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Inmate Rape: Prevention and Intervention
Abstract
Due to the nature of prison conditions, inmate codes, and staff attitudes, prison administrators and the general public fail to appreciate the extent and seriousness of rape in prison. Inmate rape is not primarily a sexually motivated act but instead constitutes a sexual expression of aggression that may be retaliatory, compensatory, and/or erotic. The trauma experienced by a male inmate victim of rape may be even more devastating than for a female victim since he is devalued in regard to the 2 primary sources of his male identity; sexuality and aggression. In addition, he continues to live in the same institution as his attacker. Civil litigation regarding institutional liability is increasing, and it is incumbent upon correctional institutions to train their personnel in regard to identifying, treating, and preventing inmate sexual abuse. The major features to be addressed for a model protocol are presented. (10 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... The psychological effects for inmates who experience sexual assault in correctional institutions are serious, and can include: fear, anxiety, suicide, depression continued assault, anger, loss of identity, manhood, and self-esteem, increased distrust of others, disruption in social relationships, withdrawal, isolation, increased aggressiveness and violence, negative sexual attitudes, and continued assault ( (Bowker, 1980(Bowker, , 1982Cotton & Groth, 1982;Lockwood, 1980). These effects can manifest in further problems for institutional management and inmate adjustment; however, the consequences of these psychological scars can also be dire for the communities and families to which inmates return. ...
... violence (Corlew, 2006;Cotton & Groth, 1982;Fishman, 1934) and therefore pose grave risk to inmates and officers as well as significant institutional management problems. Additional acts of violence that may occur serve either retaliatory or protection purposes, especially if inmates feel that correctional officers are not willing or able to protect them (Corlew, 2006;Fishman, 1934). ...
... Even though the topic has recently been explored in empirical research, there is a lack of consensus about the true incidence and prevalence of sexual assault in correctional institutions. Some suggest that the lack of clear understanding of the nature of this topic is partially a function of prison, inmate and staff subcultures and attitudes (Cotton & Groth, 1982;Eigenberg, 1989). Inmates are hesitant to discuss what happens between inmates with officials because a "convict code" insists that they mind their own business and not cooperate with authorities (Clear, Cole, & Reisig, 2006;Hassine, 2004;Johnson, 2002;Santos, 2004;Sykes, 1958). ...
... The same study noted that the problem appeared to be aggravated in larger prison systems with more crowded inmate populations with greater ethnic diversity. Cotton and Groth's (1982) observation appears to still retain its validity: "Available statistics, must be regarded as very conservative at best, since discovery and documentation of this behavior are compromised by the nature of prison conditions, inmate codes and subculture and staff attitudes" (p. 48). ...
... This being said, certain groups of inmates appear to be more vulnerable. They include (a) young, inexperienced; (b) physically small/weak; (c) inmates suffering from mental illness and/or developmental disabilities; (d) middle-class, not "tough" or "streetwise"; (e) not gang affiliated; (f) known to be homosexual or overtly effeminate (if male); (g) convicted of sexual crimes; (h) violated the "code of silence" or "rats"; (i) disliked by staff/other inmates; (j) previously sexually assaulted (Cotton & Groth, 1982, 1984Donaldson, 1993Donaldson, , 1995Dumond, 1992Dumond, , 1995Lockwood 1978Lockwood , 1980Scacco, 1975Scacco, , 1982. The issue of race has also been identified (Lockwood, 1980(Lockwood, , 1994Knowles, 1996;Wooden & Parker, 1982), especially in those settings with disproportionate racial populations and high racial tension. ...
... The effects of sexual victimization are pervasive and devastating, with profound physical, social, and psychological components (Cotton & Groth, 1982, 1984Fagan, Wennerstrom, & Miller, 1996;Kupers, 1997). These effects are magnified in captivity. ...
