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Value Priorities and Readiness for Out-Group Social Contact
Abstract
Relations of individuals' value priorities to their readiness for out-group social contact were examined in dominant and minority groups. Study 1 examined readiness of 151 Israeli Jewish teachers (dominant group) for contact with Israeli Arabs (minority). Readiness correlated positively with emphasizing universalism and self-direction values and negatively with emphasizing tradition, security, and conformity values. This confirmed an integrated set of hypotheses from S. H. Schwartz's (1992) value theory. Study 2 examined readiness of Israeli Arab Muslim (
N = 111) and Christian (
N = 88) teachers for contact with Israeli Jews. Hypotheses took account of differences between the two Arab minorities in motivation to integrate into the dominant society versus to preserve their uniqueness. Correlations with values confirmed most hypotheses. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... A substantial body of research has shown that benevolence is positively associated with helping others, financial donation, and volunteering (Grant & Mayer, 2009;Maio & Olson, 1995;Rioux & Penner, 2001;Verplanken & Holland, 2002). Benevolence also leads to a greater willingness to establish social contact with out-group members (Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995), and its effects have been documented both, correlationally as well as causally (e.g., Maio, Pakizeh, Cheung, & Rees, 2009;Sagiv, Sverdlik, & Schwarz, 2011). In a pertinent investigation, nurses who were asked to think about and advocate for the utility of their efforts for others were more persistent at their jobs making fewer mistakes. ...
... Considering that benevolence is associated with prosocial behaviors targeted at distant others (e.g., a greater willingness to establish social contact with and help out-group [vs. in-group] members; Maio et al., 2009;Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995;Sagiv et al., 2011), promotion-(vs. prevention-) focused consumers should be more likely to experience greater benevolence after donating to distant others, thereby leading to increased post-donation happiness. ...
... One theoretical case can be made that promotion-focused consumers tend to experience greater benevolence (Song, 2017), which is associated with prosocial behaviors targeted at distant (vs. close) others (Maio et al., 2009;Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995;Sagiv et al., 2011). In this sense, donating to close others might contradict with such values among promotion-focused consumers when engaging in prosocial behaviors. ...
Although donors may prefer contributing to causes that help those who are socially closer to them, we propose that donating to socially distant beneficiaries makes donors feel happier. This occurs because donating to distant (vs. close) others results in an experience of greater benevolence. We further identify regulatory focus as a boundary condition of these effects. In one choice study and four experiments featuring close to 2,500 respondents, we demonstrate this phenomenon across diverse samples and varying forms of beneficiaries. Our research extends prior work examining the impact of recognition from others on charitable behavior to examine donors’ self-evaluations, and how they impact happiness.
... Since support for social benefit schemes is most likely motivated by consideration of others, we expect the social values of self-transcendence and conservation to be of POWER: Social status and prestige, control or dominance over people and resources ACHIEVEMENT: Personal success through demonstrating competence according to social standards HEDONISM: Pleasure and sensuous gratification for oneself STIMULATION: Excitement, novelty and challenge in life SELF-DIRECTION: Independent thought and action-choosing, creating and exploring UNIVERSALISM: Understanding, appreciation, tolerance and protection for the welfare of all people and for nature BENEVOLENCE: Preservation and enhancement of the welfare of people with whom one is in frequent personal contact TRADITION: Respect, commitment and acceptance of the customs and ideas that traditional culture or religion provide the self CONFORMITY: Restraint of actions, inclinations and impulses likely to upset or harm others and violate social expectations or norms SECURITY: Safety, harmony and stability of society, of relationships and of self Note: Adopted from Sagiv and Schwartz (1995). Reinl et al. relevance for the formation of such preferences and in particular universalism and security values as explained in the following section. ...
... Universalism is likely to be more relevant for the explanation than benevolence, since according to the theory, whereas benevolence places high priority for helping people with whom one is in frequent social contact, universalism attributes high importance to the protection of all people. By way of contrast, valuing security entails attributing high importance to the safety and stability of society and of the self (Davidov and Meuleman 2012; see also Table 1 and Sagiv and Schwartz 1995). If social benefit schemes imply that more money is given to people or groups other than oneself or those belonging to one's group or nation, then valuing security highly may result in objecting to such policies. ...
