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Why do young women drop out of sport and physical activity? A social ecological approach

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Abstract

This study explored significant individual, social, and environmental factors and how they interact to influence participation in physical activity for adolescent young women. These factors were explored at two transitional life stages: from primary to secondary school and from middle to upper years at secondary school. Ten focus groups with young women and 10 interviews with teachers were conducted and multiple, interrelated themes emerged. Our findings indicated that there are a number of strategies that could be undertaken to increase the participation of young women in physical activity. These include: (1) enhancing intrinsic motivation for sport and physical activity; (2) appealing to young women’s need for socialising through opportunities for informal physical activity; (3) educating parents about the benefits of sport and physical activity; (4) overcoming gender stereotypes about what is acceptable behaviour for young women; (5) improving physical education teachers’ understanding of gender issues and motivating less physically active students; (6) the provision of accessible sport and physical activity facilities, programs, and services in schools; and (7) prioritorisation of sport and physical activity in the school curriculum. These strategies are not ‘quick fixes’, but rather require a whole-of community approach and, in some cases, a reorientation of societal values.
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Why do young women drop
out of sport and physical
activity? A social ecological
approach
Melinda J. Craike a , Caroline Symons b & Jo An M.
Zimmermann c
a School of Nursing, Deakin University
b School of Sport and Exercise Science Centre
for Rehabilitation, Exercise and Sport (CARES),
Victoria University
c Department of Health, Physical Education &
Recreation, Texas State University
Available online: 19 Sep 2011
To cite this article: Melinda J. Craike, Caroline Symons & Jo An M. Zimmermann
(2009): Why do young women drop out of sport and physical activity? A social
ecological approach, Annals of Leisure Research, 12:2, 148-172
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11745398.2009.9686816
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148 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
Why do young women drop out of
sport and physical activity? A social
ecological approach
Melinda J Craike, School of Nursing, Deakin University
Caroline Symons, School of Sport and Exercise Science, Centre for
Rehabilitation, Exercise and Sport (CARES), Victoria University
Jo An M. Zimmermann, Department of Health, Physical Education
& Recreation, Texas State University
abstract This study explored significant individual, social, and environ-
mental factors and how they interact to influence participation in physical activ-
ity for adolescent young women. These factors were explored at two transitional
life stages: from primary to secondary school and from middle to upper years at
secondary school. Ten focus groups with young women and 10 interviews with
teachers were conducted and multiple, interrelated themes emerged. Our find-
ings indicated that there are a number of strategies that could be undertaken to
increase the participation of young women in physical activity. These include:
(1) enhancing intrinsic motivation for sport and physical activity; (2) appeal-
ing to young women’s need for socialising through opportunities for informal
physical activity; (3) educating parents about the benets of sport and physical
activity; (4) overcoming gender stereotypes about what is acceptable behaviour
for young women; (5) improving physical education teachers’ understanding
of gender issues and motivating less physically active students; (6) the provi-
sion of accessible sport and physical activity facilities, programs, and services
in schools; and (7) prioritorisation of sport and physical activity in the school
curriculum. These strategies are not ‘quick fixes’, but rather require a whole-of-
community approach and, in some cases, a reorientation of societal values.
Key words: physical activity, sport, physical education, adolescent, young
women, social ecological framework, qualitative
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 149
Introduction
A number of reports and studies have documented the benefits of sport and
physical activity (Steptoe, Edwards, Moses, & Mathews, 1989; US Department
of Health and Human Services [USDHHS], 1996; Stephenson, Bauman,
Armstrong, Smith, & Bellew 2000). For adolescents, sport and physical activ-
ity can increase capacity for learning, promote social well-being and physical
and mental health, and introduce skills such as teamwork, self-discipline, lead-
ership, and socialisation (Field, Diego, & Sanders, 2001; USDHHS, 2000).
Participation in sport and physical activity for adolescents, particularly
for young women, is less than optimal and it appears that the age that young
women drop out of sport and physical activity is getting lower (Australian
Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2003). Five to 10 years ago, the biggest drop-off
age for young women was around 16 years; however, recent evidence suggests
a 50 per cent drop off from sport and physical activity for young women aged
10 to 14 years (Environment, Communications, Information Technology and
The Arts References Committee, 2006). This decline may be partly explained
by the important life transitions that occur for young women from the ages 12
to 15 years and 16 to 19 years. Humbert et al. (2008) suggested that moving
from primary to secondary school might be a key transition that influences
participation in physical activity. Despite the importance of this transition,
the implications of it for health beliefs and health-promoting behaviours have
only received minimal research attention (Humbert et al., 2008).
Review of the literature
Social psychological theories
Social psychological theories have been used with moderate success to
explain the physical activity of adolescents. Three of the more common theo-
ries include the theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1985, 1991), social cog-
nitive theory (Bandura, 1986, 2004) and self-determination theory (Deci &
Ryan, 1985, 1991).
Self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 1991) proposes that moti-
vational types form a continuum ranging from extrinsic to intrinsic motiva-
tion. Research has shown that self-determined forms of behavioural regulation
have positive outcomes for young people (Ntoumanis, 2001). For example,
extrinsic goals negatively predicted, whereas intrinsic goals positively pre-
dicted, self-determined motivation, which in turn positively predicted quality
of life and exercise behaviour for British adolescents (Gillison, Standage, &
Skevington, 2006).
Although social psychological theories provide an understanding of the
individual and micro social factors that influence participation in physical
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150 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
activity, such approaches alone cannot inform the development of interven-
tion strategies that target changes beyond the individual level. Also, what
we do not know is how these factors interact with the broader social, envi-
ronmental, and policy factors that influence participation in physical activ-
ity. To this end, social ecological frameworks show some promise in guiding
research.
Social ecological framework
Since the early years of the growth of the field of health promotion, frame-
works have emphasised the need to consider areas beyond psychological and
social variables, such as supportive environments and policies (World Health
Organization, 1986; Green & Kreuter, 1999). Social ecological frameworks
take into consideration the multifaceted influence of individual, social, and
environmental/policy factors interacting and influencing participation in
physical activity (Stokols, 1996). This approach allows for the integration of
multiple contexts to establish a comprehensive examination of determinants
(Oetzel, Ting-Toomey, & Rinderle, 2006).
A range of individual factors influence participation in physical activity
for young women. These include lack of time, self-efficacy, attitude, perceived
behavioural control, enjoyment, concerns about body shape and weight man-
agement, individual autonomy, and pressure to conform to popular ideals of
beauty (Allison, Dwyer & Markin, 1999; Cockburn & Clarke, 2002; Dwyer
et al., 2006; Finch & White, 1998; Sas-Nowosielski & Krzysztof, 2006; Shen
& McCaughtry & Martin, 2008).
Social factors influence adolescent young women’s physical activity on
both a micro level through significant others such as parents and peers, and
also on a macro social level, through the dominant discourses of gendering
in society and physical activity. Family members, especially parents, play an
important role in the development of children’s health behaviors (Baumrind,
1993; Bugental & Goodnow, 1998), however the mechanisms of parental
influence remain understudied and poorly understood (Prochaska, Rodgers,
& Sallis, 2002). Peers have a significant influence on adolescent girls’ par-
ticipation in physical activity. Their influence (Allison & Adlaf, 1997; Culp,
1998) and lack of social support (Frankish, Milligan, & Reid., 1998; O’Dea,
2003) are barriers to physical activity.