As the population of incarcerated inmates continues to swell to record proportions in the United States, the problem of inmate sexual assault continues to occur. Although no one is immune from such attacks, there are known characteristics that place inmates at increased risk of victimization. The trauma of inmate sexual assault is devastating and pervasive, with complex medical, physical, psychological, and social consequences that must be carefully managed in an interdisciplinary manner. In addition, the recognition that correctional staff of all disciplines may also victimize inmates complicates the management of this process. Mental health staff members are in a key role to shape and contribute to staff training efforts, administrative policies and procedures, and sound intervention protocols that are necessary to respond to individual inmate victims and to ensure safety and security within correctional institutions.
... The vast majority of offenders inside protective custody are sex offenders. Administrative segregation further isolates sex offenders, limits treatment participation, and curtails movement to a minimum (Cotton & Groth, 1982). ...
... Various studies describing the inmate social code, in great detail, identify a vast network of social organization, including a hierarchical prisoner status. Although field interviews conducted in correctional institutions indicate that sex offenders receive little status (Clemmer, 1958;Abel and Becker, 1982;Knopp, 1984), little empirical research beyond anecdotal evidence is offered to validate that conclusion. It is assumed that within prison society, similar to the outside world, sex offenders hold a very low status. ...
... As Irwin argues, the hierarchy &dquo;mitigates the loss of dignity, prestige, and feeling of moral worth the individual suffers&dquo; (Irwin, 1970: 62). The inmate at the top of the prison world is highly respected; conversely, at the bottom level of the inmate social stratification lie sex offenders, specifically child molesters, who occupy the unenviable position, in the eyes of fellow inmates, of social degenerates (Clemmer, 1958). Child molesters are &dquo;dehumanized to make them fair game for violence-prone exploitation&dquo; (Toch, 1978: 24). ...
... Labeling the sexual contact as 'trading' or even 'pseudo consensual' is troubling because it obscures power relationships within prison. Cotton and Groth (1982) argued that this kind of 'trading' would more appropriately be labeled 'sexual extortion' because it arises out of indebtedness. The correctional officer has the resources to create the debt. ...
... Correctional officers provide inmates with goods and privileges thereby gaining power, coercing inmates to have sex, and rewarding them for doing so (Human Rights Watch, 1996). Cotton and Groth (1982) offer three categories of non-consenting sexual interaction in prison: sexual harassment, sexual extortion and sexual assault (Cotton & Groth, 1982). All three existed in this study. ...
... Correctional officers provide inmates with goods and privileges thereby gaining power, coercing inmates to have sex, and rewarding them for doing so (Human Rights Watch, 1996). Cotton and Groth (1982) offer three categories of non-consenting sexual interaction in prison: sexual harassment, sexual extortion and sexual assault (Cotton & Groth, 1982). All three existed in this study. ...
Research into the sexual abuse of female inmates by correctional workers is scarce, despite documentation of its occurrence in prisons across the United States. This exploratory study examined dimensions of staff-inmate sexual contact in a correctional facility in Hawaii through two focus group interviews with imprisoned women. The women described three types of sexual abuse in prison: “trading,” “love,” and “in the line of duty.” Findings include the women's account of these forms of abuse and their perceptions of responsibility for staff-inmate sexual contact in correctional institutions. The women's beliefs about factors contributing to sexual abuse of female inmates, including job expectations of and power issues among adult correctional officers (ACO's), and the consequences of reporting abuse are also discussed. Given the vulnerability of female inmates and the power dynamics that typify the prison context, further research on this problem is warranted.
... Consequences for victims can include various health problems (O'Donnell, 2004) and physical injuries (Guerino & Beck, 2011;Struckman-Johnson, Struckman-Johnson, Rucker, Bumby, & Donaldson, 1996;Wolff & Shi, 2009a). Stress Disorder (Neal & Clements, 2010;Rowell-Cunsolo, Harrison, & Haile, 2014), cognitive challenges (Cotton & Groth, 1982), gender identity struggles (Mariner, 2000), fear (Wolff & Shi, 2009a), nervousness and depression (Struckman-Johnson et al., 1996;Wolff & Shi, 2009a), suicide (Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 2006), and being marked for repeated victimizations while still incarcerated (Cotton & Groth, 1982;Dumond, 1992;Mariner, 2000;Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 2006). ...