Previous explanations regarding transnational solidarity in the European Union (EU) have mainly focussed on factors including left–right self-placement, support for European integration and European identity. We expand this model by considering deeper psychological determinants of transnational solidarity: values, operationalised as Schwartz’s basic human values of universalism and security. We expect them to exert (1) direct effects on transnational solidarity – measured as support for pan-European social benefits – and (2) indirect effects via the three aforementioned factors. We test and find evidence to support our theoretical framework using multigroup structural equation modelling and data from the European Social Survey. We further show that the effect size of the value of universalism on preferences for an EU social benefit scheme in each country is positively moderated by that country’s net contribution to the EU budget, highlighting the interaction between material interests and psychological value motivations.
... One is suspicious of the members of the latter and refuses to come into contact with them. On the other hand, in individualistic societies, these constraints are not observed and the probability of contact between communities is very high (Gelfand et al., 2004;Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995;Oishi et al., 1954). As summarized by , collectivist (conservative) societies favor in-group alliances while individualist (liberal) societies favor interaction with groups from other classes in society. ...
Purpose-This study aims to examine the effects of the historical prevalence of infectious diseases on contemporary gender equality. Previous studies reveal the persistence of the effects of historical diseases on innovation, through the channel of culture. Design/methodology/approach-Drawing on the parasite stress theory, the authors propose a framework which argues that historical prevalence of infectious disease reduces contemporary gender equality. The study uses ordinary least squares and two-stage least squares in a cross-section with data from 122 countries between 2000 and 2021. Findings-This study provide support for the underlying hypothesis. Past diseases reduce gender equality both directly and indirectly. The strongest indirect effects occur through innovation output. Gender equality analysis may take these findings into account and incorporate disease pathogens into the design of international social policy. Originality/value-This study complements the extant literature by assessing the nexus between historical prevalence of infectious diseases and gender equality.
... One is suspicious of the members of the latter and refuses to come into contact with them. On the other hand, in individualistic societies, these constraints are not observed and the probability of contact between communities is very high (Gelfand et al., 2004;Sagiv and Schwartz, 1995;Oishi and Uhich Schimmack, 1954). As summarized by Fincher (2014a, 2014b), collectivist (conservative) societies favor in-group alliances while individualist (liberal) societies favor interaction with groups from other classes in society. ...
Purpose-This study aims to examine the effects of the historical prevalence of infectious diseases on contemporary gender equality. Previous studies reveal the persistence of the effects of historical diseases on innovation, through the channel of culture. Design/methodology/approach-Drawing on the parasite stress theory, the authors propose a framework which argues that historical prevalence of infectious disease reduces contemporary gender equality. The study uses ordinary least squares and two-stage least squares in a cross-section with data from 122 countries between 2000 and 2021. Findings-This study provide support for the underlying hypothesis. Past diseases reduce gender equality both directly and indirectly. The strongest indirect effects occur through innovation output. Gender equality analysis may take these findings into account and incorporate disease pathogens into the design of international social policy. Originality/value-This study complements the extant literature by assessing the nexus between historical prevalence of infectious diseases and gender equality.
... 32 (2) Basic human values, whose expression, and attainment may be promoted or blocked by immigration to a country are likely to affect attitudes toward migrants. 33 While universalist values predict more positive attitudes, conformity-tradition values predict a more negative attitude toward migrants 34 and that may be reflected in hate speech perception. According to Schulzke,35 intolerant attitudes are one of the main manifestations of hate speech; with the use of online platforms people's previously private beliefs become public and prejudices are made visible. ...
