
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There has been increased discussion of the need to attend to clients' spirituality and religion as a part of the counseling process, but much of the literature to date has focused on individual counseling. How do the research and resulting practice implications apply to group counseling? This article provides a rationale for attending to spirituality and religion in counseling, explores the opportunities and barriers in attending to spirituality and religion in group counseling, and reviews the literature on the growing number of group interventions with a spiritual or religious focus. The article ends with specific guidelines for when and how to incorporate spirituality and religion into group counseling. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... For example, differing political preferences powerfully affect voting behavior, support for war (Gartner 1997; Mueller 1973), and perceptions of wars and crises (Jervis 1976; Johnson and Tierney 2006). Although criticized on methodological grounds, classic older studies directly linked conservatism with aggression (Adorno et al. 1950; Altemeyer 1988), and since then a large number of studies related political preferences, and conservatism in particular, to personality variables. Jost et al. (2003) recently conducted a comprehensive review of this literature, including a statistical meta-analysis of factors that had been linked with conservatism. ...
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Evolutionary psychologists have suggested that confidence and conservatism promoted aggression in our ancestral past, and that this may have been an adaptive strategy given the prevailing costs and benefits of conflict. However, in modern environments, where the costs and benefits of conflict can be very different owing to the involvement of mass armies, sophisticated technology, and remote leadership, evolved tendencies toward high levels of confidence and conservatism may continue to be a contributory cause of aggression despite leading to greater costs and fewer benefits. The purpose of this paper is to test whether confidence and conservatism are indeed associated with greater levels of aggression-in an explicitly political domain. We present the results of an experiment examining people's levels of aggression in response to hypothetical international crises (a hostage crisis, a counter-insurgency campaign, and a coup). Levels of aggression (which range from concession to negotiation to military attack) were significantly predicted by subjects' (1) confidence that their chosen policy would succeed, (2) score on a liberal-conservative scale, (3) political party affiliation, and (4) preference for the use of military force in real-world U.S. policy toward Iraq and Iran. We discuss the possible adaptive and maladaptive implications of confidence and conservatism for the prospects of war and peace in the modern world.
... Additionally, people who score high on measures of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) are more likely to be intolerant and show frustration and anger toward ethnic and cultural groups other than their own (Altemeyer, 1988). Based on the theory of social dominance orientation (SDO), people seek out jobs and organizations that fit their sociopolitical attitudes (Haley & Sidanius, 2005). ...
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This paper examines empathy levels of selected college students among a purposive sample (N=370) of incoming college freshmen at two state universities located in the northeastern United States. Students completed, among other scales, Mehrabian's Balanced and Emotional Empathy Scale (BEES) administered as a Web-based survey. Both descriptive and inferential statistics are used to compare scale and item means across gender, major, attitudes toward punishment, and other variables. Some comparison of empathy levels with students in a previous sample, as part of a study conducted approximately ten years ago, are made. Lastly, the pedagogical and advisement-related implications of the findings, along with a plan for future study, are discussed.
... Authoritarianism, another individual difference variable, has been correlated to ethnic bias and intergroup hostility (Adorno, Frenkel- Brunswik, Levinson, & Sanford, 1950). Altemeyer's (1988) Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) scale measures three core dimensions of authoritarianism: conventionalism, submission, and authoritarian aggression. RWA has demonstrated a relationship to out-group bias and opposition to government policies. ...
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Cognitive, individual differences, and intergroup contact factors were examined in the formation of attitudes about human rights and ethnic bias in two studies conducted in Spain. A 7-item scale measuring knowledge about human rights laws in Spain and the European Union was used in both studies. Participants were university students enrolled at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. In study one, participant (n = 127) knowledge about human rights laws, intergroup contact, Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), and Gough's Prejudice/Tolerance (Pr/To) scale were examined in relationship to bias towards Gitanos. Findings revealed that knowledge about human rights and social status variables (gender and age) were not significant predictors of Gitano bias, whereas Pr/To, RWA, and contact were all (R2=.28) significant predictors of bias against Gitanos. Findings provided cross-cultural replication (Dunbar & Simonova, in press) of the relationship of Pr/To and RWA to Gitano bias. In study two, participant (n=100) knowledge and feelings (measured on a three-item semantic differential scale) about human rights laws, Pr/To, and RWA were examined in relation to strategies influencing peer attitudes about human rights on the Raven Social Influence Inventory (RSII) scale. Findings indicated that knowledge about human rights laws were correlated (r=.47,p<.001) with positive feelings about these laws. Results of a hierarchical regression analysis, controlling for knowledge about human rights laws and participants' social status, found that the Prejudice/Tolerance scale and feelings about human rights were related with both hard (R 2=.11) and soft (R2=.08) social influence strategies influencing peer human rights attitudes on the RSII. Men and higher-scoring participants on Pr/To both employed more hard social influence strategies. Findings indicate that while knowledge of human rights laws is unrelated to ethnic bias, more accurate knowledge is correlated to more positive feelings about laws meant to protect the rights of ethnic minorities.