... Consequences for victims can include various health problems (O'Donnell, 2004) and physical injuries (Guerino & Beck, 2011;Struckman-Johnson, Struckman-Johnson, Rucker, Bumby, & Donaldson, 1996;Wolff & Shi, 2009a). Stress Disorder (Neal & Clements, 2010;Rowell-Cunsolo, Harrison, & Haile, 2014), cognitive challenges (Cotton & Groth, 1982), gender identity struggles (Mariner, 2000), fear (Wolff & Shi, 2009a), nervousness and depression (Struckman-Johnson et al., 1996;Wolff & Shi, 2009a), suicide (Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 2006), and being marked for repeated victimizations while still incarcerated (Cotton & Groth, 1982;Dumond, 1992;Mariner, 2000;Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 2006). ...
... Some frightened prisoners may therefore engage in violence against attackers (Nacci, 1978) or undertake predatory behavior themselves in order to avoid looking weak (Nacci & Kane, 1984a;O'Donnell, 2004). Free society is jeopardized by prison rape as well, as victims who reenter the community may bring feelings of anger and vengeance (Cotton & Groth, 1982;Dumond, 1992;Mariner, 2000;O'Donnell, 2004;Struckman-Johnson et al., 1996;Weiss & Friar, 1974) and diseases transmitted through forced sexual contact (Restum, 2005;Wolff, Blitz, Shi, Bachman, & Siegel, 2006). ...
... The same study noted that the problem appeared to be aggravated in larger prison systems with more crowded inmate populations with greater ethnic diversity. Cotton and Groth's (1982) observation appears to still retain its validity: "Available statistics, must be regarded as very conservative at best, since discovery and documentation of this behavior are compromised by the nature of prison conditions, inmate codes and subculture and staff attitudes" (p. 48). ...
... This being said, certain groups of inmates appear to be more vulnerable. They include (a) young, inexperienced; (b) physically small or weak; (c) inmates suffering from mental illness and/or developmental disabilities; (d) middle-class, not "tough" or "streetwise"; (e) not gang affiliated; (f) known to be homosexual or overtly effeminate (if male); (g) convicted of sexual crimes; (h) violated the "code of silence" or "rats"; (i) disliked by staff/other inmates; (j) previously sexually assaulted (Cotton & Groth, 1982, 1984Donaldson, 1993Donaldson, , 1995Dumond, 1992Dumond, , 1995Lockwood, 1978Lockwood, , 1980Scacco, 1975Scacco, , 1982. The issue of race has also been identified (Lockwood, 1980(Lockwood, , 1994Knowles, 1996;Wooden & Parker, 1982), especially in those settings with disproportionate racial populations and high racial tension. ...
... The effects of sexual victimization are pervasive and devastating, with profound physical, social, and psychological components (Cotton & Groth, 1982, 1984Fagan, Wennerstrom, & Miller, 1996;Kupers, 1997). These effects are magnified in captivity. ...
As the population of incarcerated inmates continues to swell to record proportions in the United States, the problem of inmate sexual assault continues to occur. Although no one is immune from such attacks, there are known characteristics that place inmates at increased risk of victimization. The trauma of inmate sexual assault is devastating and pervasive, with complex medical, physical, psychological, and social consequences that must be carefully managed in an interdisciplinary manner. In addition , the recognition that correctional staff of all disciplines may also victimize inmates complicates the management of this process. Mental health staff members are in a key role to shape and contribute to staff training efforts, administrative policies and procedures, and sound intervention protocols that are necessary to respond to individual inmate victims and to ensure safety and security within correctional institutions.