Online hate speech is a matter of concern for social media platforms, regulators, researchers, and the public. Despite its widespread prevalence and contentious nature, little research has been done on the perception of hate speech and its psychosocial predictors. To address this gap, we conducted a study on the perception of hate speech toward migrants in online comments, analyzing the differences between a public group (NPublic = 649) and an expert group (NExperts = 27) and exploring the correlation between the proposed hate speech indicators and perceived hate speech in both groups. Additionally, we explored various predictors of hate speech perception, including demographic and psychological variables such as human values, prejudice, aggression, impulsiveness, social media behavior, attitudes toward migrants and migration, and trust in institutions. Our results show that the public and experts have differing sensitivities toward hate speech, with the expert group perceiving comments as more hateful and emotionally harmful compared with the general population, who tend to agree more with antimigrant hateful comments. The proposed hate speech indicators and especially their total scores have a strong correlation with both groups' perceptions of hate speech. Psychological predictors, such as the human values of universalism, tradition, security, and subjective social distance, were significant predictors of online hate speech sensitivity. Our findings emphasize the need for public and scholarly discussions, more robust educational policies, and intervention programs with specific measures to counter hate speech online.
... To illustrate the epistemological differences, we will use an exemplary model and approach the problem from both angles. The chosen model is loosely based on the approach by Davidov & Meuleman (2012) and has been used by others in a similar way (e.g., Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995). The model investigates the well-known effect of human values on attitudes toward immigration. ...
Machine learning (ML) techniques have become one of the most successful scientific tools and changed the everyday life of people around the globe (e.g., search engines). A vast amount of digital data sources on human behaviour has emerged due to the rise of the internet and opened the door for computer scientists to apply ML on social phenomena. In the social sciences, however, the adoption of ML has been less enthusiastic. To investigate the relation of traditional statistics and ML, this paper shows how ML might be used as regression analysis. For that purpose, we illustrate what a typical social science approach might look like and how using ML techniques could contribute additional insights when it comes to estimators (non-linearity) or the assessment of model fit (predictive power). In particular, we reveal how epistemological differences shape the potential usage of ML in the social sciences and discuss the methodological trade-off of applying ML compared to traditional statistics.
... Os valores podem servir como padrões sobre o que deveria fazer uma pessoa com respeito às pessoas que são distintas por não pertencer a seu próprio grupo, e que atitudes e ações intergrupais deveriam apoiar. A esse respeito, os valores de universalismo e autodireção promoviam atitudes de abertura ao contato mútuo entre os judeus e os árabes em Israel, enquanto que a valorização da tradição, da segurança e da conformidade a limitava essas atitudes (Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995). Esse resultado se assemelha ao que Rokeach (1973) encontrou com respeito à postura dos brancos norte-americanos em relação às pessoas percebidas como afro-americanos. ...
PSICOLOGIA SOCIAL
Temas e teorias
Ana Raquel Rosas Torres
Marcus Eugênio Oliveira Lima
Elza Maria Techio
Leoncio Camino
Organizadores
3ª edição revisada e ampliada
... They are linked in both correlational and experimental studies to prosocial and helping behaviors, providing constructive criticism, volunteering, donating money, resource allocation, and general endorsement of social harmony (examples of such studies: Arieli et al., 2014;Bardi & Schwartz, 2003;Grant, 2008;Grant & Mayer, 2009;Maio et al., 2009;Rioux & Penner, 2001;Sagiv et al., 2011;Verplanken & Holland, 2002). They also play a role in readiness for contact with members of the out-group (Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995). ...
Benevolent behaviors are behaviors that involve care or being concerned about others (e.g., their well-being, their benefits, and their personal development). Benevolence may be mutualistic (driven by the expectation of mutual gain of the interaction partners; Doney & Cannon, 1997) or altruistic (extracontractual, enhancing the partner’s well-being or providing them with other benefits without an expectation of gain for oneself; Mayer et al., 1995). According to Livnat (2004), a benevolent act consists of three elements: emotive (concern and care for the object of benevolence), cognitive (the competence of rationally attempting to do good), and performative (describing the actual attempt to act benevolently).
Purpose
To protect the environment and society, research on responsible behavior and personal values has increased. Values have been identified as important for understanding and predicting environmental preservation behaviors. The purpose of this study is to analyze the validity and reliability of the Environmental Portrait Value Questionnaire in the Spanish context.
