ArticlePDF Available

A Value Pluralism Model of Ideological Reasoning

Authors:

Abstract

Tested the value pluralism model, which asserts that people are likely to think about an issue domain in integratively complex ways to the degree that issue domain activates conflicting values that people perceive as (a) important and (b) approximately equally important. The relations between the value hierarchies endorsed by 145 undergraduates (measured by the Rokeach Value Survey) and the policy preferences they expressed on issues designed to activate conflicts between different pairs of basic social/political values (e.g., the question of whether one is willing to pay higher taxes to assist the poor activates a conflict between concern for personal prosperity and social equality). Regression analyses revealed that (a) policy preferences could be best predicted from knowledge of which of the conflicting values Ss deemed more important and (b) the integrative complexity of people's reasoning about policy issues could be best predicted from knowledge of the similarity of the importance rankings of the conflicting values, the mean importance ranking of the 2 conflicting values, and the interaction of these 2 terms. It is concluded that the value pluralism model provides a flexible theoretical framework for predicting Ideology Issue interactions in both the content and structure of policy reasoning. (43 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... Persons who place themselves on political extremes (e.g., far left, far right), are lower in complexity than persons who are politically moderate (Tetlock, 1986).The finding that persons on the ideological extremes have lower integrative complexity than moderates has been replicated in the context of British Columbia, where student members of the Liberal and Progressive Conservative parties were higher in complexity than members of the New Democratic Party (the most left-wing of the four parties), or the Social Credit Party (the most right-wing of the four parties) (Suedfeld et al., 1994). This pattern has also been replicated in a historical study concerning the debate concerning slavery and abolitionism prior to the American Civil War. ...
... Regardless of a leader's tendency in the trait component of complexity, situations that occur in a more narrow and clearly defined range of time, such as international crises, could be associated with changes in integrative complexity. For instance, situations that are highly stressful or that impose time pressure tend to elicit lower integrative complexity (Suedfeld, 2010), while situations in which one must balance conflicting values, or in which one is held accountable to people who might disagree, tend to elicit higher integrative complexity (Tetlock, 1983(Tetlock, , 1986. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
Political leaders are responsible for making decisions that can lead to, or avert, international violence and war. The goal of this dissertation is to better understand how the cognitive complexity, specifically integrative complexity, of political leaders relates to processes by which international crises or confrontations become violent. It tests two hypotheses that point in opposing directions. The strategic judgment hypothesis posits that leaders with high integrative complexity are better able to solve coordination problems, and therefore to avoid violence. The demonstration-of-resolve hypothesis posits that leaders with low integrative complexity are better able to deter aggression, and therefore to avoid violence. This investigation tests these hypotheses by scoring Auto IC, an automated measure of integrative complexity, from a large corpus of texts from American, British, and Russian/Soviet heads of government from the 19th to 21st centuries. It uses regressions to test whether, controlling for multiple variables, the integrative complexity of leaders, prior to and during international confrontations and crises, is a predictor of variables relevant to the use of violence. These include the initiation of violence, degree of reliance on violence, level of hostility, number of fatalities suffered, and degree of success achieved at the resolution of the crisis. Chapter 6 does this using the data in the Militarized Interstate Confrontations (MIC) dataset. Chapter 7 does this using the data in the International Crisis Behavior (ICB) dataset. The results show that lower integrative complexity is associated with greater reliance on violence, hostility, and number of fatalities suffered, giving more support to the strategic judgment hypothesis. The initial results concerning initiation of violence and success achieved, while not statistically significant, suggested additional exploratory analyses, and modifications to the hypotheses. Theoretical and methodological contributions, limitations, and opportunities for future research are discussed.
... Incorporating practice in political discourse into the classroom carries a multitude of benefits for students. For one, it fosters communication and critical thinking skills as students work through the cognitive dissonance created when confronting differing viewpoints (Cole 2013;Levinsen & Yndigegn 2015;Tetlock 1986). Further, participating in deliberations builds skills in empathy and perspective taking (Chandler Garcia & Ulbig 2020;Morrell 2010). ...
Article
Full-text available
With political incivility high, students yearn for a safe space to discuss political issues among their peers. The Unify America Challenge provides such an opportunity by bringing together college students across the United States with divergent views to engage in political discussion. This commentary explores the experiences of four instructors in different disciplines and in different institutions of higher education who utilized the Unify America Challenge as a tool for deliberative pedagogy. Drawing our observations and feedback from students, we conclude that it is a useful activity that promotes communication skills, encourages students to listen to diverse voices, and underscores the shared values that transcend divisive political issues.
