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Sociopolitical values and integrative complexity of members of student political groups

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Assessed members of university affiliates of the 4 major British Columbian parties for responsibility ascription, authoritarianism, humanistic vs normative polarity, value conflict between equality and freedom, and integrative complexity in writing about value conflict. The National Democratic Party (NDP) group, more than Liberal, Progressive Conservative (PC), and Social Credit supporters, attributed responsibility to diffuse, global factors (not individuals or traditional authorities) and subscribed to humanistic rather than normative evaluative schemata. They scored lowest on authoritarianism and highest on the importance of Equality as a social value. Differences among the other 3 groups were less consistent. High value conflict between freedom and equality was associated with higher integrative complexity in writing about the 2 values, and members of the 2 "pragmatic" parties wrote more complex essays than the 2 "ideological" groups. (French abstract) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

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... However, some of the best known work on integrative complexity has been applied in the realm of political science, where it has been employed to measure differences in liberal and conservative thinking on issues. For example, Suedfeld et al. (1994) found that combined integrative complexity scores differed among two pragmatic versus two ideological groups. In that research, members of two political parties that were viewed as more pragmatic scored higher in integrative complexity than members of two political parties that were seen as being more ideological. ...
... Thus, a review of the (minimal) literature associated with group integrative complexity is in order. As Suedfeld et al. (1994) note, the cognitive complexity of political groups, such as political parties, has previously been subjected to debate. For example, Suedfeld and Epstein (1973) described an association between conservative positions and simple information processing. ...
... As various researchers note (e.g., Suedfeld et al., 1994;Tetlock, 1998) a person's level of integrative complexity may be an important factor in how dogmatic he is. This dogmatism may take the form of shifting blame from himself or his group. ...
... The latter position is more complex in that it incorporates different ideas about the topic (safety vs. freedom). Social and political psychologists and scientists have examined the causes and conse quences of cognitive complexity as they relate to political ideology (e.g., Conway et al., 2015;Joseph, Graham, & Haidt, 2009;Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003A;Tet lock, 1983B;Van Hiel, Onraet, & De Pauw, 2010), political attitudes and behavior (e.g., Conway et al., 2012;Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Tetlock, Bernzweig, & Gal lant, 1985;Van Hiel & Mervielde, 2003), political peace and conflict (e.g., Conway & Con way, 2011;Suedfeld & Bluck, 1988), and political elites (e.g., Conway, Suedfeld, & Clements, 2003;Suedfeld, 2010;Suedfeld & Rank, 1976;Thoemmes & Conway, 2007), among other political dynamics. ...
... Despite the strong evidence in support of asymmetric conservative rigidity, some other research has found weak or null relationships between ideology and complexity (e.g., Cassel et al., 2007;Conway et al., 2015;Gruenfeld et al., 1998;Suedfeld et al., 1994;Thoemmes & Conway, 2007;Van Hiel et al., 2010). On the surface, these findings in the literature appear at odds with one another, but researchers have begun to uncover poten tial reasons why these inconsistencies sometimes emerge. ...
... The literature on internal value conflict primarily concerns political reasoning and its effects on information processing (e.g., Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Suedfeld & Wallbaum, 1992, Tetlock, 1986Tetlock, Peterson, & Lerner, 1996). The value pluralism model of ideological reasoning (Tetlock, 1986) suggests that when individuals place high importance on both values (pluralistic), they are forced to engage in more complex information processing, which requires more integrative complexity. ...
Article
In proposing that value endorsement level is dynamic rather than static, this study investigated how value importance judgments would vary with situation. Questionnaires were mailed to community residents (N = 276), using a scenario that described a realistic value conflict in an environmental issue. The results demonstrated that value importance judgments varied with situation, but the degree to which the situation influenced the judgment was moderated by the preexisting value endorsement level. Moreover, the study suggests that when 2 values are in conflict, the degree of difference in preexisting level of endorsement of the 2 values may be a better predictor of the judgments than the endorsement level of a single value.