On a much broader and deeper societal level, the social construction of
gender and the important role sport and physical activity play in feminine
and masculine identities need to be considered. Sports, especially those
demonstrating the qualities of strength, power, speed, and combat, are still
considered the central shapers of masculinity in Western society (Dunning,
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 151
1986; Bryson, 1987; Connell 1987; Messner & Sabo 1991, 1994; Hargreaves
1994; Nelson 1994; Maguire 1999). Choi (2000) observed that along with
other factors, feminine socialisation contributes significantly to the decline
in young women’s participation in sport and physical activity. While gender
explanations to sport and physical activity patterns are complex and difficult
to quantify, these deeper and pervasive structural and identity shapers need to
be considered in any framework for understanding sport and physical activity
behaviour, maintenance, and improvement.
Environmental factors include the physical environment, policies, and
structural issues that might influence participation in sport and physical
activity. It is increasingly recognised that the physical environment has the
potential to influence the sport and physical activity levels of large segments
of the population (King et al., 1995). The nature of the relationship between
sport and physical activity and the environment, however, is still not well
established (Trost, Owen, Bauman, Sallis, & Brown, 2002). Recent reviews
of the literature found fairly consistent positive associations between sport
and physical activity and factors in the built environment such as access to
facilities, safety, and aesthetics (Humpel, Owen, & Leslie, 2002; Saelens,
Sallis, & Frank, 2003; McCormack et al., 2004). What is needed is a deeper
understanding of how the school and community environments interact with
individual and social factors. This will provide a richer understanding of the
association between the environment and participation in sport and physical
activity for young women.
The present study
The purpose of this study was to examine individual, social, and environ-
mental factors and how they interact to influence participation in sport and
physical activity for adolescent young women at two transitional life stages.
These transitional life stages were from primary to first year of secondary
school and from middle high school to senior high school. We were con-
scious that the determinants of sport and physical activity for adolescents
are often specific to the adolescent stage of development (Coakley & White,
1992; Culp, 1998; Sleap & Wormald, 2001) and we therefore focused on
specific age groups (i.e., 12–13 years and 15–16 years). We also conducted
interviews with teachers to provide a thorough examination of the issues and
to triangulate and validate our findings.
To date, much of the research on participation in sport and physical activ-
ity for adolescents has adopted a quantitative approach (Allender, 2006;
Humbert, 2008). A qualitative approach was used in this research as it ena-
bles an appraisal of the interaction of factors in the social ecological model
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152 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
and an in-depth analysis of the complexities of sport and physical activity
behaviour, and it can facilitate the discovery of alternative explanations of
this behaviour (Miles & Huberman, 1984; Marshall & Rossman, 1995).
Methods
Participants and procedure
A cross-section of schools within metropolitan Melbourne, Australia, were
selected to ensure (1) they included schools from the three sectors — inde-
pendent, Catholic, and government; (2) they were located in a range of socio-
economic status areas, by using postcodes to assign Socio-Economic Indexes
for Area (SEIFA) values (ABS, 2006); and (3) the schools were spatially dis-
tributed around the Victorian metropolitan Local Government Areas
After gaining approval from the human research ethics committees at
Victoria University, the Department of Education and Training and the
Catholic Education Office, school principals from these selected schools
were contacted initially by phone and information packs were sent by post
or electronically through email. Information sheets for teachers, students and
parents/guardians were mailed to the physical education coordinator or year
level coordinator. This person determined the most appropriate teacher to
be interviewed (generally the head of the physical education department),
distributed the forms to all female students in Years 7 and 11, and asked
students to inform and gain consent from their parents to be involved in the
study. Year 7 is the first year of secondary school and Year 11 is senior high
school in Victoria.
Once consent forms were returned, phone calls and/or emails were used
to find mutually convenient times to run the focus groups and teacher inter-
views. Focus groups and interviews with teachers were conducted on the
same day, on campus, and during school hours. Ten schools participated in
the study, including six government schools, three independent schools, and
one Catholic school.
Ten interviews were conducted with physical education teachers. All
interviews were one-on-one, except for one school where two teachers were
interviewed together. Interviews went for 20 to 40 minutes (average length
was 25 minutes). Ten focus groups were conducted, six with Year 7 students
and four with Year 11 students. There were five to eight students in each of
the focus group discussions, which ranged from 35 to 60 minutes (average
length was 50 minutes). Following the focus groups and interviews, teach-
ers and students were debriefed about their experience, thanked for their
involvement, and told that a summary of the research findings would be sent
to them.
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 153
The interviewer was a female in her late 20s who had postgraduate quali-
fications in sport and physical activity behaviour and determinants as well as
experience in facilitating focus groups and interviews. Soon after each inter-
view, notes were made on the main themes from the focus group or interview.
The other two study investigators listened to the audiotapes of the interviews
and made notes. The interviews and focus groups were transcribed verbatim
and de-identified. A random selection of transcripts were compared to their
audiotapes for quality control. All transcripts were imported into NVivo, ver-
sion 7.
Data analysis
Data analysis was an ongoing process that began with the first interviews.
Coding was used to reduce the data into meaningful themes and categories
(Neuman, 1997) and in this analysis, codes were attached to ideas. The tran-
scripts were not artificially broken up, rather a code could be assigned to a
couple of words or a whole paragraph if it referred to a particular idea. Code
notes, theory notes, and operational notes were kept throughout the data
collection, analysis, and write-up (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The interviewer
and two study authors independently read the transcripts and inductively
generated a list of themes with descriptive comments. Codes emerged from
the data (Strauss & Corbin, 1990) and there was no attempt at the coding
stage to force codes into being ‘individual’, ‘social’, or ‘environmental/policy’.
Due to the interrelationships that exist across many of the influencing factors,
some of the themes were not easily categorised as individual, social, or envi-
ronmental/policy. This adds to the richness of the data and allowed us to see
how these three levels interact and influence sport and physical activity.
Two methods of triangulation were used to enhance the credibility of the
findings. Analyst triangulation was used in the data analysis, with multiple
people coding the data and regular discussions of the main themes that were
emerging from the data, which limited personal bias. Also, having teachers
and students address questions about factors that influence the sport and
physical activity of the group provided triangulation of the content. Codes
were attached to attributes including year level (7 and 11) and focus group
or interview (i.e., students or teacher) to facilitate comparisons within and
between the themes.
Instruments
Students completed a short questionnaire before the focus groups commenced.
The questionnaire included open-ended questions on age, suburb they lived in,
country of birth, language spoken at home, and parent/guardian occupation.
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154 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
Focus groups and interviews were semi-structured and were supported
by a guide to topics, but the interviewer had flexibility in the order in which
they were covered to allow the discussion to flow, provided all the topics
were covered by the end of the interview. Focus group questions centered
on the young women’s perceptions and experiences with sport and physical
activity, barriers to participation, and how these barriers could be overcome.
Prompts focused on leisure, sport, and physical activity. Examples of prompts
include: ‘What sort of physical activity do you participate in inside or out-
side of school?’; ‘What has influenced your attitude towards physical activ-
ity?’; and ‘How has your participation in physical activity changed in the past
couple of years?’
Interviews with teachers focused on opportunities for young women to
participate in sport and physical activity inside and outside of the school,
factors that facilitate and constrain participation in sport and physical activ-
ity, and problems and frustrations with encouraging young women to be
physically active. Examples of prompts include: ‘What opportunities are
available for young women to participate in sport inside and outside of the
school?’ and ‘Can you give examples of facilities, programs, and services
that are available for sport and physical activity?’ ‘At School?’ ‘In the local
community?’
