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A Processing Resource Account of Age Differences in Recall

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Abstract

Hypothesized that age deficits in recall are due to a reduction in available processing resource. It is also argued that the formation of a distinct encoding, in which unique aspects of the context are integrated with the target item, requires a substantial amount of attentional resource but that the core semantic features of words are encoded relatively automatically. Thus, under conditions of reduced processing resource, a general, stereotyped encoding is predicted. The effectiveness of general, categorical retrieval cues was compared to the effectiveness of contextually specific retrieval cues in 3 experiments with 84 undergraduates and 60 elderly (approximately 66–69 yrs old) Ss. Young adults recalled more than older adults when they were cued with specific retrieval cues, but no age differences were observed when general retrieval cues were used. A similar pattern of results was obtained when the amount of processing resource was experimentally reduced by requiring young adults to perform a concurrent task during encoding. (22 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
CANADIAN JOURNAL
OF
PSYCHOLOGY,
1982, 36(2),
325-344
A Processing Resource Account of
Age Differences in Recall*
Jan C. Rabinowitz, Fergus I.M. Craik, and Brian P. Ackerman
Centre for Research in Human Development,
Erindale College, University of Toronto
ABSTRACT
It is hypothesized that age deficits in recall are due to a reduc-
tion in available processing resource. It is argued that the formation of a
distinct encoding in which unique aspects of the context are integrated
with the target item requires a substantial amount of attentional resource,
but that the core semantic features of words are encoded relatively auto-
matically. Thus, under conditions of reduced processing resource, a gener-
al,
stereotyped encoding will result. The effectiveness of general, categori-
cal retrieval cues was compared to the effectiveness of contextually
specific retrieval cues in three experiments. Young adults recalled more
than old adults when they were cued with specific retrieval cues, but no
age differences were observed when general retrieval cues were used. A
similar pattern of results was obtained when the amount of processing
resource was experimentally reduced by requiring young adults to perform
a concurrent task during encoding.
RESUME
Etude des deficiences dues a
I'age
dans le rappel qui, selon I'hy-
pothese des auteurs, proviendraient d'une reduction des ressources dispo-
nibles de traitement. La formation d'un encodage distinctif qui integre les
aspects specifiques du contexte avec
I'item
cible exigerait des lors une
quantite importante des ressources de I'attention alors que les caracteris-
tiques semantiques essentielles des mots seraient encodees relativement
automatiquement. Des lors, des conditions de ressources reduites de
trai-
tement conduiront a un encodage general stereotype. L'efficacite d'indices
de recouvrement categoriels generaux a ete comparee, dans trois expe-
riences, a l'efficacite d'indices de recouvrement specifiques et contextuels.
Quand les indices de recouvrement sont specifiques, les jeunes adultes
se rappellent mieux que les plus vieux, mais aucune difference due a
I'age
n'a pu etre observee quand ce sont des indices generaux de recouvrement
qui sont utilises. Des resultats semblables ont ete obtenus quand la quan-
tite de ressource de traitement a ete experimentalement reduite en exi-
geant des jeunes adultes d'accomplir une tache concurrente pendant
I'encodage.
Many recent views of human memory have been couched in terms of enco-
ding processes, retrieval processes, and their interrelations. Within such a
*This research was supported by a University of Toronto grant to the Centre for Research in
Human
Development.
The
first
author
was
supported
by a
Research Fellowship
from
the
Gerontology
Research
Council
of
Ontario.
We are
indebted
to
Marjorie
Swanson
for
coor-
dinating
our
pool
of
older subjects
and to
Steven Sibley
for
experimental
assistance.
Brian
Ackerman
is now at the
University
of
Delaware.
Address
reprint
requests
to Jan
Rabinowitz,
Centre
for
Research
in
Human
Development,
Erindale
College,
Mississauga,
Ontario,
Canada
L5L 1C6.
325
... This assumption is predicted by fuzzy-trace theory (Brainerd & Reyna, 1990), which asserts that because gist representations are shaped by prior knowledge, when an item is detected -even at an "unconscious" level (e.g., Draine & Greenwald, 1998) -a semantic tag can be assigned rapidly without sustained attention to the item (cf., McClelland & Rumelhart, 1985). Early studies using divided attention manipulations found that when participants' attention was divided between encoding memoranda (e.g., words) and simultaneously completing a concurrent task (e.g., an auditory reaction time task), their ability to remember specific items from the encoding period was impaired, but they could remember the gist of the studied items (Odegard & Lampinen, 2005;Rabinowitz et al., 1982; for similar results in studies of visual processing, see Li et al., 2002). Although these results suggested that gist representations are encoded automatically (i.e., with no need for attention), recent studies of visual associative recognition have shown that divided attention at encoding disrupts LTM specific and gist representations , 2022c. ...
... Specific representations consume a lot of attention during encoding , 2022c, 2023bOdegard & Lampinen, 2005;Rabinowitz et al., 1982) and erode rapidly (Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2022aSachs, 1967;Thorndyke, 1977). Thus, we hypothesized that participants would be less capable of accessing specific representations in tests of LTM for items encoded under larger relative to smaller set sizes. ...