... Menasco (1976) also reported an association between decisional conflict and cognitive complexity. Suedfeld and his colleagues (Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Suedfeld & Wallbaum, 1992) showed that conflict between desired but contradictory values (e.g., individual freedom and social equality) lead to more complex descriptions of each value. Similarly, Tetlock, Peterson, and Lerner (1996) found a positive relationship between conflict of core values and cognitive complexity. ...
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To explore the possible cognitive consequences of biculturalism, the authors examine the complexity of cultural representations in monocultural and bicultural individuals. Study 1 found that Chinese American biculturals' free descriptions of both American and Chinese cultures are higher in cognitive complexity than that of Anglo-American monoculturals, but the same effect was not apparent in descriptions of culturally neutral entities (landscapes). With the same procedures, Study 2 found that the cultural representations of biculturals with low levels of Bicultural Identity Integration (BII; or biculturals with conflicted cultural identities) are more cognitively complex than that of biculturals with high BII (biculturals with compatible cultural identities). This article shows that cultural frame switching and BII have meaningful cognitive consequences; furthermore, it suggests that exposure to more than one culture may increase individuals' ability to detect, process, and organize everyday cultural meaning, highlighting the potential benefits of multiculturalism.
... Members of university student groups affiliated with political parties show a similar distribution of IC (Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994). In the British Columbia context, the 1970s-1980s saw four major contending parties: Social Credit, a grassroots populist party holding traditional conservative views on such issues as abortion; the New Democratic Party, basically a social democratic movement favoring many social welfare initiatives; and two centrist, pragmatic parties, the Liberals and the Progressive Conservatives (PC). ...
Article
This article reviews over 30 years of research on the role of integrative complexity (IC) in politics. IC is a measure of the cognitive structure underlying information processing and decision making in a specific situation and time of interest to the researcher or policymaker. As such, it is a state counterpart of conceptual complexity, the trait (transsituationally and transtemporally stable) component of cognitive structure. In the beginning (the first article using the measure was published in 1976), most of the studies were by the author or his students (or both), notably Philip Tetlock; more recently, IC has attracted the attention of a growing number of political and social psychologists. The article traces the theoretical development of IC; describes how the variable is scored in archival or contemporary materials (speeches, interviews, memoirs, etc.); discusses possible influences on IC, such as stress, ideology, and official role; and presents findings on how measures of IC can be used to forecast political decisions (e.g., deciding between war and peace). Research on the role of IC in individual success and failure in military and political leaders is also described.
... A lot of evidence using many different operations of complex thinking underscores this point (Conway, Schaller, Tweed, & Hallett, 2001;Judd & Lusk, 1984;Liht, Conway, Savage, White, O'Neill, 2011;Pancer et al., 1995;Sidanius, 1984;Suedfeld, 2000;Tetlock, Peterson, & Lerner, 1996). For example, the complexity of thinking can be affected by the importance of the content domain (Conway et al., 2008;Suedfeld, 2000) by the experience people have with the domain (Conway et al., 2008;Dasen, 1975;Suedfeld, 2000), by the heritability of the domain (Conway, Dodds, Hands Towgood, McClure, & Olson, 2011), or by the value conflict implied by the domain (e.g., Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Tetlock, 1986). ...
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Prior research suggests that liberals are more complex than conservatives. However, it may be that liberals are not more complex in general, but rather only more complex on certain topic domains (while conservatives are more complex in other domains). Four studies (comprised of over 2,500 participants) evaluated this idea. Study 1 involves the domain specificity of a self-report questionnaire related to complexity (dogmatism). By making only small adjustments to a popularly used dogmatism scale, results show that liberals can be significantly more dogmatic if a liberal domain is made salient. Studies 2–4 involve the domain specificity of integrative complexity. A large number of open-ended responses from college students (Studies 2 and 3) and candidates in the 2004 Presidential election (Study 4) across an array of topic domains reveals little or no main effect of political ideology on integrative complexity, but rather topic domain by ideology interactions. Liberals are higher in complexity on some topics, but conservatives are higher on others. Overall, this large dataset calls into question the typical interpretation that conservatives are less complex than liberals in a domain-general way.