... In the absence of a business justification, modern prejudice did not predict discrimination. Petersen and Dietz (2000) observed similar effects of authoritarianism (for example, Altemeyer, 1988), which is related to prejudice , and a supervisor's demographic preference on employment discrimination in a German study. In a German follow-up study, Petersen and Dietz (2005) also demarcated the effects of modern prejudice from those of oldfashioned prejudice. ...
... Americans, and curtail immigration, and that perception of threat was significantly moderated by the respondent's authoritarian tendencies.2 1 Such as those elicited through measures of right-wing authoritarianism (Altemeyer 1988). 2 A similar relationship between perceived threat and support for conflict-escalating policies was found in the The intensified needs of authoritarian individuals suggest that attentive leaders will both use more and see greater effectiveness from heroic imagery during crisis periods. ...
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In this paper I examine Obama’s use of “heroic framing” during his first year in office. I posit that the economic crisis offered an excellent opportunity for presidential heroic framing, a technique in which the speaker aligns contemporary political issues with a narrative in which a hero faces and defeats powerful antagonists to achieve a morally commendable goal. Given Obama's reputation as a speaker, it was somewhat surprising to find that Obama did not use significant heroic framing during his first year, even in connection with the economic crisis. I then sought to examine the possibility that Obama might yet increase his heroic framing of the economy by looking at whether presidential party influences the president's heroic framing of economic recession. What I discovered through my brief survey of recent recessions is that this may be the case. Both Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush presided over economic recessions but did not heroically frame the economy. Jimmy Carter, on the other hand, used much more substantial heroic framing in his most significant address on the economy. Given Obama's strong heroic framing of the economy in his inaugural speech, even if this tendency disappeared during 2009, it is possible that Obama may yet return to a heroic framing of the recession.
... We hypothesize that comic books published during times of high societal or economic threat should contain more authoritarian imagery than comic books produced during times of low threat. We focus on elements of authoritarianism identified by Altemeyer (1988) as crucial parts of the syndrome: authoritarian aggression, conventionalism , and authoritarian submission. In addition, we examine themes of anti-intraception, or a disinterest in the subjective and tender-minded aspects of human existence. ...
Article
In this archival study, themes of authoritarianism (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, & Sanford, 1950) were content coded in American comic books. Comic books produced during years of relatively high social and economic threat (1978–82 and 1991–92) contained more aggressive imagery, more conventional themes, less intraception, and fewer spoken lines by women characters relative to comic books produced during years of relatively low threat (1983–90). Unexpectedly, speaking roles for characters of color did not differ due to the influence of threat. Discussion focused on the theoretical relationship between threat and manifestations of authoritarianism at the societal and individual levels.
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In this study, we used a paradigm similar to the one used by Milgram in his classic obedience study, using an immersive video environment. We manipulated the victim's degree of visibility and his ethnicity. When the victim was hidden, the level of obedience we obtained was similar to Milgram's. Replicating previous findings observed in real environments, participants were more obedient when the victim was hidden than when he was visible, and the more obedient participants negated their own responsibility by projecting responsibility on both the victim and the experimenter. State-anger and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) emerged as two significant predictors of the level of obedience. Illustrating an underlying process of racial-dehumanization, participants reported less anxiety and distress when the victim was a North African than when the victim was of the same racial origin as the participant. These results underscore the usefulness of using immersive environments when studying extreme social behaviors. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Political science has paid a great deal of attention to sources of intergroup conflict, but the discipline has focused less on forces that bring people together and lead them to transcend group boundaries. This study presents evidence that attachment to a shared superordinate identity can improve intergroup relations by reducing the social distance between people of different racial groups. Using a survey experiment, this research shows that making a superordinate identity salient increased support for a tax increase. The effects of the identity salience treatment are compared to a policy particularism treatment in terms of effect size and their interaction with each other. The size and direction of the identity salience effect is affected by the degree of respondents' acceptance of the proffered identity. Implications for social identity theory, racial policy attitudes, and American national identity are discussed.