... Personal values are an integral part of the way people reason about the actions they take. Research indicates that even though individuals may have rich and complex structures of personal values, they tend to identify only a few of the most important values from this overall structure when making decisions (Tetlock, 1986). People do not consider assessing the consequences of each decision based on every possible value but identify the values that are most relevant to the decision being made in a particular context. ...
Article
The article presents the results of a study on the relationship between left-right self-identification and political beliefs mediated by values. A total of 1,038 people participated in the study. The study used the Political Beliefs Questionnaire and the Polish version of the S.Schwartz’s Portrait Value Questionnaire. Self-identification with right-wing views correlated positively with conservatiness and left-wing views correlated positively with self-transcendence, orientation to change and self-enhancement. Conservativeness mediates the relationship between self-identification and fundamentalism, lowering the negative correlation between these variables. The more the negative relationship between left-wing self-identification and conservativeness increases, the more the relationship between self-identification and religious fundamentalism decreases. The analysed values mediate the relationship between left-wing self-identification and political beliefs. The observations made confirm the need to take into account values when analysing political beliefs.
... Performance. To gauge performance we used two metrics: the fluency (Hennessey & Amabile, 2010) and integrative complexity (Tetlock, 1986) of the healthcare policy plans that teams wrote. Fluency refers to the sheer number of unique ideas generated and is most frequently used in research on brainstorming and creativity (Hennessey & Amabile, 2010). ...
Article
Full-text available
Despite the oft touted benefits of having differences in how people think about a task, teams often are not able to capitalize on their heterogeneity. The problem, we demonstrate, is that representational gaps—fundamental incompatibilities in the way that team members conceptualize the problem and solution space—degrade the knowledge synthesis capabilities of teams. We show that rGaps degrade team processes and thus have a unique effect on performance above and beyond mere differences in cognition. In two laboratory studies, we find that representational gaps hurt verbal and nonverbal communication and increased relationship conflict. Relationship conflict, in turn, mediated the negative relationship between rGaps and performance. We discuss possible interventions when rGaps are present.
... Without this integrative complexity, contentious issues may lead to hostility, mistrust, and intergroup conflict. This can be counteracted when individuals see how both sides of an issue both cherish the same values but hold them in tension in their own distinct manner (Tetlock, 1986). ...
Article
Political polarization has been growing in many countries, including the United States, within recent years. Scholars note how, if not addressed, growing trends can compromise fundamental pillars of a functioning democratic society. While efforts have grown in researching how integrative complexity can successfully mitigate polarizing tensions in political divides, there is a lack of scholarly attention on how conscious and unconscious dimensions of integrative complexity affect such processes. This article proposes a framework to ground future research in this direction as well as inform depolarizing interventions on this topic.
... Previous research reveals that ambivalence emphasizes balancing the accounts of relative advantages or disadvantages and leads to delayed and hesitant behaviors (Baek, 2010;Tetlock, 1986). Therefore, we propose the following hypothesis: ...
Article
Full-text available
Purpose - Social media played an irreplaceable role in young people's online social life and information consumption during the COVID-19 pandemic. This research focuses on the impact of excessive information on social media about COVID-19 vaccines on Generation Z's (Gen Z) associated psychological states and long-term vaccine advocacy. Design/methodology/approach - The research conducted structural equation modeling analysis with online survey data from 409 Gen Z citizens in the UK. Findings - The findings suggest that excessive information increased Gen Z social media users' ambivalence and conspiracy beliefs around COVID-19 vaccines, which, in turn, reduced their long-term vaccine advocacy in terms of vaccine acceptance, vaccination intention, and vaccine promotion. Importantly, Gen Z's confidence in government and in the healthcare systems during COVID-19 were effective in helping them overcome the detrimental effects of conspiracy beliefs and ambivalence about long-term vaccine advocacy, respectively. Originality/value - This research reveals the 'dark side' of social media use in the post-pandemic period and highlights the significant roles played by social institutions in mitigating the detrimental effects of Gen Z's support in social decisions. Beyond the context of COVID-19, this research has important implications for facilitating the civic engagement of Gen Z and boosting their confidence in social institutions in terms of social cohesion.