... Gist representations, however, can be encoded rapidly (Ahmad et al., 2017;Draine & Greenwald, 1998;Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2023dMelcher, 2006;Potter, 1976;Potter et al., 2004;Tatler et al., 2003;Thorpe et al., 1996) and with reduced need for sustained attention (Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2023b;Li et al., 2002). Studies of item memory using divided attention manipulations have suggested that one can encode an item's gist with little to no sustained attention (Odegard & Lampinen, 2005;Rabinowitz et al., 1982;cf., Li et al., 2002). If this is so, then representations may be weak for some/most of the items, quickly disintegrating once the stimulus is no longer present. ...
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... The word-association task typically makes use of highly associated items (e.g., doctor-nurse), whereas the examples in categoryexemplar production are typically less strongly associated with the category cues (in both Gabrieli, Stone, Shackleton, et al., 1996, andHartman, 1996, the studied examples did not rank in the 10 most frequently produced instances, according to the norms of Battig & Montague, 1969). It is possible that the use of very strong associates eliminates the need for elaborative processing to produce relatively accessible memory traces (Bentin et al., 1995;Rabinowitz, Craik, & Ackerman, 1982). ...
... Are there automatic semantic encodings that lead to longer term retention? Rabinowitz et al. (1982) and Bentin (1994;Bentin et al., 1995) argued that core (or context-invariant) semantic features of words are encoded automatically and impact long-term memory tests. In contrast, elaborative encoding processes and the integration of words with the contexts in which they occur (both of which also influence long-term retention) are hypothesized to require attention (Bentin, 1994;Bentin et al., 1995;Rabinowitz etal., 1982). ...
... Passive identification of the study words does not produce conceptual priming on these tasks either at all or at least at much lower levels than in full-attention conditions. This implies either (a) that contrary to Bentin (1994;Bentin et al., 1995) and Rabinowitz et al. (1982), the encoding of core semantic features requires attention, or (b) that the memorial vestiges of automatic semantic processing during word identification influence only some long-term memory tests. ...
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... Many factors could explain why an individual remembers the gist but not the specifics of an episode, including how old the individual is (Abadie et al., 2021;Brainerd & Reyna, 2015;Craik, 2002a;Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2020, 2023aSchacter et al., 1997;Tun et al., 1998), how attentionally demanding it is to encode or retrieve specific versus gist representations (Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2022b, 2022d, 2023bLuo & Craik, 2009;Odegard & Lampinen, 2005;Rabinowitz et al., 1982), and how much time has elapsed between encoding and subsequent retrieval (Andermane & Bowers, 2015;Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2022a, 2022b, 2023cSachs, 1967;Sekeres et al., 2016;Thorndyke, 1977). One critical mechanism that may mediate these other factors is the amount of time required to encode the gist versus the specifics of an episode (Ahmad et al., 2017;Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2023e;Navon, 1977;Tatler et al., 2003). ...
... The encoding of specific representations is more attentionally demanding than the encoding of gist representations (e.g., Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2023b;Rabinowitz et al., 1982). Increases in encoding time likely provide older adults, like younger adults, with sufficient time to attend to the specific, perceptual features of information, thus strengthening their specific representations. ...
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... To explain this pattern of results, FTT posits that divided attention harms verbatim memory more than gist memory. This proposition is based on the assumption that encoding of verbatim traces (the integrated representation of specific surface details) demands greater attentional commitment than encoding of gist traces (the general meaning), as the latter is assumed to occur relatively automatically (Rabinowitz et al., 1982;Rumelhart & McClelland, 1985). This assumption is supported by the evidence that disruption of verbatim memory emerges with weaker forms of attentional interference compared to gist memory (Greene & Naveh-Benjamin, 2023). ...
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... Consequently, participants under threat did not benefit from the effect of imagery strategy, in contrast to those in the control group whose memory performance improved through use of the imagery strategy. When under threat, participants have to manage intrusive thoughts and stress; consequently, their cognitive resources are less available to perform a task, especially when this requires high cognitive resources, notably for older adults whose cognitive resources are reduced due to aging (Rabinowitz et al., 1982). ...
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... One such factor is aging. An examination of existing research across a variety of domains suggests that older adults' representations are more general (e.g., Rabinowitz, Craik, & Ackerman, 1982), contain less source-related information (e.g., Hashtroudi, Johnson, & Chrosniak, 1989), are more affected by irrelevant information (e.g., Hess, McGee, Woodburn, & Bolstad, 1998), are less likely to contain unexpected information (e.g., Hess & Tate, 1991), and emphasize different types of event information (e.g., Carstensen & Turk-Charles, 1994;Hess, Bolstad, Woodburn, & Auman, 1999) than representations of younger adults. Although there are notable exceptions (e.g., Adams, 1991;Carstensen & Turk-Charles, 1994;Hess, 1999), most hypotheses concerning the source of this age-related variability in representational processes are based in decrements in basic cognitive functions, such as processing speed (Salthouse, 1996), inhibitory functions (Hasher & Zacks, 1988), or working memory (e.g., Park et al, 1996). ...
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