... Benet-Martínez and colleagues reasoned that the more systematic and careful processing of cues that underlies the monitoring of conflictual information (Botvinick, Braver, Barch, Carer, & Cohen, 2001) would lead low BIIs to develop cultural representations that are more complex (e.g., richer in content, more differentiated and integrated) than high BIIs. This finding is in agreement with the work of Suedfeld and colleagues (Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Suedfeld & Wallbaum, 1992), which showed that conflict between desired but contradictory values (e.g., individual freedom and social equality) leads to more complex descriptions of each value. ...
Chapter
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Given the growing numbers of bicultural individuals in the United States and around the world, bicultural identity integration(BII) is an important construct that helps researchers to better capture the diversity within this group. In this chapter, we organize and summarize the limited literature on individual differences in bicultural identity, with a special focus on BII. First, we discuss and define biculturalism and cultural identity in general. Second, we introduce individual differences in bicultural identity and the ways in which these differences have been studied. Third, we define BII, summarize research on this construct, and introduce the latest applications of BII theory to other areas of identity research. In unpacking the construct of BII, we first define it along with its components (harmony and blendedness) and nomological network. We also discuss what we believe to be the process involved in integrating one’s dual cultural identities. We then present correlates of BII, including self-group personality perceptions, culturally related behaviors and values, and sociocultural and psychological adjustment. Finally, we discuss how BII relates to other important social-cognitive constructs, such as cultural frame switching or code switching. We end with a brief overview of the latest applications of BII theory (e.g., to gay identity) and suggestions for future research on bicultural identity. In summary, our goal for this chapter is to introduce BII and to help readers understand the importance of culture in identity.
... Although most Supreme Court justices tend to vote consistent with their attitudinal predispositions (Segal and Spaeth 2002), the median swing justice may place more emphasis on strategic and case-specific considerations, such as oral arguments or the Solicitor General's amicus briefs, and less emphasis on ideology than the other justices. Extensive research on conceptual and integrative complexity shows that ideological moderates tend to rely on more information sources (and less on ideology) than ideologically extreme individuals when making decisions (Suedfeld 2010;Suedfeld et al. 1994;Suedfeld and Rank 1976;Tetlock, Armor, and Peterson 1994). If applied to decision making on the Court, this research would suggest that justices near the ideological middle, and the median swing justice in particular, do not support the liberal position in some cases and the conservative position in other cases because they have a strong ideological predisposition for legal outcomes near the middle of the policy spectrum. ...
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In the Supreme Court's most closely divided cases, one pivotal justice can determine the outcome. Given this fact, judicial scholars have paid substantial attention to the swing justice. This paper makes two theoretical contributions to the study of the swing justice and this justice's resulting influence on case outcomes. First, we show that the justice that casts the pivotal vote is not always the median justice on the Court. Second, we argue that the swing justice will typically rely less on attitudinal considerations and more on strategic and legal considerations than the other justices on the Court. Consistent with expectations, we show that in the Court's most closely divided cases, the justice that casts the pivotal vote does not typically rely on attitudinal considerations. Instead, this justice's vote is guided by legal considerations, such as the position advocated by the solicitor general, and strategic considerations, such as the public's preferences and separation of powers considerations. Similar results emerge when we analyze all cases. The theory and findings suggest that in order to understand the determinants of the Supreme Court's tangible policy outputs, our theories and models must consider the unique behavior of the pivotal swing justice.
