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Adaptive and maladaptive parenting: Perspectives on risk and protective factors

October 2012

Authors:

Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center New Orleans

Reviews adaptive and maladaptive parenting and discusses various factors that lead to positive outcomes, including effective social networks, social support, reciprocity in early relationships, and other circumstances that contribute to resilience. The authors also consider conditions that lead to negative outcomes, including substance abuse, exposure to violence, teen pregnancy, and parental psychopathology. In addition, they highlight a perspective on preventive intervention that focuses on programmatic directions that may protect a child and family and that can lead to more positive outcomes, even under conditions of significant adversity. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

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CHAPTER THRE

Adaptive and Maladaptive Parenting

Perspectives on Risk and Protective Factor

JOY D

OSOFSKY

AND M

. DEWANA

THOMPSO

Professionals who think about parenting often focu

on the many social ailments that burden families

including the effects of single parenting, the prob-

lem of teenage pregnancies, the increasing numbe

of children being raised in violent environments, th

negative effects of substance abuse, and the impac

of these factors on the psychological well-being o

children and families

. Less frequently, discussion

center around the adaptive aspects of parenting or

the conditions under which children raised wit

problematic or maladaptive parenting prove to b

resilient

In considering adaptive and maladaptive parent-

ing, it is important that the latter not be viewe

as a permanent state for families but be recognize

as a situation that can be altered, given improved

circumstances

. This leads to two critically impor-

tant questions

: 1) What circumstances foster adap-

tive parenting? and 2) Which circumstances lead t

resilience in situations of risk? We argue that par-

ents who have positive relationships with multipl

systems that provide organization and support i

their environments exhibit more adaptive parent-

ing styles than those who lack these significant re-

lationships. Positive relationships and communica-

tion between the parent and child, and between th

parents and members of their support network, hav

all been shown to be beneficial in fostering adaptiv

parenting

. Some parents, even when living unde

conditions of high psychosocial risk, who are abl

to maintain positive reciprocal relationships, ade-

quate support networks, and have the added benefi

of sharing parenting with someone else, can alte

their behaviors and engage in enhanced caregiving

The environmental circumstances in which familie

live, and the relationships that are nurtured withi

these environments, influence the behaviors and at-

titudes of parents

. Systems theorists support the no

tion that individuals can form mutually beneficia

relationships with their environments, which ca

in turn translate into positive or negative parentin

behaviors (Belsky, 1984

; Bronfenbrenner, 1989)

ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES ON PARENTIN

Parenting is largely defined by the environments i

which families live

. Although the microsystem en

compasses the most basic and direct level of interac

tion within the environment, indirect relationship

between the parent and distal factors are significan

as well

. Parenting, therefore, can be understood no

only in terms of the dyadic relationship between th

parent and child but also in a broader context

. A

described by Bronfenbrenner (1989), parent—chil

interactions exist within the context of multipl

relationships and milieus

. It is essential to under

stand that an individual

s environment can encom-

pass significant influential factors and relationship

that affect overall development and that families ar

involved in reciprocal and mutually beneficial rela-

tionships with their environments

. In these relation

ships, the influence is transactional

. Parents bot

influence and are affected by their environments

The manner in which an individual parents his o

her children, therefore, is largely a result of the pat

terns that are evident in the existing systems an

the overall environment in which that person re

sides (Bronfenbrenner, 1989)

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



5 5

Socioeconomic factors, culture, the psycholog-

ical well-being of the parent, child characteris-

tics, and community climates are all factors tha

may influence patterns of behaviors (Belsky, 1984)

Bronfenbrenner (1989) warned against solely con-

sidering demographic characteristics, or such per-

sonal attributes as IQ levels, when examining de-

terminants of parenting

. He believes that there is

need to examine jointly the characteristics of th

environment and those of the individual

. Usin

a person/context model allows for such an exam-

ination of parents' personal characteristics in th

context of various ecological niches

. Bronfenbren-

ner (1989) raised a question about which ecologica

niches are favorable for psychological growth

. W

also ask, which ecological niches or environmenta

conditions are favorable for adaptive parenting? Sev

eral factors have consistently been found to foste

adaptive parenting environments

. In this chapter

we focus on the importance of reciprocity, the ex-

istence of social networks in the parents' lives, an

the significant role of the father

In the first edition of the

Handbook of Early Child

hood Intervention,

Beckwith (1990) highlighted th

parent-infant relationship and the many microleve

influences on parenting

. In this edition, we focus o

more meso-, exo-, and macrolevel influences

. Fro

this perspective, the discussion moves from influ-

ences on adaptive parenting to considerations of re

silience and protective factors in situations of risk

Lynch and Cicchetti (1998) have proposed that, i

situations of risk, compensatory factors that are en

during and proximal (as contrasted to transient an

distal) can serve as buffers in the parenting process

The existence of these factors appears to have th

longest and most profound influence on children'

overall development. Therefore, an essential compo

nent of this discussion is the recognition that uniqu

circumstances within their environment may allo

parents who are at risk for maladaptive parenting t

develop and facilitate positive and healthy relation

ships with their children

CHARACTERISTICS OF ADAPTIVE PARENTIN

Importance of Reciprocit

Reciprocity, involving shared or complementar

affects and experiences, is extremely important for

the developing infant and his or her relationships

Winnicott (1965) proposed that there is no suc

thing as a baby. By this he meant that, psycho

logically, there is only a baby with a mother

. In

fact, there is no such thing as a parent without

child

. Thus, the reciprocal, complementary relation

ship goes both ways

. Winnicott (1953) character-

ized the commitment of parent to child in term

of primary maternal preoccupation

. As such, the be

haviors, needs, moods, intentions, and place of th

infant should fill the parents' minds and help mo-

tivate them to respond appropriately to the child

Clinicians have long viewed affect as a crucial par

of both understanding and facilitating the relation

ship that is so important for effective clinical work

In infancy, emotions play a particularly meaningfu

role in the evolving relationship between the paren

and the child as they are a primary means of commu

nication for both the infant and caregiver

. Emotion

in the caregiver-infant relationship are the basis fo

building important aspects of reciprocity

. Attempt

by parents to regulate their emotions are importan

for understanding parental effectiveness on both

theoretical and a practical basis (Dix, 1991)

Reciprocity, or building mutually satisfying rela-

tionships between the developing infant or youn

child and parent, influences both behavioral an

affective development

. Historically, the notion o

affective reciprocity has been key for understand-

ing the development of the early relationship

. Som

of the pioneer observers in this area presented an

extreme and grim picture that may be useful i

considering factors that are important for adap-

tive parenting

. For example, data gathered by Spit

(1945, 1946), through his clinical observations of in

fants separated from their mothers in institutions

suggested that a predominance of negative affect

and, in severe cases, anaclitic depression (behavio

marked by crying, withdrawal, and a frozen rigid-

ity of expression and affect), may accompany dis-

ruptions in the early parent-infant relationship

. I

a similar way, Bowlby (1973, 1980) emphasized th

importance of early separation and loss as poten-

tially disruptive for the development of the parent

child relationship

. In addition to traumatic events

children may also experience rejecting or overly frus

trating events in their families, such as abuse or ne

glect, both of which can lead to disruptions in th

development of reciprocity

. Both the anaclitically



JOY D

. OSOFSKY AND M

. DEWANA THOMPSO

depressed infants described by Spitz, and the chil-

dren who have warded off painful affects accordin

to Bowlby's theory, experience significant problem

in achieving affective reciprocity that is importan

for positive psychosocial development

. In a simi-

lar way, Erikson (1950) described the infant's nee

to develop basic trust

. These ideas are closely re-

lated to the sensitive work of Fraiberg and colleague

(Fraiberg, Adelson, & Shapiro, 1975), which deal

with disturbed mothers' neurotic patterns of rep-

etitions that occurred as they attempted to paren

their infants

. Fraiberg et al

. termed these repetition

and maladaptive patterns "ghosts in the nursery" be

cause of their tendency to be repeated generatio

after generation if no reparative work is done

Several researchers and clinicians have added t

our understanding of reciprocity through a combi-

nation of empirical work with infants and familie

and the development of new theoretical perspec-

tives

. Stern (1985), in his classic book,

The Inter

personal World of the Infant,

discussed how an infan

forms a predictable and dependable representatio

of a parent—infant relationship

. Infants use this par

ent representation to monitor their own behavior i

relationship to their parent

. As the infant develop

more affective and intellectual capacities, it is possi-

ble to observe a matching of mental states betwee

the infant and the parent as well as both parties' abil

ities to share feelings

. Stern coined a now much-use

phrase, "affect attunement," to describe this occur-

rence, meaning the ability of parents to be resonan

with their infants by sharing affectual states

. Th

ability to share emotions is extremely important fo

affective development because it is through the shar

ing of emotions with the infant that a feeling stat

is understood

. If the parent is unable to share the in

fant's affective states, then one will observe a lack o

reciprocity in the relationship

. This will be describe

later as part of the risk situations that contribute t

maladaptive parenting. In Stern's (1990) book

Diary of a Baby,

the concepts of reciprocity and af-

fect attunement are woven throughout his sensitiv

descriptions and observations of the development o

the earliest relationship

Another type of reciprocity, "emotional availabil-

ity," focuses on the parent's accessibility and capac-

ity for reading the emotional cues and meeting th

emotional needs of the infant

. Emde (1980) sug-

gested that emotional availability may be one of the

keenest barometers of how development proceed

in early childhood

. Under optimal circumstances

one would expect to view a range of emotions

with a balance of the positive emotions of inter-

est and pleasure between infant and parent

. Emo-

tional availability has been illustrated empirically i

interesting research on a form of emotional referenc

ing characterized as social referencing (Sorce, Emde

Campos, & Klinnert, 1985)