Article
Full-text available
Despite growing interest in resilience research, there is a notable gap in understanding the psychological characteristics predicting resilience in individuals who have experienced extreme adversity. The present study examines narratives of Ukrainian survivors of Soviet concentration camps, or GULAG (ГУЛАГ—Глaвное Управлeние исправительно-трудовых ЛАГерей, Main Directorate of Correctional Labour Camps). Our aim is to identify psychological characteristics that predict resilience in oppressive circumstances and to uncover unique motivational, cognitive, and social-personality factors associated with distinct resilience outcomes. By analyzing 95 survivor narratives using thematic content analysis, the study found that Achievement Motive, Integrative Complexity, and Identity Strength, particularly cultural identity, were positively associated with resilience. Additionally, scores for Integrative Complexity and Achievement Motive varied across different regions of Ukraine. The study enhances our understanding of human responses to adversity, highlighting the predictive capacities of motivations, cognitive factors, and social-personality aspects for psychological wellbeing. These insights could inform interventions and support strategies for survivors of the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine, as well as other contexts of extreme adversity. This study contributes to the scientific understanding of psychological states and outcomes through linguistic analysis, as well as the broader comprehension of human resilience and post-traumatic growth in challenging environments.
Article
Many researchers have drawn on the term “cognitive flexibility” to denote the explanatory mechanism underlying a broad array of organizational theories. However, conceptualization (and operationalization) of this construct is inconsistent, and sometimes conflates with that of other constructs, thereby weakening our understanding of cognitive flexibility and muddling the theories that rest on it. To bring clarity, we conduct a comprehensive search of cognitive flexibility constructs, strip away their labels, and use text analysis and manual coding of their descriptions to distinguish among five fluid thought processes: (1) elaborating, (2) dimensionalizing, (3) integrating, (4) juxtaposing, and (5) matching. We further group these processes into three higher-order categories involving the reshaping, contending, and shifting of cognitive structures—and conduct a literature review of their consequences and antecedents. Our surveying demonstrates that these processes’ substance and implications differ markedly. As such, we argue that cognitive flexibility may be more appropriately viewed as a multifaceted, rather than monolithic, construct. We discuss how a multifaceted approach helps bring clarity to implicated organizational theories—and opens up exciting questions about the transferability, antagonism, and trainability of cognitive flexibility’s distinct facets.
Article
Agency theory and self‐determination theory have contrasting assumptions about what motivates human beings and, accordingly, suggest differing methods of motivating others – from extrinsic rewards aimed at controlling agency to facilitating human agentic behaviour. These different assumptions are consequential – organizations and societies would look wildly different with the adoption of the one or other perspectives, with important implications for human welfare and wellbeing. The introduction to this Point and Counterpoint (PCP) calls on prominent scholars in both perspectives to clarify as well as question their assumptions about human motivation. An invitation to take a step back and clarify one's beliefs with precision, elucidating both the ideas and the data they are based on. At the same time, this PCP constitutes an invitation to explore how one's own personal preferences or values might be guiding their own (selection of) research and argumentation. We hope such internal reflection and external dialogue moves the conversation from us‐versus‐them to shared passion, from contradictory to paradoxical, and from stalemates to practical solutions that are sufficiently integrative to address today's complex societal challenges.
Article
Full-text available
Used content analysis to assess the conceptual or integrative complexity of pre- and post-election policy statements of 20th-century American presidents. Two hypotheses were tested. According to the impression management hypothesis, presidents present issues in deliberately simplistic ways during election campaigns but in more complex ways upon assuming office when they face the necessity of justifying sometimes unpopular decisions to skeptical constituencies. According to the cognitive adjustment hypothesis, presidents gradually become more complex in their thinking during their tenure in office as they become increasingly familiar with high-level policy issues. Results support only the impression management position. The complexity of presidential policy statements increased sharply immediately after inauguration but did not increase with length of time in office. Complexity of policy statements also significantly declined in reelection years. (18 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Explored the impact of accountability (the need to justify one's views to others) on the complexity of people's thinking on controversial social issues. 