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Reflection in Preferences Under Risk. Who and When May Suggest Why

American Psychological Association
Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance
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Abstract

In an experiment with 60 undergraduates, the robustness of the reflection effect was examined both within Ss and across Ss differing in risk style for a set of multi-outcome lotteries. Reflection was found to be weak and irregular for all choice pairs except those that included a lottery with a riskless component. The latter were generally preferred for gains but not for losses by both risk-averse and risk-seeking Ss. In all other choices, risk-averse and risk-seeking Ss differed systematically from one another, but in ways that are more complex than pure risk aversion or risk seeking would predict. It is concluded that the findings suggest a general inability of weighted value theories such as the prospect theory described by D. Kahneman and A. Tversky (1979) to adequately describe the pattern of risk preferences over individuals and over the full range of lottery types. Such inadequacy suggests the need for an alternative approach to risk with emphasis on the goals and strategies that individuals bring to the risky choice process. (21 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Journal
of
Experimental
Psychology:
Human
Perception
and
Performance
1986,
Vol.
12,No.4,53J-548
Copyright
1986
by
the
American
Psychological
Association,
Inc.
T»%-1523/86/J00.75
Reflection
in
Preferences
Under
Risk:
Who and
When
May
Suggest
Why
Sandra
L.
Schneider
and
Lola
L.
Lopes
University
of
Wisconsin—Madison
Conventional
economic
theory
assumes
that
people
are
uniformly
risk
averse.
Psychological
studies,
however,
have
shown
that
people
are
sometimes
risk
averse
for
gains
but
risk
seeking
for
losses,
a
phenomenon
termed
the
reflection
effect.
The
robustness
of the
reflection
effect
was
examined
both
within
subjects
and
across
subjects
differing
in
risk
style
for a set of
multi-outcome
lotteries.
Reflec-
tion
was
found
to be
weak
and
irregular
for all
choice
pairs
except
those
that
included
a
lottery
with
a
riskless
component.
The
latter
were
generally
preferred
for
gains
but not for
losses
by
both
risk-
averse
and
risk-seeking
subjects.
In all
other
choices,
risk-averse
and
risk-seeking
subjects
differed
systematically
from
one
another,
but in
ways
that
are
more
complex
than
pure
risk
aversion
or
risk
seeking
would
predict.
The findings
suggest
a
general
inability
of
weighted
value
theories
such
as
prospect
theory
(Kahneman
ATverskv,
1979)
to
adequately
describe
the
pattern
of
risk
preferences
over
individuals
and
over
the
full
range
of
lottery
types.
Such
inadequacy
suggests
the
need
for an
alternative
approach
to
risk
with
emphasis
on the
goals
and
strategies
that
individuals
bring
to the
risky
choice
process.
Since
the
time
of
Bernoulli, economists
have
noted that most
people
prefer
a
certain outcome
to a
gamble
of
equal expected
value.
This phenomenon
is
known
as risk
aversion.
Bernoulli
(1738/1967)
proposed
that such preferences arise because
peo-
ple
maximize
the
expected
utility
of
options.
He
suggested that
the
subjective
value,
or
utility,
of
money
is a
marginally
decreas-
ing
function
of
objective
value. Because such
a
function
is
con-
cave
everywhere,
a
person maximizing expected
utility
will
al-
ways
prefer
a
sure thing
to a
risky
option
of
equal expected
value.
Although
the
expected utility model
is the
cornerstone
of
many
current theories
of
risky decision making, recent evi-
dence
(Fishburn
&
Kochenberger,
1979; Kahneman
&
Tversky,
1979;
Laughhunn,
Payne,
&
Crum,
1980; Williams,
1966)
has
suggested
that
when
potential losses
are
involved, most people
prefer
a risky
option
to a
certain outcome
of
equal expected
value;
that
is,
they
are risk
seeking
in the
domain
of
losses.
Kahneman
and
Tversky
(1979)
labeled this switch
from
risk-
averse
preferences
for
gains
to
risk-seeking
preferences
for
losses
the
reflection
effect.
In
part because modern expected
utility
theory typically does
not
account
for
such
reflection,
Kahneman
and
Tversky
have
developed what
they
believe
to
be
a
more descriptive
and
comprehensive
model
of
preferences
under
risk. This model, embodied
in
what
Kahneman
and
Tversky
call
prospect
theory,
describes individual decision mak-
ing
under risk
as
consisting
of two
separate stages.
First,
pros-
pects
are
psychologically edited
in
order
to
simplify
their repre-
sentation,
and
second,
the
edited prospects
are
evaluated
in
terms
of
subjective
value
and
probability
weighting
functions.