. In these experiments, a

infant encounters a situation of uncertainty

. Whe

through normal exploration he or she looks to th

mother for help in dealing with the uncertainty

the mother signals either fear/anger or joy/interest

When presented with the positive signal, the infan

approaches and explores; in response to the negativ

signal, the infant avoids the new situation

. Thus

the mother's facial expression or verbal signal sig-

nificantly affects both the infant's affective respons

and his or her behavior

. Social referencing illustrate

a general developmental process that a person use

to gain information from a significant other abou

an uncertain or ambiguous situation

. Clearly, emo-

tional availability is important not only for the de-

velopment of basic trust but also for the facilitatio

of positive exploration and for the development o

competent behaviors

. This response from a paren

or significant caregiver plays a key role in the in-

fant's development of a positive internalized sens

of self

. Empirical work on affect exchanges (Osofsky

1993) provides similar examples of the importanc

not only of affective mirroring but also of sensitivit

to the other's cues and feelings

. Positive affect shar-

ing is an early sensitive indicator that all is goin

well with development and with the relationship

This emotional differentiation in the developmen

of children in high-risk groups is one that we re

turn to in the maladaptive parenting sections of thi

chapter

The Role of Father

The parenting literature often focuses on th

mother—child dyad, suggesting implicitly that thi

dyadic relationship is the most significant in a child'

life

. Less frequent is the inclusion of fathers i

the discussion of parenting

. However, the dynam-

ics of the father—child relationship are unique i

their own regard and significant in a child's over

all development. Thus, the distinct contributions of

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



5 7

fathers should not be omitted in considering adap-

tive parenting

Whether in single or married households, th

presence of the father in the lives of both the mothe

and the child is clearly evident

. Although there ha

been an increase in the number of children bein

raised by single mothers, a large proportion of child-

ren are also parented by their fathers

. Moreover,

significant number of children raised primarily b

their mothers have positive and healthy relation

ships with their fathers

. Still another facet of father

hood is the paternal role that many men choose t

undertake, despite the fact that they are not the bio-

logical father

. These relationships are often assume

by surrogate fathers who have consanguineal tie

to the child (grandfathers, uncles, cousins) or sig-

nificant others in the lives of mothers (boyfriend

or friends) who make a personal commitment t

serve in the fathering role

. These relationships ar

less clearly defined and much harder to quantify

but they exist and must be recognized as significan

and influential

. We discuss briefly the significant rol

of fathers in the adaptive parenting relationship i

married and in single-headed family systems

The father's unique role in parenting has bee

clearly defined as beneficial in the lives of children

Supporting the earliest relationship between fathe

and infant fosters strong ties for the later father

—

child relationship (Horn, in press

; Parke, 1995)

. Re-

gardless of the status of the relationship between th

mother and the father, the relationship between th

father and child and the influences that coparentin

can have on a child's development are clear

. Lamb

Hopps, and Elster (1987) outlined three ways i

which fathers are involved in the parenting role

. Th

first is the

interactive

component in which the fathe

shares in specific activities and child-care routines

The second, the

availability

component, refers to th

father's level of direct or indirect accessibility to th

child

. Third, the

responsibility

component refers t

the fathers' acquisition of the provider role in whic

he ensures that the child's primary needs are met an

that the necessary resources are available to him o

her

. Others have contended that there are additiona

ways in which father's levels of involvement are de-

lineated

. Involvement, for example, can be define

in terms of activities in which fathers participat

with their children

. These include play, leisure time

and child-care activities (Radin, 1993)

. The benefits

of these varied levels of paternal involvement wit

children have been well documented in the litera-

ture (Collins & Russell, 1991

; Crockett, Eggebeen,

Hawkins, 1993

; Horn, in press

; Grossman, Pollack,

Golding, 1988

; Lamb, 1987

; Lamb, Hopps, & Elste

1987

; Lamb, Plecke, & Levine, 1985

; Parke, 1981

1995)

In terms of the types of interactions that take plac

between fathers and their children, fathers generall

tend to be less involved in caregiving interaction

than are mothers

. Several studies have shown tha

fathers are more likely to be engaged in interaction

that evolve around play with their infants (Clarke

Stewart, 1980

; Palm, 1997

; Power & Parke, 1982

;

Yogman, 1983)

. These playful interactions — whic

include physical play, movement games, bouncing

and generally stimulating play — have been linke

to higher levels of infant arousal (Clarke-Stewart

1980

; Power & Parke, 1982

; Yogman, 1983)

. Father

also have been found to promote assertiveness i

their children and to participate in structured phys

ical activities such as scouting and Little Leagu

(Palm, 1997)

. Mothers more often focus on socio-

emotional stimulation in their play with infant

., playing peekaboo)

. For single noncustodial fa-

thers, the amount of involvement in their children'

lives proves to be just as important as in coparent-

ing situations and more frequent than most woul

expect

. Lerman (1993) found that almost half of th

600 young unwed fathers who were included in hi

study reported having at least weekly contact wit

their infants

. Involvement, however, appears to de

cline as the infant becomes older

Fathers' competence to provide nurturing an

stimulating interactions with their children ha

been studied by many investigators

. Fathers appea

to be responsive and sensitive to their infants' need

and to continue to be able to manage and supervis

their children's behaviors throughout their devel-

opment (Parke, 1995

; Russell & Russell, 1987)

. Th

presence of a male figure in the home has also bee

linked to more secure attachment in lower-incom

families (McLoyd, 1995)

. This reciprocal and mu-

tually beneficial relationship between fathers an

children is a key component found in families i

which children tend to be healthy, successful, an

competent and who have a secure sense of self

. Th

added component of paternal influence providin

the opportunity for children to interact and

:form



JOY D

. OSOFSKY AND M. DEWANA THOMPSO

an affective bond with both parents fosters adaptiv

parenting environments that aid in the promotio

of healthy child development

. Regardless of the dy-

namics between the mother and father, the added

effort from other systems in children's lives is es-

sential for ensuring that fathers are welcomed an

not excluded from the parenting experiences of thei

children

The Problem of Categorizin

Single-Headed Families as "At Risk

Weinraub and Gringlas (1995) suggested that chil

dren raised in single parent families are increasingl

considered at risk. This status, however, is often de-

termined by the social conditions faced frequentl

by single parents and not the demographic cate-

gory of single parenthood itself

. Single parents ar

more often women and, therefore, are paid lowe

wages than their male counterparts

. They often fac

problems finding suitable employment and are mor

likely to live in deteriorated and violent communi-

ties with diminished access to community resources

An additional consequence is the lack of adequat

educational opportunities that are available to thei

children

. These combined factors place children liv-

ing in these ecological niches at risk

. A distinctio

exists, however, within the realm of single parent

hood

. At one end of the continuum are those par-

ents who are unable to negotiate their environment

or protect their children from being affected nega-

tively

. At the other end are those parents who ar

able to meet the challenges that their environment

pose and who foster positive and healthy socializin

contexts for their children

. Thus, many single par-

ents successfully meet and master significant chal-

lenges on a daily basis, despite adverse life circum-

stances, with adaptive parenting therefore the result

This is often accomplished with the help of addi-

tional members of their social systems, the adde

support of paternal involvement, the benefits o

healthy reciprocal relationships with their children

and the utilization of religious and spiritual ties

Bronfenbrenner (1989) warned that theorist

should be careful not to use social addresses or de-

mography in isolation to characterize individual be-

havior patterns

. Alternatively, cumulative ecological

effects should be examined

. Because we recogniz

the challenges facing many single-headed families in

America, and the consequences of such life circum-

stances, we choose not to define single parenthoo

itself as a risk factor

. Instead, we address some o

the social conditions affecting many families acros

demographic lines that can lead to maladaptive par-

enting

. From this perspective, we address why som

groups are disproportionately at risk and how re-

silience is often found in families who are challenge

by adverse social conditions

Social Networks and the Role o

Supportive Relationships i

Adaptive Parentin

Social networks have a significant influence o

the lives of parents (Cochran & Niego, 1995)

. Per-

sonal social networks are defined as "those peopl

outside the household who engage in activities an

exchanges of an affective and/or material natur

with members of the immediate family" (Cochra

& Niego, 1995, p

. 396)

. In examining the influenc

of social networks on adaptive parenting, it is impor

tant to distinguish between this concept and that o

social support

. Social support can be described i

terms of the instrumental, informational, or emo-

tional help provided by members of one's socia

network (Crockenberg, 1987)

. Members of a socia

network may offer support to a parent by takin

on child care responsibilities, giving child care ad

vice, or simply offering encouragement

. However

some researchers argue that social networks shoul

not merely be defined in terms of their supportiv

or nonsupportive roles or functions in the lives o

parents (Cochran, 1993

; Cochran & Brassard, 1979)

This dichotomy ignores the additional positive an

negative roles that members of a social network ca

fulfill

. A much broader view of the role of social net

works may include the previously mentioned mode

of assistance, in addition to offering material as-

sistance and serving as role models for both par-

ents and children

. However, members of a socia

network are not always supportive

. When conflic

arises among members, or when there is an overloa

of information and interaction, networks can con

tribute to stressful home environments for parent

(Cochran & Niego, 1995)

. Nevertheless, the support-

ive role that network members serve often outweigh

the stress that they may impose on a parent

. Thus

social support is more appropriately defined as one

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



5 9

of many functions served by the individuals in one'

social network

The role that social networks play in the lives o

parents has been measured in four primary ways

The composition, density, and size of the overal

network, as well as the number of interactions tha

take place between the individual and the networ

are all factors that influence the impact of a so-

cial network on a family system (Burchinal, Follmer

& Bryant, 1996)

. The network composition refer

to the categories into which each member falls

This can include a spouse, family members, mem-

bers of the community, friends, or professional ac-

quaintances

. The network density is measured by th

interrelationships among individuals

. This can be as

sessed, for example, by examining the relationshi

between the spouse and the grandparent (Burchi-

nal, Follmer, & Bryant, 1996)

. MacPhee, Fritz, an

Miller-Heyl (1996) found that the network size wa

far less important than whether the network mem-

bers met the parents' needs

. Therefore, on an indi-

vidual level, the specific characteristics of member

of the network, the number of social exchanges tha

take place between the individual and a particula

member, and the perceived intensity of these rela-

tionships are all factors that may make greater con-

tributions to parenting than the actual size of th

network

. The synergistic effect that both these struc-

tural and functional components of a social net

work have on the parent-child dyad ultimately fos-

ters adaptive parenting environments

The presence of social networks that are extensiv

and supportive has been linked to adaptive parent-

ing in many ways (Burchinal, Follmer, & Bryant

1996

; Cochran & Niego, 1995)