... Rape in prison is a persistent issue, a hidden phenomenon, but it is increasingly getting recognised as a pressing problem that needs addressing. Within prison establishments, prisoners are always vulnerable to rape and are at high-risk of it (Cotton & Groth, 1982). The closed-off architecture of the prison walls makes rape of a man easy to do, even easy to get away with since the victim is threatened with repercussions, fears he may be disbelieved, or is serving their offender with regular sex (rape) in return for protection against other prisoners (Abdullah-Khan, 2008). ...
... Power is ingrained in heteronormativity, which plays out in constructing male rape as a form of sexual violence that men perpetrate against other men in prison to reaffirms one's own commitment to heterosexuality by showing that the offender is neither attracted to gay men nor gets sexual pleasure from penetrating another man (Groth, 1979). In prison, then, rape against men is about the offender(s) circulating his power and domination against the oppressed, rather than the rape being about sex per se (Cotton & Groth, 1982). Therefore, the offender(s) aims to control, dominate, hurt, degrade and humiliate their victim(s). ...
... Prison rape undermines the safety of the prison environment; some prisoners may manage the threat of rape by fighting or attacking other inmates and others may join gangs for protection, both of which increase the likelihood of violent confrontation (O'Donnell, 2004). There is ample evidence that some offender-victims ultimately become aggressors as a means of forestalling further attacks (Chonco, 1989) or to seek revenge (Cotton & Groth, 1982). Victims of prison rape, who may have been non-violent offenders when they were sentenced, might very well become angry and vengeful people capable of violence against the society which they hold responsible for their emasculinization, Prison Rape humiliation, and, in some cases, contraction of a sexually transmitted infection or other serious medical consequence (Human Rights Watch, 2006; Knowles, 1999; O'Donnell, 2004). ...
Prison rape is a pervasive and serious problem affecting many male inmates in U.S. prisons. This paper reviews the literature on prison rape prevalence, victimization risk factors, and the psychological and non-psychological sequelae of prison rape. We address several areas of inquiry needed to guide research and facilitate solutions to the problem of prison rape, especially given the context and intent of the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) passed in 2003 by the U.S. Congress. Mental health correlates remain to be studied; for example, the complex post-rape symptoms of prison rape survivors do not appear to be captured by current diagnostic nomenclature. To date, psychology has been largely silent on the issue of prison rape but may have much to offer in terms of describing and treating the psychological impact of victimization, documenting the personal and situational risk and protective factors associated with prison rape, and in designing programs and policy to reduce prison rape. © 2010 American Psychological Association DOI: 10.1037/a0019448
... In contrast to the low rates found in other studies, Wooden and Parker reported that 14% of 200 surveyed inmates had been sexually assaulted . Another valuable contribution during this time was Cotton and Groth's (1982) article on strategies for prevention of prison sexual assault and treatment options for male victims . ...
The study of prison sexuality began in the early 1900s with a few scant articles discussing the unnatural relationship between women behind bars. Today, the number of manuscripts on all aspects of sex in prison has increased. However, relatively few studies have focused on these “pains of imprisonment.” This article describes the history of prison sex research in the U.S. over the last 80 years.
... These findings lend support to the contention that because sex offenders fear for their personal safety (Knopp, 1984;Groth, 1983;Cotton and Groth, 1982), confidentiality and privacy are such overriding concerns that they may complicate and frustrate administrative discretion. Sex offenders entering prison, frightened for their own safety, are forced to keep the crime for which they are institutionalized a secrete, leaving correctional administrators in a tenuous position when devising rules and regulations for the routine operation of the prison. ...
... It has been suggested that facilities should inform new inmates of the probability they may be sexually assaulted while incarcerated. Information should be given to new inmates about how to avoid becoming a target and what medical, legal, and/or psychological help is available if someone is targeted (Cotton & Groth, 1982;Dallao, 1996;Lockwood, 1985). ...