... Menasco (1976) also reported an association between decisional conflict and cognitive complexity. Suedfeld and his colleagues (Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Suedfeld & Wallbaum, 1992) showed that conflict between desired but contradictory values (e.g., individual freedom and social equality) lead to more complex descriptions of each value. Similarly, Tetlock, Peterson, and Lerner (1996) found a positive relationship between conflict of core values and cognitive complexity. ...
Article
Full-text available
To explore the possible socio-cognitive consequences of biculturalism, we examined the complexity of cultural representations in monocultural and bicultural individuals. Study 1 found that Chinese-American biculturals' free descriptions of both American and Chinese cultures were higher in cognitive complexity than that of Anglo-American monoculturals, but the same effect was not apparent in descriptions of culturally-neutral entities (landscapes). Using the same procedures, Study 2 found that the cultural representations of biculturals with low levels of Bicultural Identity Integration (BII; or biculturals with conflicted cultural identities) were more cognitively complex than that of biculturals with high BII (biculturals with compatible cultural identities). This work shows that biculturalism and BII have meaningful cognitive consequences; further it suggests that exposure to more than one culture increases individuals' ability to detect, process, and organize everyday cultural meaning, highlighting the potential benefits of multiculturalism. In today's increasingly diverse and mobile world, growing numbers of individuals have internalized more than one culture and can be described as bicultural or multicultural. For example, one out of every four individuals in the U.S. has lived in another country before moving to the U.S. and has been exposed to and is familiar with more than one culture (U.S. Census, 2002). Further, there is a large number of U.S.-born ethnic and cultural minorities (e.g., second and third generation descendants of immigrants) for whom identification and involvement with their ethnic cultures, in addition to mainstream U.S. culture, is the norm (Phinney, 1996). The prevalence and importance of multiculturalism and biculturalism has been acknowledged by a number of psychologists (e.g., Fowers & Richardson, 1996; Hermans & Kempen, 1998; LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993), but the phenomenon has rarely been investigated empirically. John Berry, who conducted some of the early seminal work on this topic (see Berry & Sam, 1996, for a review), identified biculturalism as one of four possible outcomes of the acculturation experience. Recent studies have further shown that identification with ethnic and dominant cultures are largely orthogonal (particularly among second and older generation groups) such that individuals can identify highly with both cultures (Ryder, Allen, & Paulhus, 2000). Biculturalism and Cultural Frame Switching: Cognitive Consequences Benet-Martínez and her collaborators have empirically examined the dynamics of biculturalism; specifically, the socio-cognitive processes involved in the development and maintenance of a bicultural identity (Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, 2005; Benet-Martínez, Leu, Lee & Morris, 2002; Hong, Benet-Martínez, Chiu, & Morris, 2003; Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martínez, 2000). For instance, Hong et al. (2000) provided the first empirical demonstration of cultural frame-switching (CFS), a process in which biculturals have access to and apply two different cultural meaning systems in response to cultural cues. Specifically, Hong and her colleagues showed that Chinese-American biculturals make more internal attributions, a characteristically Western attribution style (Morris & Peng, 1994), after being primed with American cues, but make more external attributions, a characteristically East Asian attribution style, after being primed with Chinese cues. Biculturals' CFS behavior has been replicated in other behavioral domains and cultural groups (e.g., Gardner, Gabriel, & Dean, 2004; Verkuyten & Pouliasi, 2002; Wong & Hong, 2005).
... To the extent that groups view only their own value perspective as legitimate, their thinking, analysis and proposed resolution of the issue need not be as complex. The value pluralism hypothesis has been supported by experimental research (Suedfeld & Wallbaum, 1992;Tetlock, 1986) as well as by archival studies, the latter mostly in the context of international crises and domestic politics (Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Suedfeld & Rank, 1976;Wallace, Suedfeld, & Thachuk, 1993;Tetlock, 1981Tetlock, ,1984Tetlock, Armor, & Peterson, 1994). ...