48 undergraduates reported their thoughts on 3 issues and then responded to a series of attitude scales relevant to each topic. Ss provided this information under 1 of 4 conditions: expecting their attitudes to be anonymous or expecting to justify their attitudes to an individual with liberal, conservative, or unknown views. Consistent with previous work on strategic attitude shifts, Ss reported more liberal attitudes when they expected to justify their views to a conservative. Accountability also increased the integrative complexity and evaluative inconsistency of the thoughts reported on each issue but only when Ss expected to justify their attitudes to an individual with unknown views. Findings suggest that accountability leads to more complex information processing only when people do not have the cognitively lazy option of simply expressing views similar to those of the individual to whom they feel accountable. (39 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Tested hypotheses derived from I. Janis's (1972) groupthink analysis of several foreign policy decisions of the American government. Content analyses were performed using the public statements of key decision makers involved in crises for which Janis's case studies revealed or did not reveal evidence of groupthink. Consistent with Janis's theory, it was found that, relative to non-groupthink decision makers, groupthink decision makers were more simplistic in their perceptions of policy issues and made more positive references to the US and its allies (own group). Inconsistent with Janis's theory, groupthink decision makers did not make significantly more negative references to Communist states and their allies (opponents). Methodological and practical obstacles to definitive testing of the groupthink model are examined. (33 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
An integrative complexity coding system was used to explore the relations between cognitive style and political ideology among US Supreme Court justices who served on the Court between 1964 and 1978. The integrative complexity of case opinions that Ss authored during their 1st terms on the Court and the overall liberalism–conservatism of their voting records throughout their tenure were assessed. Consistent with past work on cognitive style and political ideology, Ss with liberal and moderate voting records exhibited more integratively complex styles of thought in their early case opinions than did those with conservative voting records. Unexpectedly, these relationships between cognitive style and ideology were more powerful on cases involving economic conflicts of interest than on cases involving civil liberties and rights issues. Results remain significant after controlling for a variety of demographic and background characteristics of the Ss (e.g., age, religion, quality of law school attended) and characteristics of the judicial opinions scored for integrative complexity (unanimous or split-Court, majority–minority status of opinion). Possible explanations for the results and processes that limit the cross-issue generality of relationships between cognitive style and ideology are discussed. (60 ref)
Article
• Tested the cognitive vs rhetorical style hypothesis (conservatives have more simplistic rhetorical, not cognitive styles than liberals or moderates) by assessing the integrative complexity of 10 paragraph-sized statements of 81 senators in 5 US Congresses: 3 dominated by liberals and moderates (the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses) and 2 dominated by conservatives (the 83rd and 97th Congresses). Results show that liberals and moderates were more complex than conservatives in the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses but that these differences among ideological groups were much less pronounced in the 83rd and 97th Congresses. The change in pattern was due to sharp declines in the complexity of liberals and, to a lesser extent, moderates in conservative-dominated sessions, not to an increase in the complexity in conservatives. Conservatives displayed more traitlike stability in integrative complexity both within and across Congressional sessions. It is suggested that the integrative complexity of senatorial debate may be a joint product of relatively context-specific styles of political impression management and relatively stable cognitive styles of organizing the political world. (41 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved) • Tested the cognitive vs rhetorical style hypothesis (conservatives have more simplistic rhetorical, not cognitive styles than liberals or moderates) by assessing the integrative complexity of 10 paragraph-sized statements of 81 senators in 5 US Congresses: 3 dominated by liberals and moderates (the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses) and 2 dominated by conservatives (the 83rd and 97th Congresses). Results show that liberals and moderates were more complex than conservatives in the 82nd, 94th, and 96th Congresses but that these differences among ideological groups were much less pronounced in the 83rd and 97th Congresses. The change in pattern was due to sharp declines in the complexity of liberals and, to a lesser extent, moderates in conservative-dominated sessions, not to an increase in the complexity in conservatives. Conservatives displayed more traitlike stability in integrative complexity both within and across Congressional sessions. It is suggested that the integrative complexity of senatorial debate may be a joint product of relatively context-specific styles of political impression management and relatively stable cognitive styles of organizing the political world. (41 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The political spectrum has often been viewed as a linear continuum on which the extremes of the right and left occupy the most antithetical positions. The alternative hypothesis is that there are some dimensions on which the extremes resemble each other. This essay examines the theories of international politics and foreign policy espoused by scholars of the radical right and left. Two dozen points of convergence are grouped under five headings: Understanding history and politics, the causes of war, the nature of the enemy, the conditions of peace , and ends and means in politics . Because the essay is focused on studies of international politics since the outbreak of World War II, considerable attention is devoted to the parallels between rightwing theories of the USSR and Soviet foreign policy, and left wing explanations of the United States and American foreign policy. The conclusion suggests that both theories are fundamentally flawed in two respects: (1) As employed by their proponents, the theories appear incapable of being falsified; and (2) studies employing them are marred by serious methodological flaws that violate the canons of systematic inquiry.