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Since the publication of Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, and Sanford's (1950) classic study, considerable debate has developed concerning the political and ideological correlates of authoritarianism. This paper examines relationships between authoritarianism, on the one hand, and self-identification with ideological labels, attitudes toward political extremists, and party preferences, on the other hand. The survey data have been collected in Hungary between 1994 and 2002. Findings indicate that it is the center-right ideology and political orientation that attracts most authoritarians, yet authoritarian extreme-left also survives. The findings also show that liberal orientation and center-left identification constitute the political counter-pole of authoritarianism. Extreme-right supporters are found to be attracted only to particular aspects of authoritarianism.
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'Das ZUMA-Informationssystem (ZIS) soll die Durchführung empirischer Untersuchungen in der Sozialforschung unterstützen. Es besteht aus einem schon realisierten Instrumentemodul, welches in dem Beitrag diesem Heft vorgestellt wird, einem Theoriemodul, welches derzeit exemplarisch für den ALLBUS '96 entwickelt wird und einem Methodenmodul, welches sich in Planung befindet. Nach einem kurzen Überblick über das Gesamtsystem, wird in diesem Artikel exemplarisch für drei Konstrukte aus dem ALLBUS '96 (Autoritarismus, Diskriminierung von Ausländern und Antisemitismus) die Vorgehensweise bei der Erstellung der Inhalte für das Theoriemodul dargestellt.' (Autorenreferat) 'The ZUMA Information System (ZIS) supports the design and implementation of empirical research projects in social research. It consists of an Item-Module, which is described in the separate contribution in this volume. Furthermore we present a Theory-Module which is presently developed exemplarily for the ALLBUS 1996 and a Method-Module, which is in the phase of planning. After a short overview about the whole system, the authors discuss the procedures of the creation of the Theory-Module for three constructs of the ALLBUS 1996 in detail. The constructs involved are antisemitism, discrimination of foreigners and authoritarianism.' (author's abstract)|
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In Study 1, politically liberal college students’ in-group favoritism increased after a system-injustice threat, becoming as pronounced as that of conservatives. Studies 2 and 3 conceptually replicated these results with low preference for consistency [Cialdini, R. B., Trost, M. R., & Newsom, J. T. (1995). Preference for consistency: The development of a valid measure and the discovery of surprising behavioral implications. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69, 318–328.] as a dispositional measure of liberalism. In Study 2, following a mortality salience threat, dispositionally liberal students showed as much conviction in their attitudes toward capital punishment and abortion as dispositional conservatives did. In Study 3, after a mortality salience threat, liberal students became as staunchly unsupportive of homosexuals as conservatives were. The findings that political and dispositional liberals become more politically and psychologically conservative after threats provide convergent experimental support for the [Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W., & Sulloway, F. J. (2003). Political conservatism as motivated social cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129 339–375.] contention that conservatism is a basic form of motivated social cognition.
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ideologies are generally believed to encom-pass people's thoughts or values as they apply to public policies, judicial philosophy, and governmen-tal strategies for mediating domestic and interna-tional conflicts. Some scientists have begun to address ideology formation from an ultimate or evolutionary level of analysis, such as interpreting political orientation within the context of broader behavioral dispositions that are functional for inter-acting with other people (e.g., Hastings & Shaffer, 2008; Thornhill & Fincher, 2007; Thornhill, Fincher, & Aran, 2009). The vast majority of stud-ies, however, focus on proximate correlates of political orientation, including moods, values, and cognitive rationalization processes (see Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004; Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). In this study I investigate political orientation at a more basic level of analysis, in rela-tion to individual differences in trait perceptions and expression of affective behaviors. I examine Abstract Conservative, Republican sympathizers show heightened threat reactivity, but greater felt happiness than liberal, Democrat sympathizers. Recent evolutionary models interpret these findings in the context of broader perceptual and expressive proclivities for advertising cues of competency (Republicans) and trustworthiness (Democrats) to others, and in ways that facilitate the formation of distinct social networks, in coordination with individuals' life histories. Consistent with this perspective, I found that Republican sympathizers were more likely to report larger social networks and interpret ambiguous facial stimuli as expressing more threatening emotions as compared to Democrat sympathizers, who also reported greater emotional distress, relationship dissatisfaction, and experiential hardships. The findings are discussed in the context of proximate and ultimate explanations of social cognition, relationship formation, and societal cohesion.