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Examined the information campaigns of groups involved in the Clayoquot land-use debate for the presence of motivational and cognitive factors that may undermine the quality of forest land-use discussions. Integrative complexity, motive imagery (need for achievement, affiliation, and power) and value pluralism were measured in the publicity campaigns of 7 groups (3 environmentalist, a forest industry advocacy group, a forest company, the British Columbia government, and a government-appointed forestry advisory panel). The campaigns were characterized by low integrative complexity and affiliation and achievement imagery, and high power imagery. The complexity of the combined texts of the government and the advisory panel were significantly higher in integrative complexity than those of the environmental groups. The complexity score of the forest industry advocates fell between those of the above groups, and did not differ significantly from either. The values endorsed by the environmental and forest industry advocacy groups were nonoverlapping, whereas the government/advisory texts contained values that overlapped with those of both advocacy groups, and had significantly higher achievement imagery. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... Suedfeld has co-authored articles on the topic of integrative complexity (Suedfeld, Bluck, Ballard, & Baker-Brown, 1990;Suedfeld, Bluck, Loewen, & Elkins, 1994;Suedfeld, Conway, & Eichhorn, 2001;Suedfeld & Tetlock, 1977;Suedfeld, Wallace, & Thachuk, 1993;Wallace, Suedfeld, & Thachuk, 1996). ...
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Although a number of political psychologists are active in Canada, there has been relatively little self-conscious development of the field. This article brings together contributions from political science and social psychology in Canada in an attempt to identify aspects of Canadian distinctiveness in the field of political psychology, notably the balance between mainstream and eclectic tendencies.
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Abstract: Citizens of democratic societies are often asked to make political choices that require them to balance one desired goal against another. How much freedom is one willing to give up in order to achieve a more tolerant, moral, or secure society? The choices that citizens are asked to make can be difficult because they implicate conflicting principles or values. A tradition of research in political psychology suggests that value conflict is common and consequential for the expression of political attitudes. But a number of recent studies suggest that value conflict is rare and inconsequential. I address this debate, focusing on the conceptualization, measurement, and effects of value conflict on political attitudes. I argue that value conflict can be latent or subjectively felt. I show that both forms of conflict occur in mass publics and lead to ambivalence (mixed feelings and beliefs about an issue), responsiveness to persuasion, attitude instability over time, moderation, and subjective uncertainty. These results challenge the widespread assumption that the weak attitudes often expressed by ordinary Americans in opinion polls are ephemeral, shallow, and otherwise poorly considered, suggesting instead that apparently weak attitudes are sometimes rooted in deeply held but conflicting core values. Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 200 p.; also includes graphics Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004. Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-200). System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF viewer.
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Studies with several different groups of students over the period from October 1990 to spring 1996 show a consistent set of relationships between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and aggressive support for U.S. policy during the Persian Gulf crisis and Gulf War Before the war, high-RWA scorers endorsed more aggressive responses (including the use of nuclear weapons) to hypothetical Iraqi actions. After the war, they expressed relatively more gloating and less regret and, in retrospect, endorsed more aggressive hypothetical U.S. policies. Overall, their opinions tended to be low in complexity, high in certainty, and brief. Peer Reviewed http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/68432/2/10.1177_01461672972311002.pdf
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A modified form of the Attitudes Toward Censorship Questionnaire (Hense & Wright, 1992) was developed to assess the degree to which that scale measures attitudes toward censorship in general as opposed to censorship of material representing particular sociopolitical values. The revised form characterized the potentially censorable materials as racist, sexist, or violent. University student respondents who showed high acceptance of censorship in this context scored high on measures of authoritarianism, political conservatism, and conventional family ideology (as had procensorship respondents on the Hense and Wright scale), but low on a scale of economic conservatism. Women were more favorably inclined toward censorship than men. Supporters of Canada's most left-wing (social democratic) major federal party were most favorable to censorship. Factor analysis showed that most of the variance could be explained by a cluster that we have labeled “Politically Correct Puritanism”: support for censoring racist and sexist materials and depictions of sexual violence. The second major factor was related to commercial availability of such materials. Content-specific items on both the original and our modified scales may establish a context that guides the interpretation of nonspecific items, so that both the original Attitudes Toward Censorship Questionnaire and our modified version may be measuring attitudes toward censorship of materials violating a particular view of morality, rather than toward censorship in principle.