There are few existing studies that address sexual misconduct of women offenders toward other women prisoners. This qualitative study examined themes of sexual coercion and sexual assault among women offenders that surfaced in letters sent by one woman offender from prison during a period of 5 years. Four themes emerged from the data: (a) female apathy toward sexual coercion and sexual assault, (b) the femme as the sexual aggressor, (c) insight into one female rape situation, and (d) institutional factors contributing to sexual coercion. To prevent incidences of sexual assault by other offenders, policy suggestions specific to the study included a staff focus on identifying and consistently curbing sexual coercion and installing monitored cameras in restriction dorms.
... Victims of particularly violent sexual assaults may require hospitalization for broken bones, bleeding, or worse (Dumond & Dumond, 2002). Rape victims may experience severe psychological trauma (Cotton & Groth, 1982; Fagan et al., 1996; Robertson, 2003), which can adversely affect adjustment to prison life and subsequently interfere with successful reintegration into the community following release (Dumond & Dumond, 2002). The analysis presented here highlights another potential source of both physical and psychological harm to victims of prison rape—specifically, the possible acquisition of HIV infection as a consequence of being raped. ...
Nearly 1.4 million men are incarcerated in federal and state prisons in the United States. These men are disproportionately affected by HIV in comparison with the at-large male population. The elevated prevalence of HIV infection in U.S. prisons has raised concerns over the potential for intraprison HIV transmission due to rape and other forms of sexual victimization. However, the number of men who acquire HIV after being raped in U.S. prisons is not known. We developed a mathematical model of HIV transmission to estimate the likelihood that an incarcerated man would become infected as a result of prison rape and to provide preliminary estimates of the number of prison rape victims who acquire HIV. Our results suggest that between 43 and 93 currently incarcerated men already have or will acquire HIV as a result of being raped in prison.
... Ипак, шире гледано, у глобалном контексту, превентивни напори одређеног оквира приметни су већ с почетка осамдесетих година прошлог века (Cotton & Groth, 1982). Превенција сексуалног насиља у затворима тако подразумева обухватнију лепезу активности, како у самим пеналним установима, тако и у локалној заједници. ...
... 16,20,21,37,41,42 It has been shown that targets of sexual aggression may act out violently themselves, making the transition from victim to aggressor in an effort to avoid further victimization, 14,20,37,43 gain social status within the institution, 44 or seek revenge for having been victimized. 34,35 For female prisoners, particular characteristics do not play as large a role in determining who is targeted for sexual abuse, but first-time offenders, young women, and mentally disabled women are particularly vulnerable. [45][46][47][48][49] Custodial sexual assault has received considerable attention, [45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55][56][57] as it should, and many important steps have been initiated to rectify the problem. ...
Prisoner sexual assault has plagued American corrections since its infancy in the 19th century. Although the incidence of prisoner sexual assault is unknown, recent studies reliably suggest the problem is widespread, often affecting the most vulnerable prisoners. The mental health and public health consequences, both within institutions and the community, are complex and devastating, requiring comprehensive intervention and treatment. These crimes have been largely ignored by correctional managers, compromising the safety and security of correctional institutions. The Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 could play a vital role in managing a national scandal.
... Although described as a cancer [that] has gone untreated, prison sexual violence has been the focus of very few sociological or correctional studies in the past 70 years (Kunselman, Tewksbury, Dumond, & Dumond, 2002, p. 27). Sexual assaults in prisons have been associated with increased institutional violence (Cotton & Groth, 1982; Fleisher, 1989; Lockwood, 1980), health risks (Blumberg, 1989; Cotton & Groth, 1982; Gido, 1989), and victims that become victimizers (Chonco, 1989; Lockwood, 1980; Smith & Batiuk, 1989). Unfortunately, although some of the classical works devote time to describing characteristics of sexual assault targets (see Donaldson, 1993), few of the empirical studies on prison sexual assaults have examined the microlevel (demographic and behavioral) correlates of these victims (i.e., sexual assault targets ). ...