. Supportive socia

networks have been found to reduce stress by serv-

ing as a buffer against threatening events, influenc-

ing the coping strategies of parents, and providin

emotional support (Crockenberg, 1987)

. The pres-

ence of supportive environments improves parents

general dispositions, assists them in feeling less over

whelmed by parenting tasks, and allows them t

have additional tangible and intangible resource

from which to draw information (Crnic & Green

berg, 1987

; McLoyd, 1995)

. Two of the most signif-

icant types of information provided by members o

social networks include child-rearing advice and in

formation regarding community resources

. Tangibl

sources of support include child care assistance and

financial support (Cochran & Niego, 1995)

. Rile

(1990) found that fathers relied on the child-rearin

advice of several significant members of their socia

network

. These networks appear to guide parents i

positive directions and offer additional resource in

formation regarding their children

Parents who have supportive social network

available to them have also been shown to be bet

ter equipped with resources that buffer stressfu

life events (Cochran, Lerner, Riley, Gunnarsson,

Henderson 1990

; Voight, Hans, & Bernstein, 1996)

Hanshaw and Frazier-Thompson (1996) found tha

fathers who were raising children with disabilitie

were better able to cope and accept their children'

disability when they had supportive family network

available to them

. Despite additional hardships tha

parents may face, punitive, harsh, and controllin

parenting styles are less likely to be found in fami-

lies in which there is a supportive and extensive net

work (Hashima & Amato, 1994

; Jennings, Stagg,

Connors, 1991)

. This finding has been demonstrate

across both racial and economic lines, in which indi-

viduals are able to use their social network as a sourc

of strength

. In family situations in which there ar

stressors, but also the existence of a strong network

there tends to be a lower incidence of child abus

and violence (Crockenberg, 1987) and, for teenag

mothers in particular, higher levels of psychologica

well-being (Thompson & Peebles-Wilkins, 1992)

. I

contrast, the absence of such systems can lead to so

cial isolation and conditions that foster maladaptiv

parenting

. Researchers have found that abusive par-

ents, when compared with nonabusive parents, ar

more likely to be isolated from both formal and in

formal support networks, tend to be newer to thei

neighborhoods, and are less likely to have a relativ

living in close proximity (McLoyd, 1995)

. Abusiv

parents also report having less access to informa

support and not being satisfied with the social net

works available to them (MacPhee, Fritz, & Miller

Heyl, 1996)

Supportive social networks are related positively t

adaptive parenting behaviors

. More specifically, par-

ents who have supportive networks available ten

to have more nurturant styles of parenting, dis-

play more positive affect and responsiveness wit

their infants, and foster more stimulating hom

environments (Burchinal, Follmer, & Bryant, 1996

;

Crnic, Greenberg, & Slough, 1986

; MacPhee, Firitz,



JOY D

. OSOFSKY AND M. DEWANA THOMPSO

& Miller-Heyl, 1996)

. Such parents are more sensi-

tive to their children's needs and exhibit less co-

ercive modes of discipline than those who do no

have access to such systems (McLoyd, 1995)

. Th

presence of supportive social networks has been re-

lated to less punitive and more responsive behav-

iors in teenage mothers (Nitz, Ketterlinus, & Brandt

1995)

. In Crockenberg's (1987) study, poor adoles-

cent mothers who had access to more family mem-

bers who helped with child care and who too

on household responsibilities were more responsiv

to their infants and showed higher levels of sen-

sitivity to them as compared with those who ha

less support

. Adolescent mothers frequently iden-

tify grandmothers as the primary members of thei

social networks on whom they depend the most

particularly for child care assistance (Hunter, 1997

;

Nitz, Ketterlinus, & Brandt, 1995

; Wilson & Tolson

1990)

. Grandparents play a significant role in th

lives of parents as well as children

. The presence o

grandmothers in the home of single African Amer-

ican mothers is related positively to higher level

of emotional adjustment in their children (McLoyd

1995

; Wilson & Tolson, 1990)

. Children generall

benefit from the existence of familial support

. Hig

levels of support in families have been related t

greater levels of social interaction in children, highe

levels of academic achievement, and overall en-

hanced social and emotional well-being (Gonzales

Cauce, Friedman, & Mason, 1996

; Homel, Burns,

Goodnow, 1987

; Taylor, 1997

; Tietjen, 1985)

. In con

trast, lower levels of social support are related to inse

cure attachment in infants, including both resistan

and avoidant behaviors (Crockenberg, 1981)

. Al

though the individual characteristics children brin

to the parent—child relationship may contribute t

these outcomes, supportive environments generall

enhance the likelihood of these positive outcomes

Contextual influences are key factors to conside

when examining social networks

. For poor and un-

educated parents, personal social networks are ofte

determined by those individuals to whom they hav

access in their immediate environment

. Because o

a limited pool of resources, these parents may hav

access to fewer social network members (Cochran

1993)

. For example, parents with less educatio

may not be as socially active as parents with highe

educational attainment

. The former may have fewe

social ties, whereas more educated parents may have

relationships that extend into various geographi

areas and are able to incorporate a wider range o

network members

. Parents' ethnicity has also bee

shown to influence their network membership

Ethnic groups that rely on a collectivist orientation

such as Hispanics and Native Americans, have bee

found to depend more heavily on close famil

members and fictive kin for emotional suppor

(MacPhee, Fritz, & Miller-Heyl, 1996)

. Africa

Americans also tend to rely heavily on extende

support networks (Hunter, 1997

; Kohn & Wilson

1995

; McAdoo, 1988

; Taylor, Chatters, Tucker,

Lewis, 1990)

. Cross (1990) reported that Africa

Americans often have larger social networks tha

they utilize more frequently than do Europea

Americans

. It is essential to take such contextua

influences into consideration when examining th

factors that influence parenting

By and large, supportive networks benefit par-

enting skills in three ways

. First, parents are abl

to gain additional information about developmen-

tally appropriate methods of parenting (Bronfen-

brenner & Crouter, 1983)

. Second, support network

often offer tangible resources in terms of child car

or financial assistance when needed (Cochran

Niego, 1995). Finally, networks often serve as buffer

against maladaptive parenting and stressful life sit-

uations (Voight, Hans, & Bernstein, 1996)

. Thes

modes of assistance often translate into adaptive par

enting environments that contribute to positive out

comes in infants and children

RISK FACTORS FOR MALADAPTATIO

IN PARENTIN

Both biological and environmental factors can lea

to risk for maladaptive parenting

. In this section w

review four selected areas in which there is muc

current interest, including substance abuse, violenc

exposure, adolescent parenting, and parental psy-

chopathology

Substance Abus

The role that substance abuse plays in the live

of parents and their children has been examine

in a number of ways, including its effects on in-

fants, parents, and the parent—infant relationship

To understand the overall effect on parenting, it is

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



6 1

necessary to recognize the complexity of each o

these factors

Much is known about the detrimental effects o

cocaine, alcohol, marijuana, heroin, and other drug

on a child when they are introduced early in life

Prenatally, the use of drugs and alcohol may re-

sult in birth defects, growth retardation, and de-

velopmental problems in infancy, including lowe

levels of information processing, attentional distur-

bances, and decreased interactions (Das Eiden

Leonard, 1996

; Jacobson, Jacobson, Sokol, Martier

& Ager, 1993

; Lester & Tronick, 1994

; Margura

Laudet, 1996

; Mayes, 1995

; Mayes & Bornstein

1996

; Mayes, Feldman, Granger, Haynes, Bornstein

& Schottenfeld, 1997

; Mejta & Lavin, 1996

; Struther

& Hansen, 1992)

. However, it is not possible to eval-

uate the ultimate effects on the infant without tak-

ing into account both the overall environment int

which the child is born and in which he or she i

raised and the effects on the parent—infant relation

ship

. Reciprocity, discussed earlier in this chapter

influences the behavioral and affective developmen

of infants

. Its presence, in the form of emotiona

availability, is particularly important for the parent'

ability to read the infant's cues and meet his or he

emotional needs

. In most cases, addiction prevent

a mother from responding to her infant's needs be

cause her primary focus is on her drug of choice

not her infant (Brooks, Zuckerman, Bamforth, Cole

& Kaplan-Sanoff, 1994)

. Mothers who abuse drug

show much lower levels of interaction with thei

infants (Mayes & Bornstein, 1996)

. Their lack o

ability to parent effectively is influenced by thei

current preoccupation with drugs and by the fac

that many of these mothers were raised in dysfunc-

tional families themselves, where substance abuse

psychopathology, and violence in many forms wer

part of everyday life

The lack of reciprocity observed so often betwee

mothers who have abused drugs and their infant

is influenced by three factors

. First, the exposur

of the infant to drugs prenatally may lead to bot

developmental impairments and lability in state

and moods, both of which may contribute to mak-

ing the infant more difficult to parent

. Thus, pos-

itive, healthy interactions between the parent an

the infant are less likely

. Second, long-term drug us

(specifically cocaine) has been found to affect a

individual's neuropsychological functioning

. These

effects often include deterioration of short-ter

memory, impaired task orientation, altered atten-

tion levels, and lowered levels of concentratio

(Mayes, 1995)

. Increased risk of psychiatric disorder

is also present, including extremely high rates of de-

pression in individuals who abuse drugs and alcohol

These impairments inevitably affect a parent's abil-

ity to meet effectively the physical and emotiona

demands of an infant

. The parent in such situation

is frequently physically present but is psychologi-

cally unavailable to her infant

. Finally, as mention-

ed earlier, substance abuse is frequently associate

with such other high-risk factors as elevated level

of violence, poverty, homelessness, social isolation

and noncompletion of high school (Mayes, 1995)

The combined effects of these factors, along wit

chronic or acute drug use, are likely to have a signi-

ficant impact on parenting

As with other maladaptive parenting situations

substance abuse in a parent will have differentia

impacts on children of different ages

. However

some developmental needs that are basic for al

children may be influenced remarkably by bein

raised by a parent who uses drugs (Kaplan-Sanoff

1996)