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This review provides a comprehensive and integrated framework for the processes of social action and empowerment at the level of the individual, the group, and the community. Concepts from personality, social, community and organizational psychology are used as the basis for understanding the complex processes involved in empowerment and social action. The author found that group and organizations will interact more effectively if shared goals and values are clearly articulated and understood at all social levels. Empowerment and social action are organized and integrated in meaningful and useful ways that open up new ways of looking at social action and social organization. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Cognitive psychologists have developed and tested a protocol for measuring the complex way that people think about issues. Called integrative complexity, it represents the intricacy of a person's thought processes in evaluating information and making decisions. It is based on the number of aspects of a problem people consider (differentiation) and how this information is incorporated (integration) to form views about an issue. We measured the integrative complexity of perceptions of plant and wildlife species protection. Residents of Illinois described, in an essay, their position on this issue using a mail‐back questionnaire. We examined how integrative complexity was related to attitudes toward plant and wildlife species protection, objective knowledge about the issue, and environmental ideology. Integrative complexity was highest for knowledgeable individuals with moderate attitudes toward species protection. Attitude‐direction and environmental ideology were not related to the complexity of thought. Implications of this research focus on the measurement of integrative complexity, how the construct can improve our understanding of public attitudes and values toward natural resource issues, understanding the relationship between attitudes and behaviors, and assessing the effects of communication programs about natural resource issues.
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Un échantillon composé de 41 couples et leur adolescente participent à une étude sur l'association entre les conflits conjugaux et la communication mère-fille. Des mesures observationnelles et des questionnaires évaluent le niveau de la qualité de la communication dans le couple, la satisfaction conjugale des parents et la qualité de la communication mère-adolescente. Les résultats montrent que (a) les conflits observés chez les parents sont associés de façon positive au niveau de confrontation observé entre la mère et la fille et (b) la satisfaction conjugale des mères joue un rôle médiateur entre les conflits dans le couple et le niveau de confrontation mère-fille. La satisfaction conjugale des mères serait une courroie de transmission dans le processus de propagation des affects et des comportements négatifs du couple à la relation mère-adolescente. A sample comprising 41 couples and their adolescent daughters participated in a study on the association between marital conflicts and mother-daughter communication. Observational measurements and questionnaires were used to evaluate the level of the quality of communication between the couple, the marital satisfaction of the parents and the quality of the communication between mother and adolescent daughters. The results show that: (a) conflicts observed between the parents are positively associated with the level of confrontation observed between the mother and the daughter and (b) the marital satisfaction of the mothers plays a mediatory role between the conflicts in the couple and the level of mother-daughter confrontation. The marital satisfaction of the mothers would be the link in the process of propagation of the affects and the negative behaviour of the couple and the mother-adolescent daughter relationship.