Studies concerning inmate-on-inmate sexual assaults within male correctional facilities are sparse in the sociological and correctional literatures. Only a few studies have specifically examined the characteristics of male inmate sexual assault targets. The current research sought to address this gap by providing an examination of factors related to victimization likelihood. Using data gathered in March 2000 from 142 inmates (18% return rate) in one Southern maximum-security prison, the authors examined demographic and behavioral characteristics of male inmate sexual targets. Based on inmates' self-reports of sexual victimization--threatened and/or forced sexual assault encounters--correlates of victimization were identified. Approximately 18% of the inmates reported inmate-on-inmate sexual threats, and 8.5% reported that they had been sexually assaulted by another inmate while incarcerated.
Although men are far less likely than women to be victims of heterosexual assault, such cases have been reported with increasing frequency in recent years. We compared social judgments about male and female victims of heterosexual and homosexual rape and tested hypotheses concerning social cognitions that are assumed to underlie a male rape mythology. In a 2 × 2 × 2 design, 77 male and 89 female subjects made a series of judgments about a sexual assault case in which sex of victim and sex of assailants were manipulated. Consistent with the hypotheses, the male victim of sexual assault by females was judged more likely to have initiated or encouraged the sex acts, and more enjoyment and less stress were attributed to him. This pattern of results was more pronounced among male subjects. The results are discussed in relation to stereotypic beliefs concerning male sex roles, sexual motivation, and sexual functioning that are likely to affect the social cognitions of both observers and male victims of heterosexual assault.
Incident reports and prevalence research on sexual assault, conducted in the United States, indicate that men may be at greater risk from sexual victimization than previously realized. These studies support the efforts of mental health professionals in the United Kingdom who have argued that sexual assault of men is an underreported crime which can result in significant biopsychosocial dysfunction. Given the increasing evidence that men are victims of sex crimes, future research studies on the prevalence of sexual assault should include adult males in their samples.
Male inmates fear being raped most of all. Criminologists have yet to reach consensus on the prevalence of male inmate-on-inmate rape. The leading prevalence studies found that 7-12% of the responding male inmates had been raped an average of nine times. With a national jail and prison population of 2 million at mid-year 2002, the United States likely exposes tens of thousands of male inmates to rape, and consequently, to HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). The release of inmates from jails and prisons-estimated at 11.5 million persons in 1998-transforms the consequences of male rape from a correctional matter into a public health crisis. The quest for dominance and control over other inmates-not sexual release-best explains male custodial rape. Prison sexual predators are typically heterosexual. Their victims, however, involuntarily assume female roles in the prison sexual system. Moreover, they experience stigmatization by inmates and staff as well as physical and mental trauma. Civil rights litigation on behalf of victims rarely succeeds and damage awards are usually small. In 2003, Congress provided $13 million for the study and prevention of rape in jails and prisons. Preventing custodial rape and treating its victims will require a sustained commitment by government.
Sexual assault of men in the community, a hidden and unacknowledged crime, has recently become the subject of medical and psychological literature. The present research, conducted in 1992, was designed to determine the nature and existence of this crime in the United States through victim reports to agencies servicing the needs of sexual assault victims. Out of the 336 surveys returned, one hundred and seventy two agencies reported contact with 3,635 men who had sought treatment for sexual assault occurring in their adulthood. Most assaults occurred between the ages of 16 and 30 in which the vast majority of these men experienced symptoms of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder. The presentation of these figures should alert health professionals to the existence of adult male rape and inspire further research to assess this hidden form of sexual victimization. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Senate Bill 1435, the “Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003,” was introduced into the Senate on July 21, 2003, and in less than a week passed both the Senate and House by unanimous consent. The Bill was presented to President Bush on September 2, 2003, and he signed it two days later on September 4, 2003. The stated purposes of the Act are far-reaching and ambitious:
(1) establish a zero-tolerance standard for the incidence of prison rape in prisons in the United States;
(2) make the prevention of prison rape a top priority in each prison system;
(3) develop and implement national standards For the detection, prevention, reduction, and punishment of prison rape;
(4) increase the available data and information on the incidence of prison rape, consequently improving the management and administration of correctional facilities;
(5) standardize the definitions used for collecting data on the incidence of prison rape;
This article considers the problem of male/male rape. It explores reasons for the silence of the international community on the issue, principal among which is that it involves sexual activity between two men. Society considers any such contact to be indicative of homosexuality, regardless of any element of coercion. Given the prevalence of homophobia in society, this amounts to a "taint" on the part of the victim of the rape. This article explores the notion and extent of such a "taint" by analyzing the role of language and the stigma as felt by survivors, as intended by perpetrators, and as perpetuated by the state.