Design/methodology/approach
The new version of this questionnaire was administered to 742 university students (46.4% male and 53.6% female) from 16 regions in Spain.
Findings
The results of adapting and testing the instrument’s psychometric properties were consistent with accepted criteria for validity and reliability. Therefore, this updated and contextualized instrument has the potential to contribute to academic advances in the sense of expanding the empirical practice of studying environmental values. Fifteen items from the original version were retained, grouped into four factors as in the original version: Altruistic – five items; Egoistic – four items; Biospheric – three items; and Hedonic – three items. The final version showed adequate fit indices and reliability measures.
Originality/value
This instrument is a powerful resource for the Spanish academic community because using this application it will be possible to assess the degree of commitment of young adults to the goals of sustainability and environmental protection.
This foundational text was one of the first books to integrate work from moral philosophy, developmental/moral psychology, applied psychology, political and social economy, and political science, as well as business scholarship. Twenty years on, this third edition utilizes ideas from the first two to provide readers with a practical model for ethical decision making and includes examples from I-O research and practice, as well as current business events. The book incorporates diverse perspectives into a "framework for taking moral action" based on learning points from each chapter. Examples and references have been updated throughout, and sections on moral psychology, economic justice, the "replicability crisis," and open science have been expanded and the "radical behavioral challenge" to ethical decision-making is critiqued. In fifteen clearly structured and theory-based chapters, the author also presents a variety of ethical incidents reported by practicing I-O psychologists. This is the ideal resource for Ethics and I-O courses at the graduate and doctoral level. Academics in Organizational Behavior and Human Resource Management will also benefit from this book, as well as anyone interested in Ethics in Psychology and Business.
Theological, sociological, and psychological analyses of religion suggest that religiosity associates positively with values that enhance transcendence, preserve the social order, and protect individuals against uncertainty, and negatively with values that emphasize self-indulgence and favor intellectual or emotional openness to change. On this basis, an integrated set of hypotheses was generated to relate religiosity to the importance that individuals attribute to 10 basic types of human values across religious groups. Hypotheses were largely confirmed in educated adult samples of Israeli Jews (n = 635), Spanish Roman Catholics (n = 478), Dutch Calvinist Protestants (n = 217), and Greek Orthodox (n = 400). Hypotheses also were largely confirmed in a representative West German sample (n = 1,807) with different measures of religiosity and values. The pattern of correlations was robust across subsamples divided by age, gender, education, and income, and for Lutheran Protestants and Roman Catholics.
The universality of S. H. Schwartz and W. Bilsky's (see record
1988-01444-001) theory of the psychological content and structure of human values was examined with data from Australia, Finland, Hong Kong, Spain, and the United States. Smallest space analyses of the importance ratings that individuals assigned to values revealed the same 7 distinct motivational types of values in each sample as had emerged earlier in samples from Germany and Israel: achievement, enjoyment, maturity, prosocial, restrictive conformity, security, self-direction. Social power, studied only in Hong Kong, also emerged. The structural relations among the value types suggest that the motivational dynamics underlying people's value priorities are similar across the societies studied, with an exception in Hong Kong. The interests that values serve (individual vs. collective) and their goal type (instrumental vs. terminal) also distinguished values in all samples. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Using data from 88 samples from 40 countries, the authors reevaluate the propositions of a recent values theory and provide criteria for identifying what is culture-specific in value meanings and structure. They confirm the widespread presence of 10 value types, arrayed on a motivational continuum, and organized on virtually universal, orthogonal dimensions: Openness to Change versus Conservation and Self-Transcendence versus Self-Enhancement. Forty-four values demonstrate high cross-cultural consistency of meaning. In the average sample, about 16% of single values diverge from their proto-typical value types, and one pair of motivationally close value types is intermixed. Test-retest and randomly split sample analyses reveal that some two thirds of deviations represent unreliable measurement and one third represent culture-specific characteristics. Ways to identify and interpret the latter are presented.