The
present article
focuses
on the
reflection
effect
and its
the-
oretical interpretation
in the
prospect theory
framework.
An
outline
of the
essential
features
of
prospect theory
is
presented,
followed
by a
discussion
of the
conditions theoretically
neces-
sary
for
the
occurrence
of
reflection.
Next, what
little
empirical
evidence exists regarding
the
reflection
effect
is
considered.
Fi-
nally,
the
present
study
is
introduced
as an
expanded test
of the
reflection
effect.
Basics
of
Prospect
Theory
Prospect theory
is a
complex axiomatic description
of
deci-
sion
making under risk. Rather than discussing
it in
detail,
we
will
consider
only
those portions
of the
theory that
are
relevant
to the
present study. Kahneman
and
Tversky
(1979)
propose
that
before
prospects
are
evaluated,
they
are
psychologically
represented through
the
application
of
several editing opera-
tions. Of
primary importance
for the
reflection
effect
is
that
outcomes
are
coded
relative
to
some
reference
point,
usually,
but
not
always,
the
status quo.
Thus,
decision makers
are
seen
as
thinking
in
terms
of
gains
and
losses rather than
final
asset
positions.
Once
the
prospects
have
been edited,
they
are
evaluated.
First,
the
outcomes
and
associated probabilities
in
each
edited
prospect
are
interpreted according
to a
subjective value
func-
tion
and
a
probability
weighting
function.
These
subjective
in-
terpretations
are
then integrated quantitatively, using
a
format
similar
to
that employed
by
expected utility
theorists,
to
deter-
mine
the
overall worth
of
each
of the
prospects.
The
prospect
with
the
maximum worth
is
then
identified
and
chosen.
This
research
was
supported
in
part
by
Office
of
Naval
Research
Con-
tract
N00014-84-K-0065
to
Lola
L.
Lopes.
Correspondence
concerning
this
article
should
be
addressed
to
San-
dra L.
Schneider,
Department
of
Psychology,
University
of
Wisconsin,
Madison,
Wisconsin
53706.
Value
Function
An
illustration
of the
value
function
of
prospect theory
(which
we
will
call
the FT
value
function)
is
presented
in
Figure
1.
The
function
is
concave
for
gains
but
convex
for
losses, giving
535
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... In a study of multi-outcome lottery preferences for both gains and losses, Schneider and Lopes (1986) found that preferences varied across subjects and across lottery types. For those subjects who had been preselected for their risk-averse behavior in a task involving two-outcome gambles representing gains, multi-outcome lottery preferences were generally risk-averse for gains but were not consistently risk seeking for losses. ...
... The latter tendency toward risk seeking is not entirely a surprise, given that the positive option 25/75 has a riskless component (i.e., its worst outcome is better than zero). Other studies (e.g., Kahneman & Tversky, 1979;Schneider & Lopes, 1986) have also documented majority preferences for this type of risk over a sure thing. Nevertheless, with this one notable exception, majority preferences in the positive domain do tend to be risk averse as predicted. ...
... making in the positive domain; they are independent in outcome and perhaps in process. This lack of relationship is not only evident throughout this study but has also been noted in several other studies that have documented the general independence of choices in the gain and loss domains (e.g., Cohen, Jaffray, & Said, 1987;Hershey & Schoemaker, 1980;Schneider & Lopes, 1986). ...
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... Many financial studies have explored reference-dependent preferences of prospect theory (Benartzi and Thaler 1995;Barberis and Huang 2001;Barberis et al. 2016); however, it is difficult to distinguish a jump at the aspiration level from a prospect theory type of loss aversion. Nonetheless, several experimental studies find supporting evidence of a jump at the reference point (aspiration level) (Schneider and Lopes 1986;Payne 2005;Levy and Levy 2009;Markle et al. 2015;Zeisberger 2022;Huber et al. 2019;Holzmeister et al. 2020). Their results are consistent with expected utility theory with an aspiration level, but none of the studies examines this question for stock returns. ...
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... Studies have suggested that the bet size influences the patterns of individuals' information searches, as well as the types of choices they make (Studer & Clark, 2011). When decision-making for a small bet, individuals promote the search for safe information and select safe choices; a large bet puts individuals into a conflict between their desire for security and the demands of the goal, which may result in the search for riskier information and riskier choices (Schneider & Lopes, 1986). Chetty et al. (2021) also found that the size of a bet significantly correlates with risk preference in a trust game. ...