Results
Student characteristics
The Year 7 focus groups included 35 students in total. The average age of
students was 12.7 years (range 12–13 years, S.D = .471, n = 35). All par-
ticipants were born in Australia and spoke English at home. Year 11 focus
groups consisted of 27 participants. The average age of participants was 16.6
years (range 16–18 years, SD = .565, n = 27). Most participants were born
in Australia (77.8%), other countries of birth included Switzerland, Taiwan,
Germany (all n = 1), and Brazil (n = 3).
Changing motivations and nature of sport and physical activity
participation
There were some differences in the motivations for sport and physical activity
between the two student groups. Motivations changed focus from sport and
physical activity being for fun to sport and physical activity being for weight
loss/maintenance. These changes coincided with changes in the nature and
experience of sport and physical activity, which included: a reduction in the
range of physical activities; a decrease in emphasis on competitive types of
sport and physical activity and an increased emphasis on informal fitness
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 155
or socially focused types of sport and physical activity; and less spontane-
ous sport and physical activity and more planned types of sport and physical
activity.
The Year 11 students focused on physical activity as a way of avoiding
putting on too much weight, managing anger, and finding relief from school-
work. Comments included (when asked the benefits of physical activity):
well not putting on too much weight’ and stress reliever’ (both Year 11 students).
Conversely, Year 7 students often mentioned they participated in sport and
physical activity ‘just for funor ‘because I want to’, as well as for general health
benefits. For example, ‘It [physical activity] makes you feel healthy. It gives you
something to do’ (Year 7 student), and ‘I love running in my spare time. I run for
no reason’ (Year 7 student).
The shift in motivation and perceived benefits from sport and physical
activity coincided with a change in the nature and experience of sport and
physical activity. The Year 7 groups mentioned participation in a greater vari-
ety of physical activities, including more participation in informal lunchtime
activities and in spontaneous and ‘play’ types of activities: ‘I like to do basket-
ball at lunchtimes and stuff and sometimes play tiggy, I mean um I used to hang
out on the oblong and play British bulldog’ (Year 7 student).
Year 11 students tended to focus on participation in more fitness-oriented
activities, with activities such as the gym mentioned more often than in the
Year 7 group. For the Year 11 group, sport and physical activity tended to be
much more structured and at a set time, for example I walk to and from school
which is about 3 km there and back’ (Year 11 student) and ‘I go to the gym once
a week (Year 11 student). These comments reflected a change in sport and
physical activity from being somewhat spontaneous and intrinsically moti-
vated to being a planned activity that was largely extrinsically motivated.
Although the Year 7 students participated in some lunchtime physical
activity, many noted that their level of lunchtime sport and physical activity
had reduced. Whereas lunchtimes in primary school were filled with sport
and physical activity, this was not the case in secondary school:
Participant 1: In high school you don’t really do that much active stuff
Participant 2: Like we played gang-up like every lunchtime
Participant 1: Yeah like all the Year 6s
Interviewer: So what tends to happen sort of when you move into Year 7, what
happens with your lunchtimes now then?
Participant 1: You just sit down
Participant 2: Sit down
(Year 7 students)
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The reductions in lunchtime physical activity may be partly related to the own-
ership’ of physical activity spaces by boys (discussed further in the ‘Influence
of others’ section). It was noted that primary school had more ‘play equipment’
and play spaces than secondary school: ‘You had things like playgrounds and
those sort of things and you had more equipment’ (Year 7 student). Thus, access
to facilities had an influence on lunchtime participation for some students.
Year 11 students reported that sport and physical activity had become
more competitive than when they were younger and this resulted in a reduc-
tion in enjoyment for some students as it became too serious’. At the same
time, some of the students were less interested in competitive sport and more
interested in spending time with friends and also more informal fitness-ori-
ented activities. One student commented, For me it was just getting too seri-
ous, like it wasn’t fun anymore’ (Year 11 student) and I was just kind of like
keep mucking around with my friends and still playing but not at a serious level
anymore’ (Year 11 student). Some of the students who disliked the competi-
tive aspect of sport said that they had become involved in individual and non-
competitive forms of physical activity, such as walking and going to the gym.
Competition was not so unfavourable for some Year 7 students, who reported
participating in, and enjoying a greater range of, physical activities. One stu-
dent said, ‘I just like competing against people’ (Year 7 student).
It was not clear if sport and physical activity had, in fact, become more
competitive as the students had got older, or if they had just perceived sport
and physical activity as being more competitive because they enjoyed com-
petition less. Teachers appeared to be aware of this shift. For instance, the
preference of some students for non-competitive types of physical activity
was noted by one teacher, who reported attempting to expose students to a
broader range of physical activities. Another teacher commented that ‘most
students are not engaged in after-school activities, they’re not in organised sport,
they are doing more recreational activities themselves like the skateboarding etc.
and that’s what we need to, we need to tap in to’.
Competing priorities
Competing priorities was a dominant theme that influenced participation in
sport and physical activity for Year 7 and Year 11 students and this compro-
mised their participation. However, the types of competing priorities varied
across the two groups.
The Year 7 group reported that their interests had changed since primary
school and although they used to do multiple sports, they were now forced
to choose between sports due to lack of time and wanting some time to relax
on weekends, or ‘chill out time’. They had become more interested in ‘boys
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 157
and stuff like that’ and also said that schoolwork was taking more of their time
than it did in primary school.
Most of the students in Year 11 worked part-time and, combined with
increases in schoolwork and the range of leisure opportunities that were avail-
able, physical activity and sport were hard to fit in’: by the time I get home
[from part-time job] at about quarter to eleven I can’t really be bothered doing
anything’. Participants who were taking physical education as a school sub-
ject reported trading-off’ physical education time to work on other school
projects. Participating in after-school classes competed directly with the pur-
suit of sport and physical activity outside of school. The students reported a
lack of time for general leisure and relaxation time, let alone sport and physi-
cal activity. One student commented, ‘On weekends isn’t it like time for relaxa-
tion?’ (Year 7 student).
Students reported participation in a broad range of leisure activities, such
as watching TV, going to the movies, shopping, and hanging out with friends:
I like hanging out with mates just chilling, actually partying’ (Year 11 student).
The range of leisure opportunities available to young people in a metropolitan
environment means that they have a degree of freedom of choice in terms of
how they use their time. Students reported that they were allowed to do more
activities individually, without the supervision of parents as they got older.
One student said, ‘I feel like my mum . . . she lets me do more things than I used
to like . . . . I wasn’t allowed to regularly go to Southland [a shopping centre] and
all that but now I’m allowed to grab the bus up’ (Year 7 student). Thus, as young
people get older, the range of leisure activities that they can access becomes
larger (as parents allow them greater autonomy). This resulted in a broader
range of leisure experiences and thus less time for sport and physical activity.
Although competing priorities may be considered as individual deci-
sion making on the part of the adolescent, it is far more complex than this.
Competing priorities for the individual are influenced by the broader social
and environmental/policy context. Participants in Year 7 experienced a reduc-
tion in opportunities that were available for them through school, while the
Year 11 students reported that they had been told by their parents to drop
participation in some sport and physical activity: I was pretty much forced to
give up, like I had to choose one thing that I was going to stick to and drop the
other one(Year 11 student) and ‘parents are going to force you to stop something
to get good VCE [Victoria Certificate of Education] marks’ (Year 11 student).
Students reported that timetable clashes made it difficult to select physi-
cal education subjects and teachers also reported that timetabling created a
barrier for young women to participate in sport and physical education at
school. Formal and informal school policies regarding timetabling of physical
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158 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
education classes and the opportunities for students to be physically active at
school are also an issue that relates to the prioritisation of sport and physical
activity in the broader policy context. Students in Year 11 reported a lack of
coordination between subjects that made it more difficult to choose physical
education as a subject. For example, sport/music/drama were often on at the
same time: the school offers music and drama. They don’t co-ordinate well the
different activities’ (Year 11 student). Some students had a choice to do sport
and physical activity during physical education classes or to use this time
to catch up on other school work, and participants reported that they were
sometimes ‘forced’ to use time for homework due to workload.