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Bu araştırma aşırı sağ, merkez ve aşırı sol siyasal tutuma sahip üniversite öğrencileri arasında (n=147) makyavelianizm, sosyal sorumluluk, denetim odağı ve belirsizliğe karşı hoşgörüsüzlük bakımlarından farklılıkların olup olmadığını belirlemek amacıyla yapılmıştır. Bunların ölçümünde Makyavelianizm (Christie ve ark.,1969), Sosyal Sorumluluk (Berkowitz ve Lutterman, 1968), Denetim Odağı (Rotter, 1966) ve Belirsizliğe Karşı Hoşgörüsüzlük Ölçekleri (Martin ve Westie, 1959) kullanılmıştır. Bulgular aşırı sağ, merkez ve aşırı sol siyasal yönelimler arasında ele alınan kişilik özellikleri bakımından bazı farklılıkların olduğunu göstermiştir. Aşırı sağ siyasal yönelime sahip üniversite öğrencilerinin sosyal sorumluluk, belirsizliğe karşı hoşgörüsüzlük ve makyavelianizm düzeyleri, aşırı sol siyasal yönelime sahip olanlarınkinden daha yüksek bulunmuştur. Ayrıca aşırı sağ ve merkez siyasal yönelime sahip öğrencilerin aşırı soldakilere göre daha dıştan denetimli oldukları görülmüştür. Merkez siyasal yönelime sahip öğrencilerin sosyal sorumluluk düzeyleri de yine aşırı sol grubunkinden daha yüksektir. (The objective of this study was to determine whether there were differences among extreme right, centre and extreme left oriented students in terms of machiavellianism, social responsibility, locus of control and intolerance of ambiguity. The following scales were used to measure these variables respectively; Machiavellianism (Christie and others, 1969), Social Responsibility (Berkowitz ve Lutterman, 1968), Locus of Control (Rotter, 1966) and Intolerance of Ambiguity (Martin ve Westie, 1959). All of these scales were administered to 150 university students of whom 50 represented extreme right , 50 extreme left and remaining 50 central political orientations. Data gathered with these scales were analized. The results showed that there were some differences between the subject grups in terms of the constructs at hand. Social responsibility, intolerance of ambiguity and machiavellianism levels of the extreem right group were higher than those of the extreem left. Furthermore extreme right and centre oriented students were more external than those with extreme left political orientation.)
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Research on the relationship between political conservatism and integrative complexity has yielded contradictory results, and little effort has been made to place these mixed results in a theoretical context. The present article considers this issue through a strategic model of language that suggests different psychological processes apply to public politicians versus private citizens. We use a methodologically precise meta-analytic test of the relationship between political ideology and integrative complexity to examine the degree that conservative simplicity can be understood as a function of public versus private samples. Across 35 studies, findings revealed that conservatives are significantly less complex than liberals overall; however, while this effect was significant for public politicians, no relationship emerged for private citizens. Consistent with a strategic model, conservative simplicity was particularly in evidence for elected officials. This theoretical analysis has many consequences for our understanding of psychological theories that help explain the consequences of political ideology.
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Left‐wing authoritarianism (LWA) has a controversial history in psychology. Some researchers have expressed skepticism about the existence of LWA, whereas others have argued that LWA is a valid construct. In the present article, we offer a framework to reconcile these two perspectives by proposing that ideologically based authoritarian norms are sometimes in conflict with the processes that create authoritarian individuals. In Western political contexts, authoritarian norms are more likely to occur on the conservative side of the political spectrum; but authoritarian attributes can occur in both conservatives and liberals. In our model, left‐wing authoritarians thus often occupy the space where forces influencing authoritarianism are in conflict. We review existing evidence related to the model, present novel evidence related to the model, derive four hypotheses from the model, and discuss criteria for falsifying the model. We conclude by considering the model's place in current research on the complexities of ideology.
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Videotaped interviews of 30 Holocaust survivors were scored for integrative complexity, the recognition of alternate perspectives or dimensions of a topic ("differentiation") and the joint consideration of several perspectives or dimensions ("integration"). Memories showed decreased differentiation and integration as they moved from pre-war life to the shock and upheaval when organized persecution began. High complexity levels reflected survivors mustering their resources to enhance their chances of survival and successful postwar adaptation. These findings demonstrate the usefulness of quantitative, objective content analytic methods in Holocaust survivor research, add a cognitive dimension to the study of survival during and after extreme situations, and confirm theoretical propositions about decision making and information processing under stress.