. The cycle of trauma that accompanies sub

stance abuse affects children's daily lives

. When par-

ents abuse substances, unpredictability and chao

characterize the household

. Emotional unavailabil-

ity and abandonment are recurring themes

. Out-

of-home placements are also prevalent while th

mother struggles with her addiction

. Similarly,

child of a teenage or depressed mother must dea

with changing and confusing roles — at one tim

being infantilized and at another being given th

responsibility of taking care of the parent (known a

parentification)

. As Kaplan-Sanoff (1996) and Brook

et al

. (1994) emphasized, living with a parent wit

an addiction challenges the child's development o

trust, attachment, autonomy, and self-esteem an

affects the child's ability to develop appropriat

behavioral control and affect regulation (Beeghle

& Tronick, 1994)

. Lester and Tronick (1994) dis-

cussed lifestyle factors that lead women to abus

substances and the resultant family and neighbor

hood conditions in which children are reared

. Child-

ren raised by a parent who abuses drugs or alco-

hol most often have a chaotic, disorganized lifestyl

that may include inadequate and disruptive parent-

ing, poverty, stress, and exposure to violence

.! Any



JOY D

. OSOFSKY AND M

. DEWANA THOMPSO

of these conditions can contribute to poor develop

mental outcomes

. When they are combined wit

prenatal drug exposure, children are at extremel

high risk for learning and behavior problems (Leste

& Tronick, 1994

; Kaplan-Sanoff, 1996)

In a more general way, studies have indicated tha

substance abuse impairs parenting abilities (Mayes

1995)

. Parental substance abuse has been associate

with 1) other psychiatric disorders, including de-

pression and antisocial personality

; 2) multigener-

ational transmission of both substance abuse pat

terns and psychiatric disorders

; 3) a high incidenc

of violence, both between adults and toward chil-

dren

; 4) an increased risk for abandonment and ne-

glect

; and 5) a generally poor sense of competenc

as a parent and a poor understanding of the need

of children. Furthermore, and consistent with thes

associations, studies have demonstrated that with

out ongoing support, mothers who have managed

to stop using drugs are more likely to resume thei

drug habits (see Mayes, 1995)

. It is most likely that

because there may be significant physiological an

biological effects on infants born to parents who ar

addicted to drugs or alcohol, the negative effect

on the child relate to an interaction between th

characteristics or problems of the infant and thos

of the parent

. Thus, the depressed behaviors, intru-

siveness, erratic responses, and violence observe

as negative parenting in mothers who abuse drug

may be a result of both the substance abuse prob-

lem and a cumulative effect of the many parenta

risk factors that affect this mother

. Because the prob

lem is a transactional one with many individuals

—

infant, parent, extended family, broad social net

work — contributing, effective intervention effort

must also be individual-, family-, and community

centered

. Therefore, it is important to address the in

dividual needs of the infant and the parent, provid

appropriate interventions and support, and recog-

nize the very important dimension of developing

trusting relationship with the addicted parent

. Onl

if the parent learns to trust him- or herself will he o

she then be able to parent the child sensitively an

effectively

Violenc

Parenting is, at best, a complex process, and in sit

uations of high risk, it is even more so

. For some

parents and children, the stress associated wit

violence exposure and the necessary coping with

violence as an everyday event affect both th

mother's ability to parent and the child's capacity t

form healthy attachment relationships (Osofsky

Fenichel, 1994)

. Because early relationships form th

basis for all later relationship experiences, such dif-

ficult early interactions may be problematic for th

child's later development. Poverty, job and famil

instability, and environmental violence add immea-

surably to the inherent difficulties

. Although sys-

tematic research has not yet been conducted con-

cerning the effects of violence exposure on parent-

ing and the caregiving environment, we know fro

anecdotal reports that parents who live with vio-

lence frequently describe a sense of helplessness an

frustration about their inability to protect their chil-

dren and keep them safe, even in their own neigh-

borhoods (Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostelny, & Pardo

1992

; Lorion & Saltzman, 1993

; National Survey o

Children and Parents, 1991

; Osofsky & Fenichel

1994

; Osofsky, Wewers, Hann, & Fick, 1993; Richter

& Martinez, 1993)

. A constant barrage of violence i

the community may lead parents to communicat

helplessness and hopelessness to their children

Protecting children and facilitating their develop-

ment is a family's most basic function

. Regardless o

their composition, families are uniquely structure

to provide the attention, nurturance, and safety tha

children need to grow and develop

. An importan

psychological aspect of parenting an infant or tod-

dler is being able to provide a "holding environ-

ment" (Winnicott, 1965) in which a parent can bot

protect a child and allow and encourage appropriat

independence

. Parents who are aware that they ma

not be able to protect their children from violenc

are likely to feel frustrated and helpless

. In addition

when parents witness violence or are themselves vic

tims of violence, they are likely to have difficult

being emotionally available, sensitive, and respon-

sive to their children

. In trying to help children an

parents who have been traumatized by violence ex-

posure, it becomes clear that parents must cope wit

their own trauma before they are able to deal wit

their children's needs

. Furthermore, when parent

live in constant fear, their children often lack th

sense of basic trust and security that is the foun-

dation of healthy emotional development (Osofsky

1995

; Osofsky, Cohen, & Drell, 1995)

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



Parents may experience additional burdens be

cause children's traditional societal protectors, in-

cluding schools, community centers, and churches

are also overwhelmed and are not able to assure saf

environments for their children

. A recent survey wa

designed to identify issues of trust and safety amon

a group of African American parents and childre

living in an inner-city environment with a high rat

of violence according to police homicide statistics

Thirty-five percent of the parents reported that the

did not feel their children were safe walking t

school, and 54% did not feel they were safe playin

in their neighborhood

. Only 17% of these parent

felt that the children were very safe doing thes

activities

. However, the majority (62%) felt that th

children were very safe at home, and 30% felt the

were very safe at school (Fick, Osofsky, & Lewis

1997)

. These data are consistent with the response

of 250 African American elementary schoolchil-

dren, ages 8—12, from the same neighborhoods

who reported that they felt much safer at home an

in school than walking to school or playing in thei

neighborhood

. Ninety percent of their parents fel

that violence was a serious problem or crisis in thei

neighborhood

. In clinical work with traumatize

young children and their families, one of the firs

issues that must be dealt with before any treatmen

can begin is whether the child and the family fee

safe

. There is a dual problem, however, in dealin

with chronic community violence

: 1) the continue

physical reality of the violent environment and 2

)

the continued posttraumatic reality for the youn

child and caregivers

Exposure to violence may interfere with norma

developmental transitions for both parents and chil-

dren

. If violence occurs in their neighborhood, t

their child, or to a child they know, parents may be

come overprotective, hardly allowing their childre

out of their sight

. Under such circumstances, par-

ents have difficulty behaving in any other than

controlling, or even authoritarian, manner

. Yet, en-

couragement of autonomy is important for develop-

ment and comes with trust in the safety of the envi-

ronment (Erikson, 1950)

. For families living wit

violence, children's growing independence and nor-

mal exploration may be anything but safe and

therefore, are not allowed

. Parents who are expose

to chronic violence may also become depressed an

unable to provide for their young children

s needs

Even with heroic efforts, if parents are sad an

anxious, it will be more difficult for them to respon

positively to the smiles and lively facial expression

of their young children

. Depressed parents may b

more irritable and may talk less often and with les

intensity

. All of these factors, although understand

able, may influence young children to be less re-

sponsive themselves and feel that they may hav

done something "bad" to contribute to this stat

of affairs

. Thus, supports outside of the family ar

very important for parents and children exposed t

violence

Teenage Mother

Parenting risks for adolescent mothers (here re-

ferred to as 16 years and younger) often begin earl

_ in their infants' lives because the cognitive as wel

as socioemotional caregiving environment is ofte

problematic

. Adolescent mothers generally initiat

verbal interactions less often and are less respon-

sive to their infants and young children than older

mothers (Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn, & Morgan

1987

; Chase-Lansdale, Brooks-Gunn, & Palkoff

1991

; Crockenberg, 1987

; Culp, Appelbaum

Osofsky, & Levy, 1988

; Field, Widmayer, Stringer,

Ignatoff, 1980

; Osofsky, 1991

; Osofsky et al

., 1992

;

Osofsky & Eberhart-Wright, 1988, 1992)

. Whe

observing interactions between adolescent mother

and their infants, one is frequently struck with th

stillness of the interaction

. Many of the mother

talk very little to their infants and young children

and the children verbalize relatively little

. Whe

the mothers do talk, they give short commands, o

discipline the child, rather than giving elaborate

responses or statements

. Thus, many of thes

children grow up in impoverished cognitive as wel

as economic and socioemotional environment

(Chase-Landsdale, Brooks-Gunn, & Palkoff, 1991

;

Osofsky, 1996)

. The increased risk when they ente

the organized school setting is obvious

Research examining adolescent mother—child in-

teractions has shown that adolescent mothers' par-

enting practices may increase their children's ris

for less adaptive developmental outcomes

. Whe

compared to the interactions of adult mothers wit

their infants and toddlers, interactions between ado-

lescent mothers and their children differ

term

of both the amount and quality of the behaviors



JOY D

. OSOFSKY AND M. DEWANA THOMPSO

displayed

. Studies of mother-child interactions con

ducted in the home as well as in homelike laborator

situations have found adolescent mothers to engag

in less verbal and more physical forms of interactio

(Culp, Appelbaum, Osofsky, & Levy, 1988

; Garcia

Coll, Hoffman, & Oh, 1987

; Osofsky & Osofsky

1970)

. The paucity of talking between adolescen

mothers and their infants combined with the less de

scriptive and articulate verbal interactions of adoles-

cent mothers and their toddlers (Osofsky, 1996) ma

contribute to the poorer cognitive and linguistic out

comes associated with teenagers' children (East

Felice, 1990

; Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn, & Chase

Landsdale, 1989)

. In addition, adolescent mother

and their toddlers are more likely to engage in mis-

regulated patterns of affective interaction in whic

either negative affects are emphasized (e

., chil

cries and mother yells) or affective cues are misrea

by the dyad (e

., child becomes angry and mothe

laughs)