Physical education teachers also spoke about students requesting to use
their physical education time for other, ‘academic’, work; one teacher com-
mented, ‘We’re so overloaded with all the things we have to do and especially the
Year 12s, they have their project — their year project and it happens many times
that people have come to me and asked “may I use this 40 minutes for something
else?”’.
It was noted by teachers that the timetabling of physical education is deter-
mined by teachers in leadership roles. Those teachers who valued physical
activity and sport tended to give more consideration to appropriate timetabling
of physical education and sport than those who did not value it as highly. One
teacher commented, ‘Sometimes the leadership team are not interested . . . we’ve
got one on the leadership team who is interested, the others probably have never
ever had any good experiences with PE [Physical Education] or sport themselves’.
Budget restrictions also impacted on the schools’ ability to provide opportuni-
ties for sport and physical activity, as one teacher commented: ‘Restrictions in
encouraging physical activity equals funding restrictions, a small budget for PE’.
Furthermore, physical education is not compulsory after Year 10, which
further highlights its lack of priority in the education system:
You know it’s frustrating and I said ‘How are we going to get it up for next year?’
and he said ‘Well he can’t do it until the last week of school’ because he has to wait
and see what teachers the schools employed, who is going to teach in the VCE
subjects. And that’s where it starts at VCE and that’s the biggest priority and then
sports is down the list. (teacher)
In an environment where there are many competing priorities on the school
curriculum, budget constraints, and timetabling changes, the processes of
timetabling for sport and physical activity are an important consideration.
One issue that was raised by many teachers was the length of school periods,
which were decreasing in length to allow for more classes:
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 159
. . . next year the school has chosen to go to 40-minute periods. The double periods
are 70 each. All of them are all doubles. That’s the way its currently structured but
next year unfortunately it’s not and it’s going to kill us. I think in terms of external,
going anywhere, doing anything . . . .
I only have one period for 40 minutes and we have this big wide open space here so
therefore sometimes it can take quite a while if they have something here and then
they have to come down there . . . .
The flow-on effect of such timetabling policies included a lack of time to
change into PE uniforms, which then became a barrier to participation.
Influence of others
The influence of family members, friends, media, and role models was men-
tioned by focus group participants and teachers. Overall, the Year 7 students
mentioned a greater range and also spoke at greater length about influences
on their participation than the Year 11 students.
Family members both directly and indirectly influenced participation in
sport and physical activity for these students. Siblings were an important
influence for Year 7 students. They mentioned that they followed in their
siblings’ footsteps (both brothers and sisters were mentioned) with regard to
the type of activities they chose to participate in. My brother played cricket
for about three years and then he had so much fun I did it for a year or two years’
(Year 7 student). Thus siblings served a ‘modelling’ role for students.
The influence of parents was mostly in relation to their encouragement
or discouragement of activity, rather than students modelling their parents’
behaviour. Many students said that they were forced to reduce the range of
physical activities that they participated in as they became older. Parents also
positively influenced participation though encouragement and providing
instrumental support to accessing opportunities: ‘ . . . they can inspire you. My
mum got me into little aths and I sort of keep that up. And my dad used to take
me out to play basketball and he taught me football; I learnt that when I was in
primary school and also your siblings as well’ (Year 11 student).
Teachers also commented that parental support is vital: ‘if you don’t get the
parents, you won’t get the kids’. Some parents did not encourage young women
to be active because it is not academic and instead the parents tended to pres-
sure their daughters to do well academically as they progressed through their
schooling: I think it’s more towards the later years, Year 11 and Year 12, that
they find it hard because their parents are like “I want you to study”, “I want you
to do this”, “you are not allowed to play sport”’ (teacher). The age of parents
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may also have an impact on their encouragement of participation, particu-
larly in non-traditional forms of sport and physical activity. One teacher had
observed that younger parents seemed more willing to allow their children to
try a wide variety of physical activities.
Socialising and ‘hanging out’ with friends was the most frequently men-
tioned leisure activity for both groups of students and this is reflected in the
influence that friends had on the students. Getting involved in a particular
activity was often a result of friends being involved and, conversely, dropping
out of activities was related to friends stopping involvement. Students com-
mented: ‘My friend Jane, she kind of got me into long distance running’ (Year 7
student), and ‘My close friends we like just sitting on our butts’ (Year 11 stu-
dent). Furthermore, the social aspect of participation was a benefit and a
source of enjoyment for the students.
Friendship groups were linked to, and reflected the self-identity of, the
students. Some saw themselves as sporty types’ and others did not. When
asked why they thought some other young women do not like to participate
in sport or physical activity, comments included: ‘Because some chicks are too
girlie. They think, “Oh my God I’m going to break a nail” and stuff (Year 7 stu-
dent). Femininity, or being ‘girlie’, seemed to be the opposite of being sporty’,
which shared more similarities with the masculine.
Although not raised directly by students in the focus groups, teachers
discussed the issue of the interactions between male and female students and
how this changed from Year 7 onwards. While in Year 7, boys were inclusive
of young women in their sport and physical activity, this changed in later
years: ‘we do get a lot of male/female interaction in playing sport’. By Year 8
the boys were becoming more competitive and aggressive and less inclusive.
This period coincides with the time when young women are becoming more
self-conscious about their appearance, particularly in front of boys. It also
coincides with the period when young women become more interested in
socialising and in less competitive forms of physical activity.
Teachers also had an influence on sport and physical activity participa-
tion. The Year 7 group felt that teachers could either make sport and physical
activity enjoyable or not and the Year 11 group mentioned that teachers shape
physical education experiences. The Year 11 group expressed frustration when
teachers have ‘male’ sports because there were only a small number of young
women in the class. Teachers in the interviews mentioned that they found it
difficult to program for the entire group of students because their needs and
preferences differed widely. Teachers recognised that students needed to feel
comfortable and enjoy the activities and noted the importance of building
relationship with students.
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 161
School facilities, programs and policy
Students tended to focus on the school environment in their discussions
of sport and physical activity. This may be due to the location of the focus
groups being conducted in school premises. Students mentioned that where
they live influenced their ability to participate in some types of sport and
physical activity, that is, they tended to participate in activities that were close
to home. However, a more dominant influence seemed to be the school envi-
ronment and access to facilities and programs within and close to school. One
student said, ‘I think it’s primary school and where you live and what sports are
nearby and stuff. Like most of the time I started playing sport in a school team or
something that was nearby’ (Year 11 student). Opportunities at school were an
important component of sport and physical activity participation.
Teachers reported that schools attempted to expose students to a range
of sports and physical activities and to do this they used both the school
facilities and nearby facilities such as pools, YMCAs, parks, fitness centres,
beaches, and bowls clubs. While some school sporting and physical activities
were located at the school, many required that students travel to other loca-
tions for activities. Some of the facilities were within walking distance, while
others required a bus or tram ride to access. Teachers comments included, ‘We
use the YMCA which is across the road for Pilates and yoga and stuff like that’.
Teachers mentioned that facilities/programs had to be located within 15 to 20
minutes (bus or tram ride) and not be too costly in order for the school to
access the facility: ‘the idea is to do as many things as possible and whatever is
within a 15-minute tram ride and doesn’t cost too much we’ll go to’.