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Chapter
During the last 100 years, there have been many changes of fashion concerning the proper relation between the psychologist, the subject, and the subject matter. In the early days, subjects were trained in the techniques of introspection in the hope that they would be able to look beyond the products of higher mental processes and report back on sensation, itself. For reasons that now seem obvious, this program failed and psychological fashion swung to behaviorism, in which the scientific goal was to map directly from observable stimuli onto observable responses. The subject, therefore, came to be treated as a “black box” whose contents were theoretically inconsequential. Since World War II, however, behaviorism has been steadily losing ground to a newer approach, variously called “human information processing psychology” or “cognitive psychology. ” This approach uses the subject as a “window” on the flow of information through consciousness. Thus, verbal reports are becoming part of the database on which theory is built and for which explanation is required.
Article
We discuss the cognitive and the psy- chophysical determinants of choice in risky and risk- less contexts. The psychophysics of value induce risk aversion in the domain of gains and risk seeking in the domain of losses. The psychophysics of chance induce overweighting of sure things and of improbable events, relative to events of moderate probability. De- cision problems can be described or framed in multiple ways that give rise to different preferences, contrary to the invariance criterion of rational choice. The pro- cess of mental accounting, in which people organize the outcomes of transactions, explains some anomalies of consumer behavior. In particular, the acceptability of an option can depend on whether a negative outcome is evaluated as a cost or as an uncompensated loss. The relation between decision values and experience values is discussed. Making decisions is like speaking prose—people do it all the time, knowingly or unknowingly. It is hardly surprising, then, that the topic of decision making is shared by many disciplines, from mathematics and statistics, through economics and political science, to sociology and psychology. The study of decisions ad- dresses both normative and descriptive questions. The normative analysis is concerned with the nature of rationality and the logic of decision making. The de- scriptive analysis, in contrast, is concerned with peo- ple's beliefs and preferences as they are, not as they should be. The tension between normative and de- scriptive considerations characterizes much of the study of judgment and choice. Analyses of decision making commonly distin- guish risky and riskless choices. The paradigmatic example of decision under risk is the acceptability of a gamble that yields monetary outcomes with specified probabilities. A typical riskless decision concerns the acceptability of a transaction in which a good or a service is exchanged for money or labor. In the first part of this article we present an analysis of the cog- nitive and psychophysical factors that determine the value of risky prospects. In the second part we extend this analysis to transactions and trades. Risky Choice Risky choices, such as whether or not to take an umbrella and whether or not to go to war, are made without advance knowledge of their consequences. Because the consequences of such actions depend on uncertain events such as the weather or the opponent's resolve, the choice of an act may be construed as the acceptance of a gamble that can yield various out- comes with different probabilities. It is therefore nat- ural that the study of decision making under risk has focused on choices between simple gambles with monetary outcomes and specified probabilities, in the hope that these simple problems will reveal basic at- titudes toward risk and value. We shall sketch an approach to risky choice that
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This chapter discusses the psychology of risk: what risk is (if it is anything at all), how people think about it, what they feel about it, and what they do about it. The chapter describes the way psychologists think about risk: how they study it, what tasks they use, what factors they vary, and what models they build (or borrow) to describe risk-taking behavior. Technically, the word risk refers to situations in which a decision is made whose consequences depend on the outcomes of future events having known probabilities. Psychological studies of risky choice (it is the term used conventionally to refer to all but the most extreme instances of ignorance or ambiguity) fall into two groups. At one extreme are the studies run by mathematically inclined experimental psychologists in which subjects make decisions about gambles described in terms of amounts and probabilities. At the other extreme are studies run by personality psychologists, who are mostly interested in individual differences in risk taking. A theory of risky choice is presented in the chapter that attempts to meld the strengths of both approaches. Empirically and methodologically it is tied to the experimental approach to risky choice. But theoretically it is more strongly tied to motivational approaches.
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Introduction, 99. — I. Some general features of rational choice, 100.— II. The essential simplifications, 103. — III. Existence and uniqueness of solutions, 111. — IV. Further comments on dynamics, 113. — V. Conclusion, 114. — Appendix, 115.
Article
Presents examples in which a decision, preference, or emotional reaction is controlled by factors that may appear irrelevant to the choice made. The difficulty people have in maintaining a comprehensive view of consequences and their susceptibility to the vagaries of framing illustrate impediments to rational decision making. However, experimental surveys indicate that such departures from objectivity tend to follow regular patterns that can be described mathematically. The descriptive study of preferences also challenges the theory of rational choice, as it is often unclear whether the effects of decision weights, reference points, framing, and regret should be considered as errors or biases or whether they should be accepted as valid elements of human experience. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)