. Participation in misregulated patterns of af-

fect was found to be most characteristic of teen

age mother-toddler interactions in comparison t

both socially advantaged and socially disadvan-

taged older mothers and toddlers (Hann, Robinson

Osofsky, & Little, 1991)

The developmental ramifications of the less op-

timal interaction patterns associated with adoles-

cent mothers and their children may be detecte

early in the social-emotional development of thes

children

. Lamb, Hopps, and Elster (1987) found th

distribution of infant attachment classifications dif-

fered between infants of adolescent and adult moth

ers

. Infants of adolescent mothers showed signifi-

cantly more avoidant behavior and were more likel

to be classified as avoidantly attached

. More re

cent attachment research that has included disorga

nized patterns of attachment in addition to secur

and insecure patterns (Main & Solomon, 1989) indi

cates that the offspring of adolescent mothers ma

also be at high risk for developing disorganized at-

tachment relationships with their mothers (Hann

Castino, Jarosinski, & Britton, 1991

; Hann, Osof-

sky, & Culp, 1996

; Speiker, 1989)

. The finding tha

children of adolescent mothers are at higher ris

for developing insecure attachment relationships i

consistent with previous research concerning th

etiology of avoidant and disorganized attachment

both of which have been associated with earlie

insensitive, negative, and emotionally unavailable

caregiving (Main & Hesse, 1990)

. These pattern

have been observed frequently with adolescen

mothers and their children

. The increased ris

among adolescent mothers' children for develop-

ing less optimal patterns of interaction and in

secure and disorganized attachment relationship

may contribute to the poorer social and emotiona

outcomes seen in these children (Brooks-Gunn

Furstenberg, 1986

; Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn,

Chase-Landsdale, 1989

; Osofsky & Eberhart-Wright

1988

; Osofsky, Eberhart-Wright, Ware, & Hann

1992)

. Further research, however, is needed to estab

lish the links between early patterns of mother-chil

interaction and infant attachment and later socio-

emotional outcomes in adolescent mothers an

their children

Mental health risks for adolescent mothers an

their offspring may have been overlooked in pre-

vious research

. In a recent study conducted in Ne

Orleans on the effects of chronic community vio-

lence on 58 elementary-school-age children, ages 9

12 years old, we found that almost half of the chil-

dren included in the sample were born to mother

who became parents as teenagers (Osofsky, Wewers

Hann, & Fick, 1993)

. Furthermore, there was a signif

icant relation between reported behavior problem

of these children on the Child Behavior Checklis

(Achenbach, 1979) and their having been parente

by an adolescent mother

. In addition to reported ex

posure to community violence and family violence

and because of the age and immaturity of the youn

mothers, as well as lack of support, children of ado-

lescent mothers are frequently victims of child abus

and neglect

. Thus, being born and raised in the fam

ily of an adolescent mother may increase the risk o

a child's being exposed to environmental and famil

factors that increase mental health risks

In our experience in developing intervention

with adolescent mothers, we found that it is mos

helpful to use strategies that assist the mother i

developing empathy for her baby

. Adolescence is

developmental period when individuals tend to fo-

cus mainly on themselves rather than on anothe

person

. Thus, a child interferes with a teenager'

egocentric focus

. For a teen mother, her own feel-

ings are crucial, not those of others

. Even if a youn

woman is already a mother, she will continue wit

her own personal struggle to determine "Who a

I?" Thus, helping the mother become attuned to

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



her baby's feelings is difficult but crucial, for bot

the child and the relationship

. Video recordings an

other techniques may help the mothers to focu

playfully on their babies' feelings and to recogniz

the impact of their behaviors on the baby (Carter

Osofsky, & Hann, 1991b)

. It should be noted, how

ever, that teen mothers who live in healthy, sup-

portive environments where they themselves ar

nurtured and where they receive both tangible an

intangible support from family, friends, and com-

munity resources often foster positive home envi-

ronments and have healthy relationships with thei

children (Brooks-Gunn & Chase-Landsdale, 1991

1995

; Osofsky, 1996)

. Factors that have been foun

to influence the positive outcomes of teen mother

and their children include completing high schoo

and moving into the workforce and having fewe

subsequent pregnancies, the support of family mem

bers and a significant other, and positive role model

in their lives whom they can emulate (Brooks-Gun

& Chase-Landsdale, 1995)

. The presence of thes

individual and combined factors can often trigge

adaptive parenting situations for the youngest o

mothers

Parental Psychopatholog

Parental psychopathology is a risk factor for care

giving that often occurs in conjunction with othe

risk factors including substance abuse, child mal-

treatment, exposure to violence, and adolescen

pregnancy

. By definition, child maltreatment, whic

frequently accompanies parental psychopathology

constitutes a severe dysfunction in parenting tha

can lead to serious maladjustment and behav-

ior problems (Rogosch, Cicchetti, Shields, & Toth

1996)

Because maternal depression has been studie

and observed most frequently as a risk factor tha

affects parenting — often in lower socioeconomi

and highly stressed groups — we focus on this are

of parental psychopathology

. Maternal depressio

contributes to less adequate and even negative par-

enting behavior that can lead to problems in th

adjustment of infants and children (Field, Murrow

& Adelstein, 1993

; Gelfand & Teti, 1990

; Gopfert

Webster, & Seeman, 1996

; Tronick & Gianino, 1986

;

Weinberg & Tronick, 1997)

. It has been associ-

ated with such undesirable parenting practices as

unresponsiveness, inattentiveness, intrusiveness, in

ept discipline, and negative perceptions of childre

(Gelfand & Teti, 1990)

. Although, some of the stud-

ies have methodological limitations, Gelfand an

Teti (1990) reported age-typical forms of child psy-

chopathology accompanying maternal depressio

and such associated stressors as marital discord

Earlier, as part of our review of the role of reci-

procity in adaptive parenting, we discussed the im-

portance of emotional regulation, including shar-

ing and complementary affects between the paren

and the developing infant

. This topic is highly rel-

evant in considering the impact of depression o

parenting effectiveness

. Emotional availability an

a sense of emotional consistency include the ide

of "good enough" mothering (Winnicott, 1965)

_affect attunement and sensitivity (Bowlby, 1973

;

Cramer & Brazelton, 1990

; Osofsky & Eberhart

Wright, 1988

; Stern, 1985), and parental "mirroring

of affective states (Kohut, 1977

; Stolorow, Brand-

chaft, & Atwood, 1987)

. (A "good enough" par-

ent is one who is not "perfect" but provides suffi-

cient nurturance and caregiving — both physicall

and emotionally — to support healthy child develop

ment

.) Three types of interaction patterns have bee

observed with depressed low-income mothers an

their infants

: 1) withdrawn-unavailable

; 2) hostile

intrusive

; and 3) mainly positive (Murray & Cooper

1997a,b)

. The two negative patterns of interactio

have been shown to interfere with healthy cognitiv

and emotional development

. A longitudinal stud

conducted in Germany (Laucht, Esser, & Schmidt

1994) showed how disturbed patterns of mother

—

infant interaction for a sample of 353 mothers an

infants mediated the negative effects on cognitiv

and emotional development

Empirical research, in addition to clinical obser-

vations, has shown that depressed mothers hav

difficulty with affect regulation and tend to b

dysynchronous with their infants rather than res-

onating sensitively to emotional states (Field, 1995

;

Osofsky, 1993

; Weinberg & Tronick, 1997)

. Further

more, these mothers match negative states more of

ten than positive behaviors when compared wit

nondepressed mothers (Field, 1995)

. Using the "still

face" situation (an experimental paradigm durin

which the caregiver is asked first to be normally re-

sponsive to her or his infant and then to stop bein

responsive and show a still face with flat affect for



JOY D

. OSOFSKY AND M

. DEWANA THOMPSO

several minutes), Tronick and his colleagues (Coh

& Tronick, 1983

; Weinberg & Tronick, 1997) foun

that when mothers were asked to "look depressed

for a short period of time during face-to-face in-

teraction, infants of nondepressed mothers becam

distressed very quickly, whereas infants of chroni-

cally depressed mothers did not

. The latter grou

seemed to tune out both when their mothers were re-

sponsive and when they were nonresponsive (Field

1995)

. Field, Healy, Goldstein, and Guthertz (1990

)

described several patterns in depressed mothers tha

include the more typical withdrawn, flat affect pat

tern as well as one that is intrusive and overstimulat-

ing

. Depressed mothers, similar to adolescent moth-

ers (who may also be depressed), tend to talk less t

their infants, show fewer positive facial expressions

vocalize less, and display less positive physical affec-

tion (Field et al

., 1993

; Murray & Cooper, 1997a)

Indeed, there is increasing evidence indicating tha

adolescent mothers are more likely to be depresse

than older mothers (Field, 1995

; Hann, Castino

Jarosinski, & Britton, 1991

; Osofsky, 1996

; Osofsk

& Eberhart-Wright, 1988)

Depressed mothers have been reported to be les

available emotionally to their infants and children

thereby providing a less empathic and responsiv

environment (Field, 1995

; Osofsky, 1996). Zuravi

(1989) emphasized the link between materna

depression and mother-to-child aggression, findin

that moderately, but not severely, depressed low

income mothers are at increased risk for child abus

and physical aggression

. Several caveats are neces-

sary in interpreting the results of this study, includ-

ing the method used to measure depression and th

sample studied

. However, it is important not to un-

derestimate the effect that maternal depression ma

have on the quality of the interactive relationshi

between mother and child

. For low-income, alread

stressed dyads, maternal depression may plac

infants and children at much greater risk for depres-

sion

. Substantial research (Carter, Osofsky, & Hahn

1991a,b

; Field et al

., 1990

; Hann, Castino, Jarosinski

& Britton, 1991

; Osofsky & Eberhart-Wright, 1988

;

Radke-Yarrow et al., 1985

; Tronick & Gianino, 1986

;