Sexual coercion rates in seven prison facilities for men in midwestern states were assessed. Anonymous written surveys were distributed to the total population of 7,032 inmates and 1,936 security staff in the facilities. Usable surveys were returned by 1,788 inmates (25%) and 475 staff (25%). Results showed that 21% of the inmates had experienced at least one episode of pressured or forced sexual contact since incarcer- ated in their state, and 16% reported that an incident had occurred in their current facility. At least 7% of the sample had been raped in their current facility. Seven per- cent of the sample had experienced sexual coercion, and at least 4% had been raped during the most recent 26 to 30 months. Factors that appeared to increase sexual coer- cion rates were large population size, racial conflict, barracks housing, inadequate security, and having a high percentage of inmates incarcerated for a crime against persons.
Although sexual assault behind bars is recognized as problematic, very few of the sexual assaults that occur behind bars are officially reported. Many researchers have examined the individual and institutional variables which can help predict an inmate's probability of being victimized by his fellow inmates. With a sample obtained from a sample of eight Texas prisons, the current survey will disentangle the individual, institutional, and individual-institutional level variables which contribute to the rationales behind inmates choosing to report or not report sexually assaultive behavior. The findings somewhat mirror the findings of sexual assaults in the free community, with inmates indicating that the primary reasons to not report include embarrassment, fear of harassment, and retaliation from the perpetrator.
For one state correctional system, 1998 through 2006, 121 perpetrators were compared with 121 nonperpetrators. Sexual abuse victimization as a child, a life sentence, and adult sexual assault convictions predicted men’s unwanted sexual touching of other men. History of juvenile robbery and adult sexual assault convictions, more years in prison, and youth characterized men who threatened, attempted, or achieved sexual penetration with another inmate. Individual predispositions appear to be relevant to understanding prison sexual violence and should be examined along with contextual influences. Findings suggest needed areas of future research and have implications for preventing sexual violence in prisons.
The current study examined attitudes about inmate-on-inmate sexual assault among a sample of correctional officers. The study uniquely surveyed a jail sample of correctional officers, a context that has been ignored in the research on correctional officer perceptions of sexual victimization. The study measured officer attitudes toward victim blaming, credibility of inmates who report sexual assault, definitions of sexual assault, and willingness to respond to assault incidents. Additionally, the study examined gender differences in attitudes toward victimization and attitudes toward varying types of inmates. Overall, correctional officers assigned varying levels of blame and credibility to inmates who report sexual assault. Male and female officers also had significantly different attitudes about victim blaming and credibility of inmates. In addition, the sample held diverse views of what constitutes sexual assault and their preferred responses to the issue of sexual victimization. Implications for correctional policy, training, and avenues for continued research are discussed.
The authors, one a past member of the National Prison Rape Elimination Commission (NPREC), review the historic literature on solutions to prison sexual assault. We contend that pressure for humanitarian treatment of inmates as well as other forces internal and external to the prison system brought about the 2003 Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) and NPREC. We review the 40 standards to stop prison rape in adult prisons and jails proposed by NPREC in 2009 and compare their scope to solutions from past literature. We recommend that the effectiveness of NPREC standards be evaluated and that the search for solutions continue.