There were a range of physical activities that students participated in at
school. Most schools had formal’ types of competitive sports such as inter-school
and house sport competitions and some also had more informal opportunities
such as sporting competitions at lunchtime and then there were informal and
non-competitive lunchtime activities such as power walking. The informal
lunchtime activities relied on the initiative of teachers and if no teacher was
prepared to organise this, they did not run. A teacher commented:
Young women haven’t had it [lunchtime activities] this year cos it hasn’t run, but
in the past on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays we’ve had power walks and fun
runs outside of school where you have to bring your runners and you just go and
join a group and do it with a group of teachers . . . .
The Year 7 coordinator and I, we’ve been running what we call ‘lunchtime fun
time’, so that’s one day a week and we just we go out sometimes we just take ball
out and ropes and stuff.
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162 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
These activities were initiated by teachers who observed that female students
tend not to be physically active at lunchtimes. Because such activities rely on
the initiative of individual teachers, they are subject to change and cannot
always be provided: ‘Lots of kids were interested in that, but this year I think by
the time teachers have taught three 80-minute periods they get to lunchtime and
go, “Oh I need a break” ’ (teacher).
Although facilities such as bike sheds were provided at most schools to
facilitate riding to school, few female students took up this opportunity. ‘I
don’t think we have any females that ride to school on a bike and we’ve got two
bike sheds and they are basically full of boys. So it’s all about not being seen to be
doing anything that would be unfeminine’ (teacher). Some of the young women
reported walking to school, but very few rode to school. Although not men-
tioned by the students, it is likely that the ‘ownership’ of spaces such as bike
sheds by male students was intimidating for female students and thus some-
what of a deterrent to riding to school.
Discussion
Changing motivations and the nature of sport and physical activity partici-
pation, competing priorities, the influence of others, and school facilities,
programs, and policies were the dominant and interconnected themes that
emerged from the focus groups and interviews. Each of these themes included
individual, social, and/or environmental aspects.
Changing motivations and nature of sport and physical activity
participation
The difference in the nature and experience of sport and physical activity for
different age groups has implications for sport and physical activity participa-
tion. The Year 7 groups spoke of their involvement in spontaneous types of
sport and physical activity, whereas for the Year 11 groups, physical activity
was more planned and structured.
The increasing focus on sport and physical activity as a means of losing
weight may act to reduce perceived freedom and increase perceptions of phys-
ical activity as being more work-like. A negative relationship between physi-
cal activity for weight loss and reduction in relative autonomy was found by
Markland and Ingledew (2007). The more female adolescents wished to lose
weight the lower their relative autonomy (Markland & Ingledew, 2007). A
reduction in relative autonomy is related to reductions in enjoyment and, in
turn, participation (Gillison et al., 2006). Emphasis on weight loss and the
achievement of the slender body is an integral part of the feminine and sexu-
alised imperative that features so strongly in adolescent young women’s cul-
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 163
ture and becomes a dominant influence as young women mature (Choi 2000;
Hargreaves, 1994). When participation in physical activity is primarily moti-
vated by the desire to enhance physical appearance, young women reduce
their opportunities to view their bodies in more functional and empowering
ways (Choi & Murtie, 1997; Choi 2000).
The ‘fun factor’ of physical activity also becomes secondary when phys-
ical activity is viewed instrumentally as a way to lose weight. Despite the
importance of enjoyment as a predictor of behaviour it continues to be under-
researched in relation to its significance for physical activity uptake and
adherence. Henderson, Glancy, and Little (1999) argued strongly that ‘fun’ is
a term that is difficult to define and is often devalued in our work-oriented
society. An emphasis on physical activity as a fun activity rather than a means
to an end is likely to lead to a reorientation in the motivations for young
women to participate.
The decrease in enjoyment of competitive types of activities was of inter-
est. This was particularly the case with the Year 11 students. While the Year
7 groups liked to compete, the Year 11s preferred less competitive and more
social types of physical activity. This could be due to a number of social influ-
ences. Even in a competitive team sport environment, young women highly
value the social, supportive, and friendship aspects of their sport involve-
ment, as well as their achievements (Trail, Clough, & McCormack, 1996).
During later adolescence (15–18 years) the importance of body image and
peer group influence and interaction intensifies and there is also an increased
interest in relationships of a more sexual nature. Coakley and White (1992)
found that young women with boyfriends often gave their sporting interests a
lower priority in order to maintain their relationship. In this context a young
man’s interests and achievements in playing competitive sport, which was
aligned with his masculine identity, was considered more important that his
girlfriend’s sport and leisure interests. Concerns with fashion, socialising, and
maintaining the appropriately feminine and slender body appear to be prior-
itised in the leisure of many young women (Hargreaves 1994; Choi, 2000).
Competing priorities
Competing priorities were a key factor that influenced the participation of
students in Year 7, and more strongly in Year 11. These competing priorities
were a product of individual, social, and environmental/policy factors. On an
individual level, students had an increasing repertoire of leisure opportunities
from which to choose and also part-time work and schoolwork put increas-
ing demands on time. The issue of part-time work emerged as an important
consideration for the Year 11 students. There has been a steady increase in the
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164 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
overall proportion of young women (aged 15–19 years) employed in part-time
work in Australia. In 2003 a nationally representative survey of youth showed
that around half of older secondary students were working, and almost all
worked part-time in their main job (Abhayaratna, Andrews, Nuch, & Podbury,
2008). On a broader social level, some parents ‘forced’ students to reduce the
number of physical activities that they participated in to allow time for aca-
demic work, which was seen as a higher priority. Finally, on an environment/
policy level, school structures and timetabling reflect the diminishing priority
of sport and physical activity within a busy school curriculum.
These findings are consistent with the observations of Coleman (1961),
who suggested that the varying amounts of time spent in academic, social,
or athletic pursuits are posited to be in competition. The sport commitment
model (Scanlan, Carpenter, Schmidt, Simons, & Keeler, 1993) includes a simi-
lar concept to show that the more athletes were attracted by competing activi-
ties, the less they felt committed and persisted in sport (e.g., Scanlan, Simons,
Carpenter, Schmidt, & Keeler, 1993; Guillet, Sarrazin, Carpenter, Trouilloud,
& Cury, 2002). Boiche (2007) argued for the need to consider the self-deter-
mined motivation of potentially competing activities (such as school, work,
and friendships) in order to enhance our understanding of adolescents’ choices
and behaviours in the context of sport and physical activity. They found that
intrinsic motivation for schoolwork and the emphasis placed on this by the
school and parents were likely to decrease sport participation and there is a
perceived conflict between sport and schoolwork (Boiche, 2007). Our research
highlights that competing priorities must be considered multi-dimensional
and reflective of broader societal influences and education policy.
Adolescence is a time of increasing opportunities to participate in autono-
mous leisure activities, as parents allow more freedom in terms of accessing
leisure. At the same time as this expanding access to various leisure activi-
ties is occurring, obligated time for activities such as schoolwork and part-
time work also increases. This created a paradox where there are more leisure
opportunities but there is less discretionary time to experience them. Thus,
in terms of leisure, the students had greater perceived freedom and auton-
omy, and thus higher levels of leisure self-determination (Deci & Ryan, 1985,
1991). Perceived choice and freedom is viewed as a positive aspect of leisure;
however, this also means that sport and physical activity has to compete with
a growing number of activities for an adolescent’s time.
