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Personality and patterns of adherence and nonadherence to the Social Clock

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
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Abstract

Illustrated how the concepts of "social clock project" and "pattern" may be applied by examining the results of a questionnaire administered at college graduation; scores from the California Psychological Inventory administered in college, 5 yrs after graduation, and 21–23 yrs after graduation; and questionnaires administered during the 2 follow-up periods to 104 42–45 yr old women. Results show that personality characteristics were related to life outcomes across the 1st 20 yrs of adulthood. 70 Ss who had their 1st child by age 28 were on the feminine social clockwork; 20 Ss were late adherents, having their 1st child after age 28; remaining Ss followed neither social clock pattern, or they followed a masculine occupational clock. It is suggested that, having described social clock projects and their normative time parameters, the relative goodness of fit between individuals' needs and the ecology of nested contexts in which they feel they must try to gratify them can be examined. (76 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Personality
and
Patterns
of
Adherence
and
Nonadherence
to the
Social Clock
Ravenna
Kelson,
Valory
Mitchell,
and
Geraldine
Moane
Institute
of
Personality
Assessment
and
Research
University
of
California,
Berkeley
The
concept
of
social
clock
project
structures
a
proposed
framework
for
studies
of
lifespan
development.
This
framework
identifies
personally
and
culturally
salient
need-press
configurations
through
time,
puts
cohort
variability
in
perspective,
and
locates
trouble
spots
for
prevention
and
intervention
programs.
We
illustrate
its
use
with
findings
from
a
longitudinal
study
of the
early
and
middle
adulthood
of
132
women
who
graduated
from
college
in
1958
and
1960,
after
a
period
of
marked
stability
and
before
a
period
of
social
change.
Marriage
and
vocational
outlook
in
college,
California
Psychological
Inventory
scores,
and the
timing
of
subsequent
life
events
are
major
sets
of
variables.
We
consider
questions
such
as
these:
What
personality
qualities
are
antecedent
to
adherence,
late
adherence,
and
nonadherence
to the
feminine
social
clock
(FSQ?
What
is
involved
in
departing
from
the FSC
through
divorce?
Is
change
in
personality
related
to any
particular
phases
of the
FSC,
such
as
motherhood?
Answers
to
these
and
other
questions
show
robust
relevance
of
personality
trait
measures.
Some
implications
for
personality
theory
are
illustrated.
Studies
of
personality development
in
adulthood
have been criticized
for
ignoring
both conditions
in
the
social world
and the
impact
of
these conditions
on
particular
co-
horts (Nesselroade
&
Baltes,
1974; Rossi,
1980). Improved methodological designs
(Runyan*
1978;
Schaie,
1965)
and
broader
theoretical
orientations
(Brim
&
Kagan,
1980;
Gergen,
1977;
Riegel,
1976) have been
ad-
vanced.
The
changing relations between adults
and
their environments over time
are so
varied
and
complex, however, that
the
research task
is formidable
(Clausen, 1972).
One
strategy
for
overcoming
the
split
be-
tween
personality
and
social concerns
in de-
velopmental studies
is to
focus
research
on
concepts
that
integrate
the
personal
and
social
processes through time.
In
this
article
we ex-
plore
how the
study
of
lives
may be
organized
in
terms
of
the
concept
of
adherence
and
non-
adherence
to
social clock patterns.
The
existence
of
shared
judgments
about
the
appropriateness
of
behavior
at
different
Requests
for
reprints
should
be
sent
to
Ravenna
Helson,'
Institute
of
Personality
Assessment
and
Research,
Uni-
versity
of
California,
Berkeley,
California
94720.
ages
was
demonstrated
by
Neugarten, Moore,
and
Lowe
(1965).
In
this
and
later papers,
Neugarten (1968, 1979) suggested that
age
norms
or
"social clocks" influence behavior
in a
number
of
ways.
For
example,
life
events
that occur
at
their socially expected
times
are
said
to be
less
stressful
than those occurring
at
nonnormative times because they
are
better
integrated
into
the
social system. There
is
some
evidence
for
this idea
(Furstenberg,
1976;
D. P.
Hogan, 1978), though there
may be
sat-
isfactions
as
well
as
problems
from
nonnor-
mative schedules (Daniels
&
Weingarten,
1982).
From
the
point
of
view
of
individual psy-
chology,
an
important idea
is
that being
"on
time"
or
"off
time"
is a
compelling basis
for
self-assessment. "Men
and
women compare
themselves with their friends, siblings,
work
colleagues,
or
parents
in
deciding whether they
have
made good,
but it is
always
with
a
time
line
in
mind," said Neugarten
(1979,
p.
887).
People
ask
themselves, "How
am I
doing
for
my
age?"
To
some,
the
idea
of
the
social clock
implies
that
life
outcomes
are
determined
by
the
"opening
and
closing
of
doors triggered
by the
Journal
of
Personality
and
Social
Psychology,
1984,
Vol.