Personality and differential psychology have paid little attention to values research. Consequently, the constructs used in these subdisciplines have developed independently, and evidence regarding the relations of personality to values is minimal. This study seeks to advance our understanding of these relations and to arrive at a theoretical integration of constructs. Starting from recent developments in values theory (Schwartz, 1992; Schwartz and Bilsky, 1987, 1990) and drawing on Maslow's (1955) distinction between ‘deficiency’ and ‘growth’ needs, we elaborate theoretical links between personality and values with special emphasis on structural relations. A set of hypotheses regarding these relations is generated and tested next, using data from a study with 331 German students. These students completed both the Rokeach Value Survey (RVS) and the Freiburg Personality Inventory (FPI), measuring ten primary and two secondary personality variables, namely extraversion and emotionality. Joint Similarity Structure Analyses (SSAs) of values and personality variables were conducted. The findings reveal both meaningful and systematic associations of value priorities with personality variables, confirming the hypothesized structural relationships. The compatibility of our hypotheses with the complex findings of George (1954) using totally different indexes of both values (Allport–Vernon Study of Values) and personality (drawn from Eysenck and Guilford) further supports the theoretical connections proposed in this study.
We constructed a theory of the universal types of values as criteria by viewing values as cognitive representations of three universal requirements: (a) biological needs, (b) interactional requirements for interpersonal coordination, and (c) societal demands for group welfare and survival. From these requirements, we have derived and presented conceptual and operational definitions for eight motivational domains of values: enjoyment, security, social power, achievement, self-direction, prosocial, restrictive conformity, and maturity. In addition, we have mapped values according to the interests they serve (individualistic vs. collectivist) and the type of goal to which they refer (terminal vs. instrumental). We postulated that the structural organization of value systems reflects the degree to which giving high priority simultaneously to different values is motivationally and practically feasible or contradictory. To test our theory, we performed smallest space analyses on ratings given by subjects from Israel (N = 455) and Germany (N = 331) of the importance of 36 Rokeach values as guiding principles in their lives. Partitioning of the obtained multidimensional space into regions revealed that people do indeed discriminate among values according to our a priori specifications of goal types, interests served, and motivational domains in both societies. Moreover, the motivational domains of values are organized dynamically in relation to one another in both societies, as predicted by the patterns of compatible or contradictory motivation and practical consequences. We have noted additional values and domains possibly needed for a universal scheme as well as potential applications of this approach for comparing the meanings, structure, and importance of values across cultures, for analyzing relations between social structure and values, and for predicting and interpreting relations of values to attitudes and behavior.
Investigated predictors of intergroup aggression and its relations to in-group bias. In a questionnaire, 156 Israeli adults reported perceptions of their own religious group and of the ultraorthodox Jewish out-group and expressed aggression toward the ultraorthodox (opposing institutions that serve their needs, supporting acts harmful to them, and opposing interaction with them). Respondents showed in-group favoritism in trait evaluations, but this bias was unrelated to aggression. Perceived inter-group conflict of interests, the postulated motivator of aggression, predicted it strongly. The effects of conflict on aggression were partially mediated by 2 indexes of dehumanizing the out-group (perceived value dissimilarity and trait inhumanity) and by 1 index of probable empathy with it (perceived in-group-out-group boundary permeability). These variables related to aggression more strongly among persons who identified highly with their in-group. The variables also mediated the effects of religious group affiliation on aggression. The value dissimilarity finding supports derivations from belief congruence theory.
This paper examines the social identity of Arabs and Jews in Israel and its relationship to the readiness for establishing and maintaining intergroup contact. Social identity is defined in terms of self-esteem and the national, civic, religious, familial, residential, and vocational subidentities. The structural coherence of the indentity system was demonstrated for both Jews and Arabs, but while subidentities among Jewish subjects tend to be positively interrelated, there is strain within the Arab system, revealed by a negative correlation between the national and civic subidentities, among others. Readiness for relations with members of the other group is higher for Arabs than for Jews and also more clearly related to several subidentities. Jewish readiness for social relations with Arabs is weakly related to the identity system. Identity variables may be promising mediators between situational antecedents and intergroup attitudes, but mainly for members of the minority.
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