Although sport and physical activity participation for children and ado-
lescents has been given increasing focus, our findings indicated that sport
and physical activity provision is not a high priority in many schools. Schools
are increasingly under pressure to produce high academically achieving stu-
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 165
dents and schools are being ranked according to academic achievement. This
puts pressure on the development of curriculum that is focused on academic
achievement, and some parents and teachers oppose sport and physical activ-
ity taking the place of ‘real’ learning. This view is counterproductive, as recent
evidence suggests that higher amounts of physical education may be associ-
ated with an academic benefit (Carlson et al., 2008).
Influence of others
Social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986, 2004) posits that behaviour can be
affected by vicarious learning and reinforcement, through the observation
of role models. In this study, it was clear that friends, family, and teachers
served as significant role models for sport and physical activity behaviour.
In the literature, the relationships between family and sport and physical
activity behaviour is often characterised as social support. Social support may
be operationalised as three constructs: (1) instrumental and direct support
(e.g., transport), (2) motivational support (e.g., encouragement), and (3)
observational support (e.g., modelling) (Prochaska et al., 2002). Our findings
indicate that the support provided by parents is largely through instrumental
support and encouragement, whereas the support from siblings tends to be
through modelling.
Teachers were also mentioned in terms of their being an influence on
physical activity. The social support and encouragement that teachers are able
to provide is clearly influenced by the school environment, through acces-
sible facilities and programs as well as supportive policy and a curriculum
that facilitates adequate programming of physical activity. The initiation of
lunchtime physical activity programs by teachers facilitates the participa-
tion of female students. Such activities provide informal and noncompetitive
physical activity which tends to be favoured by adolescent girls.
Studies suggest that having same-sex friends with whom to participate
has a positive effect on young women’s engagement and continued involve-
ment in sport and physical activity. This may, in part, be due to the support
structure such shared experiences can offer, especially during adolescence,
when many young women consider reducing their commitment to physical
activities. This is the time when they are most anxious about being rejected
or excluded from same-sex friendships. For young women, physical activities
often become less important in their lives as they are encouraged by pressure
from their peer group to seek other activities associated with their preferred
perceptions of femininity (Taylor, Legrand, & Newton, 1999). At the same
time, sport and physical activity are recognised as a means to create or main-
tain friendly social relationships (Boiche, 2007).
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166 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
The influence of boys on physical activity was not a major theme raised in
the focus groups with young women. Teachers, however, did raise the issue
of boys becoming more competitive and aggressive and less inclusive of girls
in the early high school years (Year 8 onwards). Teachers also spoke about
the boys’ ‘ownership’ of sport and physical activity spaces such as bike sheds
being a deterrent to young women riding to school. The work of James found
that boys’ more competitive nature was a deterrent to young women partici-
pating in basketball in their lunch hour (James, 1999) and also that embar-
rassment caused by the presence of boys reduced the frequency and quality
of swimming for adolescent young women (James, 2000).
School facilities, programs, and policy
Our research suggests that when examining access to facilities and their
impact on participation in sport and physical activity, two types of access
should be studied: access to facilities from home and at school. Both types of
access have an impact on the sport and physical activity opportunities avail-
able to adolescents. Although some research has examined the influence of
facilities and programs that are accessible to adolescents in terms of where
they live, there is less recognition of the importance of facilities and programs
that are accessible to the school which they attend. Humbert et al. (2008)
found three important environmental factors that impact on adolescents’
sport and physical activity: programs, facilities, and accessibility (Humbert
et al., 2008). Our findings add to this by suggesting that such factors need to
be looked at in terms of facilities and programs available in areas surround-
ing where adolescents live and facilities and programs within the school, or
that the school has access to. Further research is needed to establish if access
to facilities and programs at school has an influence on the amount of sport
and physical activity that students participate in and/or the type of activity in
which students participate both inside and outside of school hours.
Schools are a key environment where young people observe, imitate, learn,
and practise health behaviours such as physical activity. This environment
and the policies that guide school curriculum have the capacity to positively
influence participation in sport and physical activity for young women (Elder
et al., 2007). School provides opportunities to be active through formal means,
such as sports competitions and physical education classes and also through
more informal means, such as facilitating lunchtime activities. Research has
suggested that when the school environment has high levels of both physical
improvements and adult supervision, the percentage of young women who
are physically active during lunch periods is up to four times higher than
when the school environment was deficient in both (Sallis et al., 2001).
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WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY? • 167
The reduction in opportunities for sport and physical activity through
school was a key driver of the overall reduction in sport and physical activity
for both groups. The Year 7 students reported that there were fewer opportu-
nities for them to participate at school. Parents of the Year 11 group had told
them that they had to cut down on participation in physical activity to focus
on schoolwork.
Levels of physical activity during lunch hours declined sharply from pri-
mary to secondary school and few students reported being physically active
during lunchtime. Previous research showed that only a very small percent-
age of children (grades 6–8) chose to be physically active during unstruc-
tured time (Sallis et al., 2001) and levels of physical activity decline sharply
from primary to secondary school (Yates, 1999). Although some schools
conducted activities in their lunch hours, this was up to the discretion of
the teachers. The informal nature of these activities appealed to the young
women in this study. The use of lunchtime as a means of delivering physical
activity should be further explored in schools. Some students indicated a dis-
like of competitive types of physical activity and the demands on their time
meant that activities outside of school were difficult to fit in. Thus, opportu-
nities for physical activity during the school day are extremely important.
Limitations
This study has provided an understanding of the interplay of individual,
social, and environmental factors and how they influence sport and physical
activity for young women at transitional life stages. There are some limita-
tions, however, that need to be considered when interpreting the findings of
the research. The findings of this study are limited to the sample population
and their environments and cannot be generalised to the broader student
population. The second limitation of the study involved the selection of the
study participants. The recruitment of students was conducted during school
hours and relied on voluntary participation. As a result, students who were
frequently absent may not have had an opportunity to be selected and those
who volunteered are likely to be those with an interest in sport and physical
activity. We found that most of the students in the focus groups were at least
moderately physically active.
Conclusion
Our research examined the individual, social, and environmental factors that
influence young women’s participation in physical activity at transitional life
stages. We found that reductions in physical activity for young women were
related to changing sources of motivation from intrinsic to extrinsic; compet-
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168 • WHY DO YOUNG WOMEN DROP OUT OF SPORT AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY?
ing priorities from school, part-time work, and other leisure opportunities;
a lack of priority for physical activity from parents and the school curricu-
lum; gender stereotyping that restricted the range of physical activities that
young women feel comfortable participating in; and a lack of accessible sport
and physical activity facilities, programs, and services in schools. Each of
these issues will need to be addressed if levels of physical activity are to be
increased for adolescent females. These strategies are not ‘quick fixes’, but
rather require a whole-of-community approach and, in some cases, a reorien-
tation of societal values.
Acknowledgements
Dr Rochelle Eime, Dr Jack Harvey and Professor Warren Payne are acknowl-
edged for their contribution to the development of the interview questions
and analysis themes.
The project was funded through the Sport and Recreation division
of the Victorian Government’s Department of Planning and Community
Development
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... Promoting and enabling physical activity among this group, therefore, is more pertinent and will form the focus of this discussion, with the experiences of middle and high-SEP adolescents used as contrasting points of view.Lack of social support was described as a key barrier to participating in physical activity, this was especially felt by low-SEP adolescents who experienced an absence of parental support. Previous findings align with the experiences of high-SEP adolescence, where an absence of parental support was due to parent's prioritization of academic success.[60][61][62] Our findings add by expanding on the reasons adolescents might not feel sufficiently supported by their parents to be active. ...
... Low-SEP females reported anxiety around body image, feeling self-conscious and parental imposed gender stereotypes. This aligns with commonly reported perceptions around the concept of being feminine and practicing physical activity (e.g., physical activity is not for girls).60,61,71,72 Among quantitative literature, body image anxiety is not a consensual correlate of physical activity.18,73 ...