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Results of a study of senatorial speeches given during the 82nd Congress indicate that isolationists made significantly less complex policy statements and expressed significantly more positive in-group and negative out-group attitudes than did nonisolationists. Ambivalent isolationists fell between these 2 groups. Results illustrate how content analysis methods can be used to test the generality of psychological hypotheses in high-level political settings in which more traditional measurement approaches are not feasible. (23 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Items were pilot-tested for a new measure of the tendency to reject belief-dissimilar individuals, the Dogmatic Rejection Scale (DRS). Its basis involves assessing the respondent's position on a given topic and then, contingent on that position, assigning a score from an item embodying rejection of individuals with an opposing opinion. Two studies (N = 303 and N = 376), using the Byrne "bogus stranger" procedure, tested the predictive and incremental validity of the DRS. The DRS was, found to predict rejection of a disagreeing "stranger." Factor and item-by-item analyses led to a revised form of the DRS. Three further studies (N = 102, 82, and 210) were conducted. Again the DRS predicted rejection of the disagreeing "stranger."From 2 was found to be an improvement over Form 1 in predictive power and reliability. Both Forms 1 and 2 of the DRS showed significantly lower correlations with political ideology than did dogmatism scores. Although each added to the level of prediction obtained when using only one of the two measures, neither the DRS nor the Dogmatism Scale was shown to add significantly more prediction than was added by the other.
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This chapter is followed by a scoring manual for conceptual/integrative complexity by Gloria Baker-Brown, Elizabeth J. Ballard, Susan Bluck, Brian de Vries, Peter Suedfeld and Philip E. Tetlock. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Used the integrative complexity coding system to analyze confidential interviews with 89 members of the British House of Commons. The primary goal was to explore the interrelation between cognitive style and political ideology in this elite political sample. Results indicate that moderate socialists interpreted policy issues in more integratively complex or multidimensional terms than did moderate conservatives who, in turn, interpreted issues in more complex terms than extreme conservatives and extreme socialists. The latter 2 groups did not differ significantly from each other. These relations between integrative complexity and political ideology remained significant after controlling for a variety of belief and attitudinal variables. Results are interpreted in terms of a value pluralism model that draws on M. Rokeach's (1973, 1979) 2-value analysis of political ideology and basic principles of cognitive consistency theory. (38 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Employed a systematic coding technique to assess the integrative complexity of policy statements of 45 US Senators who, on the basis of their 1975 and 1976 voting records, had been classified as liberal, moderate, or conservative. Two hypotheses were tested. One hypothesis, derived from research on the authoritarian personality and conservatism, was that Ss who consistently voted for conservative ideological causes would be more prone to rely on simple (good vs bad) evaluative rules in interpreting policy issues than liberal or moderate Ss. The 2nd was that Ss who voted in ideologically consistent patterns (regardless of the liberal or conservative content of the ideology) would be more prone to rely on simple evaluative rules in interpreting issues than Ss who voted in less consistent patterns (moderates). 20 paragraph-sized statements were sampled from the speeches of each S; all material was coded for integrative complexity. Results indicate that conservative Ss made significantly less complex statements than their liberal or moderate colleagues. This finding remained significant after controlling for political party affiliation, education, years of service in the Senate, and age. Alternative interpretations of the data are examined. (38 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This article describes the development of the Ascription of Responsibility Questionnaire (ARQ). In Study 1, item analytic and factor analytic procedures were used, with a data set based on 251 subjects, to reduce an initial pool of 92 Likert Scale items to 41 items that were structured by four clear, independent ascription tendencies, or ways in which people ascribe responsibility. In Study 2, this factorial structure was confirmed on a sample of 403 subjects. From the responses in both studies, reliabilities of the four ascription of responsibility scales were assessed. On the basis of a pooled sample, norms were developed. Construct validity assessment was begun by correlating scores, in both studies, on the ascription of responsibility scales with a number of conceptually related standardized and semistandardized scales, as well as with a number of demographic and personological variables that might be related to attributional and attitudinal tendencies. These and further construct validation results obtained by comparative analytic methods are presented and discussed.