Zahn-Waxler et al

., 1990) suggests that the childre

of depressed mothers are at higher risk for prob-

lems in affect regulation, including both increase

depression, or subdued affect, and inappropriate ag-

gression

. According to Tronick and Gianino (1986),

if the infant is able to cope with a nonresponsiv

environment and maintain both self- and interac-

tive regulation simultaneously, then the outcom

is likely to be positive mental health

. In contrast, i

the infant cannot maintain interactive regulation

then self-regulation will be the primary means o

coping and the outcome is likely to be problematic

The combination of depression in the mother an

difficulties with affect regulation in the child result

in less emotional availability and increases the ris

for other problems in the relationship

In general, either as a result of the depression o

as a contributing factor, depressed mothers have les

support available to them and more restricted so-

cial networks

. Thus, an important mediating facto

for resilience in parenting may be absent for thes

mothers

. One study (Hossain et al

., 1994) suggeste

that, in some cases, fathers may buffer the negativ

effects of maternal depression on infants

. The in-

vestigators observed that infants' interactions wit

their nondepressed fathers were more positive tha

those with their depressed mothers

. Field (1995) re

ported a similar finding with familiar nondepresse

child care providers

. These infants' interactions wit

the child care workers showed increased arousal wit

more stimulation and positive affective exchange

than were observed with their depressed mothers

Infants may also contribute to the negative pat

terns of interaction observed with depressed moth-

ers

. Because infants of depressed mothers may sho

fewer affective responses early in their develop-

ment, increased irritability, and lower activity levels

they may contribute to interactional disturbances

Zuckerman et al

. (1990) noted that newborns of de

pressed mothers are more difficult to console

. Yet, i

is not clear whether these behavioral reactions wer

due to environmental or to genetic prenatal influ-

ences

. Thus, there may be an unfortunate negativ

reverberating cycle for depressed mothers and thei

infants

. In fact, mothers may perceive their infant

more negatively (Field, 1995

; Field et al., 1993) an

interact less with them

. At the same time, the in-

fants may be more irritable and less responsive be

cause of pre- or perinatal risk factors

. Early identifica

tion of risk and the potential benefits of preventiv

interventions are imperative, including early hom

visitation models that have been shown to be effec-

tive for such high-risk mothers (Olds, Henderson

& Kitzman, 1994

; Olds, Henderson, Tatelbaum,

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



6 7

& Chamberlain, 1988

; Olds, Kitzman, Henderson

Hanks et al

., 1997

; Werner, 1984, 1994)

. Lyons

Ruth, Connell, and Grunebaum (1990) pointed t

both the negative developmental consequences as-

sociated with severe social risk conditions and t

the buffering effects of developmentally oriente

home visiting services for infants at greatest socia

risk

. When infants of depressed mothers receive

home visiting services, they outperformed an un-

served group on the Bayley Scales of Infant Devel-

opment at 18 months of age and were twice as likel

to be classified as securely attached in their relation

ship with their mother

. These differences were foun

with home visiting services that involved a con-

certed outreach and a strong social service compo-

nent, with focus on the mother—infant relationshi

(with 13 months of home visiting services involvin

forty-six completed home visits). There is much ye

to be learned about parental psychopathology an

its effects on parenting

. However, it is clear that a

important first step is a recognition of the potentiall

negative effects of parental psychopathology and

commitment to address them before the effects o

children become too severe or difficult to remediate

Importance of Resilienc

Recent years have witnessed an increased empha

sis on resilience

; that is, factors that may improv

conditions directly affecting a child's coping ability

One of the most important resilience factors is ef-

fective parenting

. A substantial body of theoretica

and research work has been conducted on resilienc

in infants and children

. This research is importan

to our consideration of adaptive and maladaptiv

parenting

Werner (1984) carried out a landmark study o

resilience, conceptualizing this phenomenon as th

ability to recover from or adjust easily to misfortun

or sustained life stress

. Resilience is often used to de

scribe the following outcomes in children

: 1) goo

outcomes despite risk status, 2) sustained compe-

tence under stress, and 3) recovery from traum

(Werner, 1994)

. Many studies, including those o

Werner (1994) and Masten (1997), define a resilien

child as one who is more likely to have an adaptabl

easy temperament and who is more intelligent tha

nonresilient children

. A resilient child is also mor

likely to have a supportive person — often a parent or

caregiver — in his or her environment, a person wit

whom the child has a trusting relationship

Werner (1984) discovered that resilient childre

who adapted successfully to adult life had the fol-

lowing protective factors: 1) an adaptable tempera-

ment that allowed them to elicit positive response

from caring adults, 2) skills and values that allowe

for an assessment of the child's abilities in order t

develop realistic educational and vocational goals

and 3) parents or caregivers who reflected compe-

tence and fostered self-esteem in their children o

other supportive adults who fostered trust

. Further

more, resilient children sought out environment

that reinforced and rewarded their competencie

and helped them handle life's transitions success

fully

Much can be learned from Werner's (1984) re-

markable longitudinal research

. In her study wit

698 babies born on the Hawaiian island of Kauai, re

silient youth (about one-third of the group) at th

time of high school graduation had developed

positive self-concept and an internal locus of con-

trol

. They displayed a more nurturant, responsible

and achievement-oriented attitude toward life tha

did their high-risk peers who had developed prob-

lems in their teens

. These boys and girls had grow

up in families in which they had not experience

prolonged separations from their primary caregiver

during the first year of life

. All had the chance to es

tablish a close bond with at least one caregiver fro

whom they received much positive attention whe

they were infants

. Some of this nurturance cam

from caregiver substitutes, such as grandparents o

older siblings, or other members of their extende

family

. Both parents and surrogate parents serve

as important role models with whom the childre

identified

A second major body of research on resilienc

has been conducted as part of Project Competence

a longitudinal study directed by Masten, Hubbard

Gest, Tellegen, Garmezy, and Ramirez (in press) tha

followed Garmezy's pioneering work in this are

(Garmezy & Rutter, 1983

; Masten, 1997

; Masten

Best, & Garmezy, 1990)

. This study includes com-

petent children growing up with little adversity, re-

silient children growing up with high levels of adver

sity, and maladaptive children who have not bee

able to overcome hardship successfully

. They foun

that the role of a "good-enough" parent is crucial



JOY D. OSOFSKY AND M

. DEWANA THOMPSO

for positive outcomes in these children

. Successfu

children, whether from low- or high-risk circum-

stances, have a history of access to more resource

than maladaptive children, including better intel-

lectual skills and good parenting

Resilience in children and youth is not fostere

in a vacuum, even with good-enough parenting

Promoting positive development depends on creat-

ing healthy external systems in addition to health

individuals

. Thus, parents need support from th

broader environment for parenting, educating, an

socializing their children. Furthermore, Masten an

colleagues (in press), recently suggested that futur

understanding of the impact of parenting on devel-

opmental outcomes could benefit from disaggregat-

ing global resources such as "parenting quality" int

such meaningful components as the dimensions o

structure, warmth, and expectations that may re

late to conduct, achievement, and social functionin

with peers under different conditions

. For example

Baldwin, Baldwin, and Cole (1990) determined tha

the "structure" dimension of parenting, rather tha

warmth, differed for parents of competent children

depending on whether they lived in dangerous o

safe neighborhoods

. Other studies have shown tha

stricter parenting may be especially protective in un

safe environments (Osofsky & Fenichel, 1994)

The development of resilience begins in infancy

and longitudinal studies point consistently to fac-

tors in very young children that contribute to suc

strengths

. Werner (1994) reported that 10% of th

Asian and Polynesian cohort she studied who ha

experienced four or more risk factors — includin

perinatal complications, parental psychopathology

family instability, and chronic poverty before the ag

of 2 years — developed into competent, confident

caring adults

. These resilient young children wer

described by their caretakers as active, affection

ate, cuddly, easy infants with few problematic earl

behaviors

. Similar observations of resilient infant

were part of the Coping Project conducted by th

Menninger Foundation (Murphy & Moriarity, 1987

)

in which clinical assessments of thirty-two Cau-

casian infants revealed an active, easygoing natur

and few feeding and sleeping problems

. These babie

were also notably responsive to people and object

in their environment

. Such resilient babies are ofte

characterized by responsiveness and warmth as wel

as by an ability to seek out and relate to others in

their environment

. Similar positive behaviors wer

observed in studies of infants of teenage mother

who did better as they developed (Osofsky, 1996)

Rutter (1993) refined the issue of resilience furthe

as it relates to parenting

. He cites evidence from be

havioral genetics indicating that in many circums-

tances, nonshared environmental influences tend t

have a greater effect than shared ones

. Thus, feature

that equally affect all children in a family may b

less important than those that affect differentially, i

which one child may be affected more than others

Therefore, it is not uncommon to see in a relativel

well-organized family one child in the family bein

scapegoated or favored over others

. How does a chil

manage to be resilient under such circumstances? H

or she may distance him- or herself from what is hap

pening

. For example, in some families, quarrels an

fights occur and one child may be drawn into th

disagreement or dispute while another remains un-

involved

. In a family with parental mental illness,

less vulnerable child may manage to find emotiona

support outside of the home

. Children — even ver

young children — can do a great deal to influenc

what happens to them

. Rutter (1978, 1993) indi-

cated that protective effects may result from peopl

actively planning how they deal with what happen

to them, thus feeling as if they have more contro

of their lives

. Younger children may protect them

selves by withdrawing and finding support outsid

the family

. Older children may be able to plan ac-

tively in ways that make them feel less vulnerable

Thus, results from many studies of resilient in-

fants, young children, and youth identify consis-

tently a small number of crucial protective factor

for development (Masten, 1997

; Masten et al

., 1990

;

Werner, 1994

; Werner & Smith, 1982)

. The mos

important protective resource is a strong relation

ship with a competent, caring, positive adult — mos

often a parent

. The most important personal qual-

ity is average or above-average intellectual develop-

ment with good attention and interpersonal skills

Although catastrophic stressors such as prematur

birth, war, trauma, or loss can threaten the integrit

of a child's ability to think and solve problems, goo

parenting by either a parent or another significan

adult that supports both emerging competence an

healthy relationships will help a child proceed posi-

tively in the face of adversity

. Additional protectiv

factors include other positive role models, feelings of

ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE PARENTING



self-esteem and self-efficacy, attractiveness to other

in both personality and appearance, individual tal-

ents, religious affiliation, socioeconomic advantage

opportunities for good schooling and employment

and ability to seek out people and environments tha

are positive for development (Garmezy & Rutter

1983

; Masten, 1997

; Osofsky, 1996

; Werner, 1994)