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We validate, extend, and empirically and theoretically criticize the cultural dimension of humane orientation of the project GLOBE (Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness Research Program, House et al., 2004). Theoretically, humane orientation is not just a one-dimensionally positive concept about being caring, altruistic, and kind to others as discussed by Kabaskal and Bodur (2004), but there is also a certain ambivalence to this concept. We suggest differentiating humane orientation toward in-group members from humane orientation toward out-group members. A multi-country construct validation study used students samples from 25 countries that were either high or low in humane orientation (N = 876), and studied their relation to the traditional GLOBE scale and other cultural-level measures (agreeableness, religiosity, authoritarianism, and welfare state score). Findings revealed a strong correlation between humane orientation and agreeableness, welfare state score, and religiosity. Out-group humane orientation proved to be the more relevant sub-facet of the original humane orientation construct, suggesting that future research on humane orientation should make use of this measure instead of the vague original scale. The ambivalent character of out-group humane orientation is displayed in its positive correlation to high authoritarianism. Patriotism was used as a control variable for non-critical acceptance of one’s society but did not change the correlations. Our findings are discussed as an example of how rigid expectations and a lack of tolerance for diversity may help explain the ambivalent nature of humane orientation.
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In this study the relationship is examined between attitudes toward violence and rightwing authoritarianism. One hundred and fifty participants completed the Attitudes Toward Violence Scale (ATVS; Anderson, Benjamin, Wood, & Bonacci, 2006) and the Right Wing Authoritarianism Scale (RWA; Attemeyer, 1996). Three of the ATVS subscales (war, penal code violence, and corporal punishment) correlated significantly with the RWA. The findings suggest that the ATVS is linked to authoritarianism and that its subscales tap into attitudes regarding authoritarian aggression.
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This paper argues that, for many people and in many circumstances, public deliberation is about group identity rather than argumentation. Research on ingroup and outgroup thinking in social psychology helps to explain why thinking in terms of group identity is so powerful. The power comes from the promise that the world is a stable and easily known place, made up of discrete and transparent groups.
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Defining prejudice Intergroup conflict is apparent throughout the globe today, fueled by prejudice and discrimination. But prejudice, like most human phenomena, is more complex than it first appears. For years, social psychology followed Gordon Allport's straightforward definition: intergroup prejudice consists of negative opinions against an outgroup without sufficient evidence (Allport, 1954). In other words, prejudice is being down on something you are not up on. Note that this view holds prejudice to involve both negative emotions and irrational beliefs. But my teacher's definition turns out to be too simple. Consider prejudice against women. Most opinions of men about women are in fact favorable. Prejudice becomes evident only when women step out of the roles that society prescribes for them. For example, there is often resistance to even a competent woman becoming an airline pilot. Such resistance arises because there is a perceived "lack of fit" between the generally positive stereotype of women and that of airline pilots. Women are supposed to lack the technical skills required of pilots. Thus, prejudice becomes evident when there is a perception of "role incongruity" (Eagly & Dickman, 2005). When large numbers of women challenge these perceptions and attempt to assume previously all-male roles 1 Conferencia presentada el 3 de setiembre de 2006 en la Universidad de Costa Rica, San José Costa Rica.