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Background: This review aims to systematically identify and synthesis qualitative data on adolescents’ experiences of the barriers to and facilitators of physical activity to understand whether these differ by socioeconomic position. Methods: Multiple databases (MEDLINE, Web of Science Core Collection, PsycINFO and ERIC) were searched in August 2020. Duplicate title/abstract and full text screening was conducted. Studies were included if they reported qualitative data collected from adolescents (aged 10-19), a measure of socioeconomic position and focused on physical activity. Studies not published in English or published before 2000 were excluded. Relevant data were extracted and methodological quality assessed (in duplicate). Data were analysed using Thomas and Harden’s (2008) methods for the thematic synthesis. Results: Four analytical themes emerged from the 25 included studies: (1) Social Support (2) Accessibility and the Environment (4) Other Behaviours and Health (4) Gendered Experiences. These themes appeared across socioeconomic groups, however their narratives varied significantly. For example, provision and access to local facilities was discussed as a facilitator to middle and high socioeconomic adolescents, but was a barrier to low socioeconomic adolescents. Conclusions: These findings can be used to inform how different socioeconomic groups may benefit from, or be disadvantaged by, current interventions.
... Kirol-zein kultura-ekitaldiak, parrandak, lagunak, bikote-harremanak eta abar. Beraz, jarduera fisikoari tartea egitea batzuetan ez da garrantzitsuena izaten, aldez aurretik kirolari eskaintzen zitzaion denbora beste aisialdiko jarduera batzuei emanez (Craike, Symons, eta Zimmermann, 2009). ...
... Beste jarduera edo egoera batzuetan, «talde-kultura» edo «familia» aipatu izan da, talde barruan sortzen den giro atsegin eta bereziari erreferentzia eginez. Horrek, kideen arteko konfiantza eta lotura estua azaleratzen ditu, jardueraz kanpoko kontuez aritzeko gertutasuna sentituz eta elkarri babesa emateko prest agertuz (Green, 1998;Roster, 2007;Craike, Symons, eta Zimmermann, 2009;Wood eta Danylchuk, 2011;Fernandez-Lasa, Usabiaga, eta Castellano, 2015). Pilotariek kantxetatik knapo kideekin denbora partekatzea gustuko zutela aipatu zuten: «Eta gero gainera baldin bazegoen bazkaria-eta ondoren.... Hemen egiten genituen bazkariak [beste herri bateko] topaketan eta» (Ariane). ...
... The importance of health appeals to individuals' responsibility to take care of themselves in a rational and disciplined way. Active adolescences in particular have been found to report health as a reason and an important benefit of physical activity [51,52]. The health ethos is constantly present in media and the message is for everybody and not only for those talented in sports. ...
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... Following Spence and Lee's (2003) endorsement of a multilevel approach and Dionigi's exhortation to attend to the views of athletes, we draw on the socio-ecological framework (King and King, 2010) in our study and focus on athletes' reports of the benefits they experience from weightlifting across the span of ages from 35 to 85+. The socio-ecological framework is based on Bronfenbrenner's bioecological theory (Tudge et al., 2009) of human development as a process that unfolds over time through bidirectional influences between a person and their environment, making it a good match for the study of sport participation across the lifespan, including young athletes (Craike et al., 2009) and Masters athletes in their 50s, 60s, and 70s (Kirby and Kluge, 2013;Naar et al., 2017). In line with the bidirectional influences that are a core conceptual feature of ecological models (Tudge et al., 2009), the literature on Masters participation in competitive sports (see Cannella et al., 2021 for a recent review) indicates that the reasons for participating often coincide with the benefits that older athletes report. ...
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Although the benefits of sport participation for older adults has been well-documented, the traditionally masculine sport of weightlifting has only recently become popular among older women, who now participate at rates comparable to men in the United States. This study describes the self-reported effects of participating in Masters-level Olympic weightlifting on other aspects of life. Contrasting with previous studies of Masters athletes in other sports, the gender balance and broad age range of our sample allowed us to explore whether the self-reported impact of sport on older adults was similar or different across age groups (35-44, 45-59, 60, and older) for both men and women. A total of 352 (191 women, 159 men, 2 other) who completed a survey of Masters lifters registered with the United States national organization (USAW) responded to an open-ended question about how weightlifting has affected other aspects of their life. Across gender and age categories, responses indicated that weightlifting has a positive impact on physical health (strength, mobility, fitness) and on psychological (mental health benefits, stress reduction) and social aspects such as community connections. Female lifters mentioned psychological benefits such as increased confidence and help with stress and depression more commonly than male lifters; older lifters were more likely than middle-aged lifters to mention physical health benefits. Competition was a prominent theme across genders and age groups. The themes mentioned by participants are consistent with previous literature on sports that are less strongly gender-typed than weightlifting.
... Although the topic of minorities and sport has received a surge in popularity recently, many studies examine only structural or sociocultural aspects related to barriers, focusing less on the experiential dimensions of sport participation (Spaaij et al., 2019). Yet, previous research has found that minority girls' decision to engage or not engage in sports is a result of both macro-level factors, such as culture and the local community, as well as more personal factors located in the microsystem (Thul and LaVoi, 2011), similarly to their majority counterparts (Craike et al., 2009). It is therefore important to not negate the influence of intra-and interpersonal aspects when attempting to understand how to engage this subgroup in organized sports. ...
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Sport participation is considered a positive pastime endower that can offer a range of positive outcomes for children and youths. It has also increasingly been recognized as a potentially important context for fostering social inclusion for minority youths. Yet across Europe, minority girls are participating in sport to a lesser degree than their majority counterparts. Using self-determination theory (SDT) and the social ecological model as the framework, this study explored the reasons why a particular project aimed at recruiting minority girls to organized team sport succeeded in doing just that. A case study design was adopted to provide an in-depth analysis of how this project satisfied the basic psychological needs of minority girls. Nine girls, four parents, two coaches, and two project team members were interviewed about the project and sport participation in general. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Two main themes were identified, a sense of being facilitated and inclusion in the sport environment. The former emphasized the importance of aligning the participation with the girls' cultural norms and values, particularly in the beginning. It also included practical issues such as finances, reminding us that participation in sport is not just a motivational issue. The latter focused on the importance of including the girls in the general sports program, regardless of their athletic abilities at the onset of their participation and creating a mastery environment. Moreover, by removing remediable differences between the minority and majority girls, such as having the right equipment, seemed important to fostering a sense of belonging in the sports club. Additionally, establishing meaningful relationships with coaches and majority counterparts seemed to be a major motivating factor.
... In this group, 15% were males and 33% females (expressed in percentage of the whole sample interviewed: 15-55 years). In addition, several authors confirmed the drop-out rates from sports being higher in females than in males [18,19]. ...
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The search for overarching factors involved in both sport and broader lifestyle and achievement domains may help to understand the early drop-out phenomenon. This study aimed to analyze the association between early sport drop-out and strategic learning skills, checking for the individual and joint role of nationality, school type, gender, age and sport habits. Six hundred and fourteen Italian and Spanish students aged 14–18 years completed two self-assessment questionnaires concerning physical activity, sports habits and learning strategies. Outcomes were analyzed with frequency analysis. Higher affective–motivational strategic learning skills were associated with lower drop-out rates in Italian but not Spanish students. In high schools with an enhanced sports curriculum, drop-out rates were negligible compared to other Italian and Spanish curricula. A lack of persistence in the same sport type was significantly associated with a higher drop-out rate in males but not in female students, who had overall higher drop-out rates. This study suggests that overarching personal skills, cultural characteristics and sports habits may independently and jointly contribute to sport drop-out. Specifically, affective–motivational learning skills may play a key role in sport persistence and in strategies tailored to drop-out prevention.