46. No. 5,
1079-1096
Copyright
1984
by the
American Psychological Association, Inc.
1079
... Fathers were expected to establish the lifestyle of the family and to be breadwinners and role models for boys (Christiansen & Palkovitz, 2001). These were the general expectations of the women in the Mills Longitudinal Study, both as college seniors in 1958in or 1960in and as young mothers in 1963in -1964in (Helson, 1993Helson, Mitchell, & Moane, 1984). Though attitudes and assumptions particular to this historical period need to be kept in mind, many of the challenges in parenting young children are similar today. ...
... Findings from the Mills study have shown that early mothering was associated with a drop in sociability and self-confidence (Helson et al., 1984). However, we thought that a good experience in mothering would help a woman to resist such adverse trends. ...
... Personality in the Mills Study Helson et al. (1984) used the CPI to describe personality antecedents and personality change associated with various life events in young adulthood. They described women who had started a family by age 28 as having differed from other women in college in a desire to do well in conventional ways, in responsiveness to what others do and think, in using their intelligence effectively, and in being optimistic and trusting. ...
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... During this period, American culture has been perceived as having become increasingly individualistic, a trend that is favored by some and deplored by others (see below) but that has received little scientific study. In this article, we examine the increase of individualistic attitudes over young and middle adulthood in a longitudinal sample of women studied at four times (ages 21, 27, 43, and 52) between 1958 and 1989 (see Helson, Mitchell, &Moane, 1984;Helson & Wink, 1992). These women were adolescents in the 1950s, an era of conformity and sharply distinct gender roles. ...
... The sample was predominantly White and middle class. Three follow-ups, in 1963Three follow-ups, in -1964Three follow-ups, in , 1981Three follow-ups, in , and 1989, traced the personality and life events of approximately 100 women for 30 years (Helson, 1967;Helson et al.> 1984;Helson & Wink, 1992). The women were 21, 27, 43, and 52 years old on average at the four times of testing. ...
... Thus, in articles on personality change in adulthood, Mills researchers supplemented stage or period models with attention to social influences and cohort-specific contexts (e.g., Helson & Moane, 1987;Helson «fe Roberts, 1994;Wink & Helson, 1993). Helson et al. (1984) studied the personality antecedents and consequences of adherence and nonadherence to the social clock, referring particularly to timing norms lhat monitor the major commitments of young and middle adulthood to family and work. The "social clock project" was offered as a useful concept within cohorts and as a means to compare cohorts. ...
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The influence of increasing individualism in U.S. culture on personality development was investigated with an index recently developed by H. Gough (1991) that traces changes in individualism from 1950 to 1985. Seventy-seven women followed from 1958 to 1989 (assessed at ages 21, 27, 43, and 52) showed increases on the index of individualism that paralleled changes in large cross-sectional samples over the same period. Increases on the individualism index were associated with increases in self-focus (narcissism) and decreases in norm adherence. Increases over the long middle period (1963–1964 to 1981), when the largest change occurred, were predicted by college-age measures of ego strength and adjustment and showed a positive relation to psychosocial and physical health at age 43. Increases in individualism may have helped women respond to radical changes in women's roles during the late 1960s and 1970s.
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... In 1958 and again in 1960, a representative two thirds (N = 141 )ofthe senior class at Mills College participated in a study of personality characteristics and plans for the future among college women (Helson, 1967). The sample was contacted again at approximately ages 27, 43, and 52 (Helson, Mitchell, & Moane, 1984;Wink & Helson, 1993). Participants completed extensive questionnaires composed of various rating scales and open-ended questions about their work, relationships, attitudes, and feelings. ...
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... Ravenna Helson et al. (1984) and Bernice Neugarten (1976) were the first to propose the Social Clock theory. According to Neugarten, life events like marriage, getting a job, or moving out on one's own happen "on time" or "off time" in relation to social and cultural norms. ...
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... Similarly, these close-knit relationships influence the social clock relating to marital timing (Marini, 1984). Individuals often utilize peer comparisons to assess their progression through major life events (Helson et al., 1984). Comparing with peers not only helps mitigate the impact of group differences in samples from diverse social classes, regions, and educational backgrounds but also provides a more purely reflection of adherence to or deviations from the social clock. ...
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... Mills. The Mills sample consists of women who graduated from Mills College in 1958 or 1960 and have been studied subsequently at average ages 27, 43, and 52 (see Helson, 1967;Helson, Mitchell, & Moane, 1984;Helson & Picano, 1990;and Helson & Wink, 1992, for further information). At age 43, 105 women provided by mail both the CPI and extensive questionnaire material, including ratings and responses to open-ended questions about various aspects of their lives. ...
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... Our hypotheses are guided by the literature described above and also by previous work on the adult development of this longitudinal sample (Helson, Mitchell, & Moane, 1984;Helson & Moane, 1987;Helson & Wink, 1992;Mitchell & Helson, 1990). ...
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