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Responds to J. Keyton's (see record 1992-42921-001) comments on C. R. Evans and K. L. Dion's (see record 1991-27308-001) meta-analysis of group cohesion and performance studies. It is argued that the cohesiveness construct is too important for understanding groups to discard casually, despite challenges arising from ambiguous, original definitions and suboptimal measurement. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Using structural equations modelling, we performed a secondary analysis of the data collected by the Italian Observatory of the North West (Italian national sample, N = 976) to investigate the direct, mediated and moderated relations connecting the Big Five personality factors and perceived personal and societal threat to safety with right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). Openness, Conscientiousness and perceived societal threat to safety exerted additive effects on RWA; the relation between Openness and RWA was partially mediated by societal threat to safety and that between societal threat to safety and RWA was moderated by Openness. Limitations and possible developments of this research are discussed. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Prior research on political activism focused on direct predictors of collective action (e.g., life experiences), with little attention paid to what psychologically motivates individuals to act. The group consciousness literature provides an obvious psychological motive for activism, but ignores individual difference variables that differentiate people who develop group consciousness from those who do not. This article integrates the two literatures on activism and group consciousness, and presents a model whereby group consciousness mediates relationships between collective action and personality and life experiences. The general model was evaluated empirically by examining feminist consciousness and women's rights activism in two samples. Feminist consciousness was found to mediate relationships between activism and anumber of personality and life experience variables, including low authoritarianism, political salience, sexual oppression, and education about women's position in society. The possible extension of this model to other kinds of political activism is discussed.
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This dissertation seeks to further understand the relationship between nativism, the opinion that the American way of life needs to be protected against foreign influence, and the immigration policy preferences of the American public. It is argued that nativism is theoretically distinct from immigration policy preferences and should be operationalized and modeled accordingly. Disentangling nativism from its related policy preferences is essential for better understanding the role of nativism in driving immigration policy attitudes in comparison to other important factors such as economic threat, racism, and ideological conservatism. A variety of methods are employed in this analysis, including cross-sectional survey data analyses, an implicit association test, and a nation-wide survey list experiment. Using these methods, this project examines the determinants of nativism (including psychological factors), the nature of the relationship between nativism and immigration policy preferences, and how nativism might distinctly affect immigration policy preferences among Latinos and African-Americans. The conclusion discusses the implication of these results for the current public debate regarding the degree and effect of foreign influence on American society.
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A factor analysis of the Self-Monitoring Scale yielded 3 replicated factors: Acting, Extraversion, and Other-Directedness. Acting includes being good at and liking to speak and entertain. Other-Directedness is a willingness to change one's behavior to suit other people, and Extraversion is self-explanatory. Other-Directedness correlates positively with Shyness and Neuroticism and negatively with Self-Esteem. Extraversion correlates negatively with Shyness and positively with Self-Esteem and Sociability. Two of the scale's 3 factors, therefore, have opposite patterns of correlations with other personality dimensions. The 3 factors help to explain certain discrepancies found in previous research with the Self-Monitoring Scale. For future research, it is suggested that scores for each of the factors are more appropriate than full scale scores. It is concluded that there may be a gap between the construct of Self-Monitoring and the way it is operationalized in the scale. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Special issue: Methodological developments in personality research. Examines the usefulness of factor analysis (FA) in developing and evaluating personality scales that measure limited domain constructs. The approach advocated follows from the assumptions that a scale ought to measure a single construct, that FA ought to be applied routinely to new personality scales, and that the factors of a scale are important if they are differentially related to other measures. A detailed study of the Self-Monitoring Scale illustrates how FA can help determine what a scale measures. A 2nd example uses the self-esteem literature to illustrate how FA can clarify the proliferation of scales within a single content domain. Confirmatory techniques are also introduced as a means for testing specific hypotheses.
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Subjects with some religious affiliation are more prejudiced than those without affiliation, but no significant difference between Protestants and Catholics. There is a low but significant negative relation of intelligence and education to ethnocentrism. Interviews threw light on parental relations, childhood, conception of self, and dynamics and organization of personality. Projective techniques are described and results analyzed. 63 interviews are analyzed qualitatively for prejudice, political and economic ideas, religious ideology and syndromes among high and low scorers. The development of two contrasting cases is given. Criminality and antidemocratic trends in prison inmates and a study of clinic patients complete the investigation of the authoritarian personality pattern. 121 references. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Psychology, Stanford University. Bibliography: leaves 84-90. Copyright.
The Jossey-Bass social and behavioral science series and The Jossey-Bass public administration series. Enemies of freedom: Understanding right-wing authoritarianism
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  • B. Altemeyer