This study explores male inmates’ perceptions of sex and rape in a South African correctional center (prison). In South Africa, consensual sex between inmates is prohibited by the Department of Correctional Services and inmates are therefore reluctant to report on such activities. Furthermore, the prison code of silence and the shame from being the victim of a prison rape make this an exceptionally challenging topic to research. Despite these challenges, 100 face-to-face interviews were conducted with male inmates (children, juveniles, and adults) who were either awaiting trial or already sentenced for a criminal offence. The main focus was on their general viewpoints of consensual sex between men and prison rape victimization. This study was an exploratory study and because of the size of the sample this study cannot be generalized. It does, however, offer valuable insight into the prison subculture’s unwritten rules about sex and rape.
Violence and Nonviolence: Pathways to Understanding is the first book to provide an integrative, systematic approach to the study of violence and nonviolence in one volume. Eminent scholar and award-winning author Gregg Barak examines virtually all forms of violencefrom verbal abuse to genocideand treats all of these expressions of violence as interpersonal, institutional, and structural occurrences. In the context of recovery and nonviolence, Barak addresses peace and conflict studies, legal rights, social justice, and various nonviolent movements. Employing an interdisciplinary framework, Barak emphasizes the importance of culture, media, sexuality, gender, and social structure in developing a comprehensive theory of these two separate, but inseparable phenomena.
The sexual assault of juvenile males incarcerated in jails is a neglected, understudied problem. Moreover, a paucity of professional literature on this topic exists. Available information pertaining to minors in jails or similar settings - supplemented when relevant with literature pertaining to adult inmates - is reviewed. Three case examples of boys in jails, each sexually assaulted by multiple offenders, are presented. Juveniles sexually assaulted while incarcerated frequently develop psychiatric disturbances, particularly PTSD-related symptoms. Younger, developmentally immature boys are at particular risk of victimization due to their lessened ability to protect themselves. The need for detention facilities to adhere to federal policies requiring the separation of juvenile from adult inmates is crucial. Failure to follow this standard of care, as set forth in the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974, places minor inmates at serious risk for sexual and physical assault by adult inmates.
https://ojp.gov/reviewpanel/pdfs/WrittenTestimonyofRobertDumond.pdf
Protecting Inmates with Mental Health Conditions
The US Attorney General's Review Panel on Prison Rape invited Mr. Robert W. Dumond, senior program director for Just Detention International (JDI), to testify about the heightened vulnerability of inmates with mental health
needs to sexual victimization and effective ways to protect them from harm. JDI is a health and
human rights organization that seeks to end sexual abuse in all forms of detention.301 In his
testimony, Mr. Dumond highlighted four interrelated issues: (1) the epidemiology of mental
illness in detention settings; (2) the challenges of inmates with developmental disabilities; (3) the
specific problem of suicide; and (4) the elevated risks faced by inmates, particularly female
inmates, with histories of sexual abuse.3
Inmate misconduct has been a widely studied topic for many decades. General studies of misconduct have found that there are certain factors that contribute to misconduct, including age, gender, sentence length, and facility type. Few studies, however, have examined the factors predicting sexual offenses in a prison conduct. Although many studies of victims of sexual offenses in prison have been conducted, there is a lack of studies examining the perpetrators of prison sexual violence. The current study attempted to expand this body of literature by examining the correlates of sexual misconduct among a sample of male inmates incarcerated in the state of North Carolina during 2010. Deprivation and importation theories of inmate behavior were used to guide the analysis, and measures of deprivation and importation factors were both included in the analytical models. Findings indicate that Black, nonmarried, younger inmates, who had more previous incarcerations and had been incarcerated longer, had greater odds of having a sexual infraction. Additional findings, as well as policy implications, are discussed.
This chapter contextualises the issue of male sexual victimisation while critically examining existing work on the policing of male rape. This chapter is a critical engagement with the literature surrounding male rape and explores the different male rape myths and stereotypes present in societies and in the police, with a view to test such myths in the empirical part of the book (the primary data is presented and analysed in Chapters 5– 7). It is important to provide context and depth to the empirical chapters that will soon follow, in which the findings of this book will be presented and analysed.
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