It is crucial to emphasize, however, that adult behav

ior, especially good-enough parenting, plays a cen-

tral role in a child's risks, resources, opportunities

and, therefore, his or her resilience

CONCLUSIO

In this review of adaptive and maladaptive parent-

ing, we discussed various factors that lead to pos-

itive outcomes, including effective social networks

social support, reciprocity in early relationships, an

other circumstances that contribute to resilience

We have also considered conditions that lead t

negative outcomes, including substance abuse, ex-

posure to violence, teen pregnancy, and parenta

psychopathology

. In this concluding section, w

highlight a perspective on preventive interventio

that focuses on programmatic directions that ma

protect a child and family and that can lead t

more positive outcomes, even under conditions o

significant adversity

. There is considerable agree-

ment that preventive interventions have the poten-

tial to be beneficial to infants and children and thei

families in terms of both their immediate impac

and their long-term consequences (Fonagy, 1998

;

Osofsky, 1997)

. The immediate outcomes of such

interventions may include improved prenatal, peri-

natal, and early and later developmental outcome

for infants and young children (Olds, Henderson

Tatelbaum, & Chamberlain, 1988

; Olds et al

., 1997)

as well as more opportunities for education, em-

ployment, and demonstrated competence for par-

ents

. In the long term, early preventive interven-

tions have the potential to diminish future be-

havior problems, child maltreatment, delinquency

and violence (Chalk & King, 1998

; Osofsky, 1997

;

Prothrow-Stith, 1998)

The types of preventive interventions that appea

to be most effective for all high-risk groups are thos

that start early and are comprehensive, utilizing

systems approach involving multiple types of in-

tervention that affect the individual, family, and

community levels

. To build adaptive rather tha

maladaptive parenting patterns, preventive strate-

gies that are likely to be most effective will en

gage families at points in their lives when they ar

most available for intervention

. Such intervention

do well not only to instill parenting skills but als

to help parents with issues surrounding their per-

sonal life, including health care, stress, job train-

ing, nutrition, building communication skills, an

identifying available community resources

. Parent

are better able to be effective in parenting thei

children when their own individual needs are rec-

ognized and met

. Interventions should also buil

on the strengths that parents have and not take

deficit approach by focusing only on their weak-

nesses

. Inviting parents to share their insights an

their parenting expertise will allow them to fee

good about themselves, while potentially helpin

other parents to observe alternative modes of par-

enting

. Furthermore, the contacts need to take plac

in multiple settings, including homes, hospitals

schools, churches, and other community sites dur-

ing the prenatal and perinatal periods and dur-

ing the early years of the child's life

. Interven-

tion methods include home visitation, parent ed-

ucation, and support for parents and the impact

on parent—infant—child relationships that have bee

shown to be most effective when they focus o

groups at highest risk for problems in developmen

and in the relationship

. It is unrealistic to expec

that effective preventive intervention efforts can b

conducted primarily at a designated site to whic

parents must come

. Effectiveness requires that th

intervenors be flexible and willing to engage the par-

ents on their own terms and in settings where the

are most comfortable. Several models that incorpo-

rate many of these factors have longitudinal dat

showing positive outcomes (Lally, Mangione, Honig

& Wittmer, 1988

; Olds et al

., 1994

; Schweinhart

Barnes, & Weikart, 1993

; Werner, 1994

; Werner

Smith, 1982)

Several related, but slightly different, approache

to preventive intervention have emerged as a re-

sult of increased concern for children who witnes

violence in their communities and in their homes

These programs are designed to provide help fo

traumatized children and families and to addres

the problem of violence prevention broadly, wit

a focus on supportive systems within communities



JOY D

. OSOFSKY AND M. DEWANA THOMPSO

(Groves & Zuckerman, 1997

; Marans & Adelman

1997

; Murphy, Pynoos, & James, 1997

; Osofsky

1997)

. The programs provide services for childre

and families and they interface with the police

schools, courts, community programs, health-car

settings, and others that help children by providin

education about violence prevention and commu-

nity resources in order to reach children earlier af-

ter the trauma occurs

. These preventive interventio

approaches provide models of how police and othe

systems within communities can be integrated int

a preventive intervention network for children an

families

In considering interventions, it is important t

note that earlier approaches contributing to adap-

tive parenting focused almost exclusively on the in-

dividual

; that is, the parent or child and their in-

dividual needs

. Currently, more emphasis is place

on the importance of the relationship and how t

provide support for individuals in a relationshi

context

. For all high-risk groups, the establishmen

of meaningful relationships providing support an

stability is crucial

. Many adolescent mothers com

from families that have lacked consistent, stable re-

lationships

. Certainly, families with members wh

are addicted to drugs are characterized by relation

ship problems, inconsistency, and unpredictabilit

that frequently exist for more than one generation

With children and families exposed to violence, i

is crucial to establish a sense of safety in a relation

ship for recovery to take place

. Difficulties with par-

enting resulting from parental psychopathology ar

also helped by a supportive relationship for both par

ent and child that can help them build a better rela-

tionship together. Thus, relationship strengthenin

is likely to be extremely helpful, whether the prob-

lem is inadequate or insensitive child care due t

age or debilitating condition, harsh or negative dis-

cipline, psychiatric illness, or some other difficulty

Finally, it is important to recognize the impor-

tance of "the match" in developing intervention ef-

forts

. Each baby and mother is different, and some

times the most helpful information that can be im-

parted to the mother, whether young or old, is jus

that message

. By recognizing the individuality of he

baby, the match may become less important as

test of her mothering ability

This issue is particu-

larly important for adolescent mothers and other

at high psychosocial risk who may be focusing more

on their own needs than on those of the baby

. It i

very reassuring for a mother to hear that she ma

not always be responsible for the difficult behavior

manifested by her baby

. Encouraging the recogni-

tion and acceptance of the child's individuality ca

increase the mother's acceptance of the child

In short, we want to emphasize that an under

standing of adaptive and maladaptive parenting re

quires a dynamic perspective

. In some situations

factors that usually lead to maladaptation can b

mediated by personal and environmental circum-

stances that help an individual or family overcom

adversity

. Conversely, some families may have man

resources and advantages, but a mismatch in expec

tations and perceptions, or difficulties with a particu

lar developmental period, may lead to increased ris

and maladaptation

. Thus, the process of parentin

is best understood as dynamic and changing, an

one that can be greatly influenced and supporte

by sensitive and appropriate preventive interventio

strategies

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Families, Parenting and Aggressive Preschoolers: A Scoping Review of Studies Examining Family Variables Related to Preschool Aggression

Article

Full-text available

Nov 2022
Int J Environ Res Publ Health

Background: A growing body of research has shown that children behave aggressively from an early age. In recent decades, such behaviour has become a focus of scientific interest, not only because of the adverse consequences of these interactions, but also because high levels of aggression, especially at an early age, may be a risk factor for the use of other forms of aggression, such as bullying, later on during their development. These behaviours are related not only to individual characteristics, but also to peer relationships, teacher behaviours, school variables, family factors and cultural influences. Method: In order to find out which family variables have been researched in relation to preschool aggression and which family variables are associated with perpetration and victimisation, a scoping review was conducted in accordance with the PRISMA guidelines. Four databases (Web of Science, Scopus, PubMed and PsycINFO) were used to map the studies published between 2000 and 2022. Results: This scoping review included 39 peer-reviewed articles from an initial sample of 2002 of them. The majority of studies looked only at perpetration behaviours. The main family variables covered in the articles concern parental behaviours, adverse childhood experiences in the family environment, and the household structural and sociodemographic characteristics. Conclusion: This scoping review shows that different factors within the family environment increase the risk of developing aggressive and victimising behaviours in the preschool setting. However, the relationship between the family variables and preschool aggression is complex, and it may be mediated by other factors such as gender, child-teacher closeness or parent-child dyads.

The NBO: a clinical tool to enhance the infant parent relationship in the perinatal period.

Chapter

Jan 2023

J. Kevin Nugent

Parental Resilience and Quality of Life in Children with Developmental Disabilities in Indonesia: The Role of Protective Factors

Article

Full-text available

Nov 2022
J DEV PHYS DISABIL

The severity of physical, cognitive, and social-emotional challenges in children with developmental disabilities significantly impacts their quality of life. One of the most consistent factors that play a role in the quality of life for children with a developmental disability is parental resilience. Previous research has identified several factors that influence parental resilience. However, this research is limited to Western countries. Little is known about the role of these factors in relation to parental resilience in Asian societies. The present study investigates the longitudinal associations between potential protective factors (fewer stressors, adaptive appraisal, social support, and compensating experiences) and parental resilience and quality of life in Indonesian families with children with developmental disabilities. A three-wave longitudinal design was used to test the indirect link between protective factors, family resilience, and quality of life. Wave one was composed of 497 families, out of which 224 and 209 families participated in waves two (1-year follow-up) and three (2-year follow-up), respectively. The Inventory of Family Protective Factors (IFPP), the Parenting Resilience Elements and the Quality of Life of children scales were used to assess the main concepts. The longitudinal connections between protective variables, parental resilience, and children’s quality of life were tested using cross-lagged path analysis. The results showed that all protective factors predicted parental resilience, and parental resilience predicted the quality of life of children with developmental disabilities.

Parental anxiety and form of parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic

Article

Full-text available

Oct 2022

The massive development of information technology based on big data, internet, and artificial intelligence has brought fundamental changes to human patterns and lifestyles, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic that hit globally, has added to a large and complex problems in parenting, as well as demanding people to take care of their children. Parents must be able to adapt and reposition themselves with new and effective forms of parenting, this can increase parental anxiety. To determine the level of parental anxiety, this research was conducted using a quantitative descriptive method through the distribution of questionnaires based on the GAD-7 instrument. This study focuses on efforts to capture the level of parental anxiety and the need for a new form of parenting. The results can be the basis for further research to find and develop new forms of parenting. The results of research on 669 parents living in West Java, Indonesia, showed that the level of parental anxiety was 63.08% at the level of moderate and severe anxiety. The level of parental satisfaction regarding the form of parenting used is at a low level of 67.12%, while the level of parental interest in the new form of parenting is at a very high level of 98.51%. The need for the latest form of parenting that can respond to the challenges and demands of the times is very necessary to minimize parental anxiety.

Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Divorce Education: Connecting Program Theory and Curricular Content

Article

Oct 2019

Many parent and family education programs lack a clearly articulated program theory that is solidly founded in the social science literature and used to guide rigorous evaluation. This article describes the program theory for Parents Forever, a divorce education program developed by the Minnesota Extension to serve divorcing parents. The Parents Forever program theory is theoretically based and empirically-informed. The program theory is based on three significant frameworks, which serve as the theoretical foundation for the program: human ecosystems, life course development, and family resilience. These theories are explored and discussed. Three primary change mechanisms relevant for divorcing families serve as the empirical foundation of the program. Parent-child and coparent relationships are commonly addressed in divorce education programs; however, the inclusion of parental self-care as the third mechanism to promote family resilience is a unique contribution of Parents Forever. Relevant concepts derived from the empirical literature related to these three mediators are presented. Connections between the curricular content and program theory (i.e., theoretical framework and three change mechanisms) are made explicit, and program theory is used to demonstrate the unique contribution that Parents Forever makes to the field of divorce education.

Media screen time use and mental health in school aged children during the pandemic

Preprint

Full-text available

May 2022

Background Children’s screen time activity has increased significantly during the pandemic. Extended school closures and heightened parent stress are associated with children’s behavioural difficulties and time spent watching screens. The primary aim of this study was to determine which school and household factors were associated with challenging behaviours in Canadian schoolchildren during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods This longitudinal survey study examined the association amongst screen time, internalizing and externalizing behaviours in school-aged children at two time points over the 2020-2021 academic school year. Parents completed survey measures on their parental involvement, stress levels, and their child’s screen time use as well as their emotional and behavioural difficulties. Results Children’s average daily screen time was 4.40 hours (SE=18.45) at baseline and 3.89 hours (SE=16.70) at 1-year follow up, with no significant change across the school year (p=.316). Increased screen time was associated with a greater incidence of internalizing behaviours in children (p=.03). Children who spent more time on screens and who were in households with parents reporting higher stress levels had increased internalizing behaviours (p=.001). No association between screen time use and externalizing behaviours was evident; however, parent stress was positively associated with children’s externalizing behaviours (p< .001). Conclusions Children’s screen time use has remained high during the pandemic and is associated with anxious and depressive symptoms. Children who spent more time on screens and who were in households with parents reporting higher stress levels had increased internalizing behaviours. Parent stress was positively associated with children’s externalizing behaviours. Targeted family intervention plans focused on reducing parent stress and screen time use may aid in improving children’s mental health during the ongoing pandemic.

Ατομική και οικογενειακή ανθεκτικότητα: ο ρόλος της γονικότητας

Article

Full-text available

Nov 2022

Σκοπός της παρούσας θεωρητικής περιγραφής είναι να σκιαγραφηθεί το φαινόμενο της ανθεκτικότητας ως ένα συστημικό και πολυδιάστατο φαινόμενο που μπορεί να θωρακίσει τα παιδιά και τις οικογένειες απέναντι σε παράγοντες επικινδυνότητας που αυξάνουν την πιθανότητα δημιουργίας προβλημάτων στην ανάπτυξη του παιδιού και της οικογένειας. Επιπρόσθετα, συζητείται ο ρόλος που διαδραματίζει η γονικότητα στη διαμόρφωση της ατομικής ανθεκτικότητας του παιδιού και της ανθεκτικότητας του οικογενειακού συστήματος, αλλά και ο πιθανός συνδετικός ρόλος της γονικότητας ανάμεσα στην ανθεκτικότητα των δυο συστημάτων (ατομικού και οικογενειακού). Τέλος, γίνονται εισηγήσεις για περαιτέρω διερεύνηση σε θέματα που θα οδηγήσουν στην κατανόηση του τρόπου με τον οποίο η γονικότητα προσδιορίζει την ανθεκτικότητα των δυο συστημάτων.

Erken Çocukluk Müdahale Programlarının Ailelerin ve Çocukların Üzerindeki Sosyal, Duygusal, Finansal Ve Eğitsel Yararlarının İncelenmesi: Bir Derleme Çalışması

Article

Full-text available

Jan 2022

Şengül PALA

Incorporating emotion coaching into behavioral parent training program: evaluation of its effectiveness

Article

Full-text available

Jul 2022
CHILD PSYCHIAT HUM D

Disruptive behaviors in childhood yield negative mental health outcomes. Both behavioral management and emotion coaching parenting programs were effective in reducing children’s disruptive behaviors. This randomized control trial (RCT) study evaluated the effectiveness of a community clinic-based, parent training program that incorporated emotion coaching into behavioral training (BPEC) for 119 parents who expressed difficulty in handling their elementary school-aged children’s disruptive behaviors. These parents were randomly assigned to the treatment group or waitlist control. Pre-tests, post-tests, and 3-month delayed post-tests were administered. Compared to those in the waitlist control group, participants in the BPEC group reported significantly (a) fewer child oppositional behaviors and ADHD symptoms and (b) more positive aspects of the parent-child relationship. Significant short-term effects were maintained after 3-month for parent-reported, child oppositional behaviors. Thus, BPEC effectively reduced the disruptive behaviors of children.

Can we measure risk in home visitation? An examination of the predictive validity of the Healthy Families Parenting Inventory (HFPI)

Article

Aug 2022
CHILD YOUTH SERV REV

Objective The current study examined the validity of the Healthy Families Parenting Inventory (HFPI) to predict future risk of child abuse and neglect. Method Participants in the study were 2,088 parents participating in a single statewide home visitation program. Most parents were low-income mothers with a variety of socio-demographic risk indicators. Participants were administered the HFPI at program enrollment, then followed through administrative data for approximately one year for future official maltreatment reports. Results Pre-intervention HFPI composite and subscale scores demonstrated incremental predictive validity of a future official maltreatment report. Conclusions The HFPI can be used successfully during home visitation at the time of program initiation to suggest needs and services that reduce the likelihood child maltreatment, and aid in the prediction of future child abuse and neglect.

Procedures for identifying infants as disorganized/disoriented during the Ainsworth Strange Situation

Article

Jan 1990

THE EFFECTS OF EXPOSURE TO VIOLENCE ON YOUNG-CHILDREN

Article

Sep 1995

Joy D Osofsky

Violence has been characterized as a ''public health epidemic'' in the United States. At the same time, children's witnessing of violence is frequently overlooked by law enforcement officers, families, and others at the time of a violent incident. Although mothers describe the panic and feal in their children and themselves when violence occurs, little research or clinical attention, has focused on the potential impact on children of living under conditions of chronic community violence. The purpose of this article is to present an overview of available research and clinical understanding of the effects of exposure to violence on school-age and younger children. Suggestions for future research and public policy initiatives are offered.

Prenatal drug exposure and child outcome - Preface

Article

Mar 1999
CLIN PERINATOL

BM Lester

The Maturational Process and the Facilitating Environment

Article

Jan 1962

D. W. Winnicott

Primary-Caregiving Fathers in Intact Families

Chapter

Jan 1994

Norma Radin

In the past two decades fathers have been “discovered” by both child development researchers and the mass media. There is now a voluminous literature in professional journals on various aspects of fathering. In magazines, newspapers, and television programs, stories abound about the “new father” and his role in the home. In contrast to a focus on father-absent families as in earlier decades, the emphasis today is on father-present families. This change implies not that studies and stories of single-parent homes have disappeared, but that there has been a major augmentation of interest in the two-parent family and, particularly, in the father’s role beyond that of “breadwinner” and source of support for the mother.

Risk and Protective Factors for Parents and Infants

Chapter

Jan 1992

In considering a topic for presentation at this symposium honoring my good friend and colleague, Henry Ricciuti, I tried to choose one that would be consistent with his work over the last 2 decades, the time that I have known him best. In some ways, although he is modest in his temperament and demeanor, I consider Henry a revolutionary with regard to both the quality of his thinking and the programs that he had the courage to develop. He embarked on new ventures and adventures involving infants and their families at times when others confined themselves to the laboratory. In 1969, when I first met Henry, after having joined the faculty at Cornell, I was fascinated with the infant day-care program that he had recently started. Although such programs are not seen as unusual today, in 1969, the majority of researchers, including developmental specialists, questioned the advisability of taking infants out of the home, away from their mothers, and caring for them in a group setting. The infant day-care program that Henry ran in the 1960s and 1970s demonstrated benefits for both the infants and families, and influenced both professionals and parents to consider quality options for alternative care during the early period. At a time when researchers and policymakers were concerned about the effects of out-of-home care for infants on the developing relationship with the primary caregiver, this program demonstrated that the infants retained the important bond with their mothers while also developing a bond with their day-care caregiver. It should be emphasized that Henry’s program had strict requirements for care outside of the home, a number of which cannot be—or are not—followed in most programs today. For example, the mothers were to provide all or most of the care of their infants when they were not in day care, and the group care was restricted to half a day every day. However, the program was important in demonstrating that quality group care for infants can be beneficial in supporting appropriate infant development. Others presenting at this conference have embarked on similar efforts around the same time period with results that substantiate this basic finding.

Fathers and families

Article

Jan 2002

R.D. Parke

Development of the Father-Infant Relationship

Chapter

Jan 1982

Michael Yogman

Until recently, our theories and empirical studies of infant social development largely ignored the father. The father’s role with young infants was considered to be mainly indirect, supporting the mother, who was biologically adapted to be the infant’s caregiver. This chapter will review recent studies that suggest that the father’s role with young infants is far less biologically constrained than once thought. In what way biologically based sex differences constrain the social interactions of fathers with their infants must await future research, but such constraints now seem far more subtle than once believed. Wide variability in the behavior and roles of the two parents challenges many of the stereotypes of the father as incompetent or uninvolved with the infant and leaves ample opportunity for wide variations in the way parents and their infants relate to each other.

Children in a Violent Society

Article