... In this line, girls tend to decrease time devoted to PA, especially in MVPA, and to increase sedentary activities earlier than their male counterparts (Aoyama et al., 2018;van Stralen et al., 2014;Woods et al., 2015;Zhu et al., 2019), before puberty (Kettner et al., 2013;Sember et al., 2020;Telford et al., 2016;Trost et al., 2002;Verloigne et al., 2012), but markedly after puberty (Cairney et al., 2014;Nader et al., 2008). Some cultural behaviors and socioeconomic factors could support this pattern (Allender et al., 2006;Coakley & White, 1992;Craike et al., 2009;Guthold et al., 2020;Slater & Tiggemann, 2010). For instance, in postindustrial societies, the parental support to engage in physical activities and the character of the organized sports, may favor males more than females (Cairney et al., 2012;Edwardson et al., 2013;Rodrigues et al., 2017;Sallis et al., 1999;Telford et al., 2016;Trost et al., 2003;Vella et al., 2014). ...
Article
Objectives Physical activity (PA) is required for healthy growth, development, and maturation and plays an important role in the prevention of overweight and obesity in childhood and adolescence. Sex-differences in PA levels are well documented, with boys spending more time in PA, especially in moderate-to-vigorous activities. Following the Life History Theory, our aim is to study if PA affects the fat tissues increases during childhood and juvenile phases in both sexes. Methods Time spent in sedentary, light, and moderate-to-vigorous PA levels were measured in a sample of 415 Portuguese children and juveniles (207 females/208 males; aged 6–11 years), using an accelerometer for 7 days. Skinfolds related with body fat were objectively collected and socioeconomic status factors were reported using a parental questionnaire. Results The outcomes show that girls' and boys' fat variables increased during the end of the childhood and the juvenile phase. However, these variables were differently affected by PA. Girls increased fat variables with the sedentary activity while boys decreased fat variables with moderate-to-vigorous PA. Alike, active boys but not girls reduced the fat increase tendency with age. Conclusions Although both sexes displayed a general fat increment with age, moderate-to-vigorous PA dampens the increase only in boys. In fact, active girls increased body fat in the same manner as non-active girls. From an evolutionary perspective, it could explain sex-specific somatic strategies related to future reproduction or, with future mating and intrasexual competition.
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Using questionnaire data collected from one gym in 1995, 2005, and 2015 this study examines 861 women’s and 1827 men’s training patterns and their motives for weight training. Between 1995 and 2015, the gym increased its membership, equipment, and machines. The analysis shows that the participants increased the time they trained in gyms and changed the muscle groups they prioritized. The motives to become stronger, healthier, and more fit remained stable over time, but both the men’s and women’s training de-emphasized building muscles and firmer shapes and emphasized fun, attractiveness, and endurance. The analysis suggests that how the socially constructed body should be shaped and the goal with the shaping has changed. In conclusion, the 20-year perspective captures changes that have not been reported previously and contributes to knowledge about the intersection of gyms and gender, shedding light on how gym culture has changed and the reasons for these changes.
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Issue Addressed Increasing physical activity of adolescent girls is a key priority for health promotion, as their physical activity levels are generally lower than boys. This study aims to understand experiences of adolescent girls who play Australian Football League Women’s (AFLW) football and to explore girls’ pathways to playing football. Understanding how AFLW and gender norms/stereotypes influence girls’ experience and self-perceptions was a key focus. Methods A qualitative description design and purposive sampling were used. Six adolescent girls aged 11-17 that play football in urban Victoria, Australia participated. Short interview survey questions covering demographic and football pathway information were administered prior to online one-on-one interviews. Interviews lasted 30-45 minutes. Questions were framed broadly, open-ended and non-directive (some using image prompts). Data was analysed using thematic analysis. Results The results cover four themes: (1) Self-perception - Participants presented with positive self-perceptions, (2) Social support - A supportive team and exposure to women playing football, and family support/involvement, were encouraging factors in pathways to playing football, (3) AFLW role models - were positive influences on participants’ experience and self-perceptions and (4) Influence of gender norms/stereotypes - Participant self-perceptions displayed conforming and non-conforming features of gender norms/stereotypes. Participants reported exposure to sexist commentary about girls in sport through social media and peers but instead of being discouraged, most used it as motivation or empowerment, while others were dismissive. Conclusions Findings suggest increased media coverage of AFLW players may be beneficial. Education programs/initiatives which i) involve AFLW role models and ii) encourage family-friendly club environments and team bonding spaces are recommended. So what? Findings indicate that adolescent girls can thrive in their football experience, which could increase feelings of empowerment and foster positive self-perceptions, contributing to overall health. Further research in this area is recommended to expand on and strengthen our study findings.
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Purpose. The study was aimed at examining the usefulness of the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) in predicting leisure time physical activity of Polish adolescents aged 13-19, thus explaining how the TPB constructs (behavioural intention, attitude, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control) influence their participation in leisure time physical activity. Basic procedures. Anonymous questionnaires were completed by 303 students (206 girls, 97 boys) aged 13-19 (M 16.15, SD 1.56). The obtained data were analysed with the use of structural equation modelling (path analysis). Main findings. The results of the analyses indicated that intention was a significant predictor of participation in leisure time physical activity and that significant predictors of intention were attitude and perceived behavioural control. The influence of subjective norms was insignificant. Attitude was the strongest predictor of intention, with the value of the standardised path coefficient over 0.4, while values greater than 0.5 are considered as large effect. Conclusions. The findings of the study provide partial support for the application of the TPB in predicting leisure time physical activity of adolescents and suggest that educational interventions should focus on shaping attitudes and increasing the level of control over young people's behaviour.
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Research in transportation, urban design, and planning has examined associations between physical environment variables and individuals' walking and cycling for transport. Constructs, methods, and findings from these fields can be applied by physical activity and health researchers to improve understanding of environmental influences on physical activity. In this review, neighborhood environment characteristics proposed to be relevant to walking/cycling for transport are defined, including population density, connectivity, and land use mix. Neighborhood comparison and correlational studies with nonmotorized transport outcomes are considered, with evidence suggesting that residents from communities with higher density, greater connectivity, and more land use mix report higher rates of walking/cycling for utilitarian purposes than low-density, poorly connected, and single land use neighborhoods. Environmental variables appear to add to variance accounted for beyond sociodemographic predictors of walking/cycling for transport. Implications of the transportation literature for physical activity and related research are outlined. Future research directions are detailed for physical activity research to further examine the impact of neighborhood and other physical environment factors on physical activity and the potential interactive effects of psychosocial and environmental variables. The transportation, urban design, and planning literatures provide a valuable starting point for multidisciplinary research on environmental contributions to physical activity levels in the population.
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This study primarily sought to identify constraints to adolescent girls' participation in outdoor recreation. A secondary focus probed the efficacy of outdoor programs in surmounting constraints. Focus group and individual interviews were conducted with thirty-four adolescent girls, six female outdoor program leaders, and five adult women. Qualitative analysis revealed several meaningful sources of constraints, including stereotypical gender roles, differences in outdoor recreation opportunities for males and females, peer and family expectations, access, and physical and environmental factors. Broad support was found for the notion that outdoor programs help girls overcome constraints. Themes emerged supporting both coed and all-girls programming, and structural components that could enhance girls' participation.