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The Science of Sex Appeal: An Evolutionary Perspective

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Abstract

Growing evidence shows that features we find attractive in members of the opposite sex signal important underlying dimensions of health and reproductive viability. It has been discovered that men with attractive faces have higher quality sperm, women with attractive bodies are more fertile, men and women with attractive voices lose their virginity sooner, men who spend more money than they earn have more sex partners, and lap dancers make more tips when they are in the fertile phase of their menstrual cycle. This paper highlights recent evidence showing that the way we perceive other people has been shaped by our evolutionary history. An evolutionary approach provides a powerful tool for understanding the consistency and diversity of mating preferences and behaviors across individuals and cultures. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The Science of Sex Appeal: An Evolutionary Perspective
Gordon G. Gallup, Jr.
University at Albany, State University of New York
David A. Frederick
University of California at Los Angeles
Growing evidence shows that features we find attractive in members of the opposite sex signal important
underlying dimensions of health and reproductive viability. It has been discovered that men with
attractive faces have higher quality sperm, women with attractive bodies are more fertile, men and
women with attractive voices lose their virginity sooner, men who spend more money than they earn have
more sex partners, and lap dancers make more tips when they are in the fertile phase of their menstrual
cycle. This paper highlights recent evidence showing that the way we perceive other people has been
shaped by our evolutionary history. An evolutionary approach provides a powerful tool for understanding
the consistency and diversity of mating preferences and behaviors across individuals and cultures.
Keywords: evolutionary psychology, facial attractiveness, body configuration, voice, menstrual cycle,
muscularity, body fat, dishonest signals
A cursory glance at the women featured in popular men’s
magazines, such as Maxim or Playboy, suggests that men are
attracted to young women with smooth skin, long soft hair, large
eyes, slender bodies, long legs, curved hips, large pronounced
breasts, rounded buttocks, and flat stomachs (Spitzer, Henderson,
& Zivian, 1999; Voracek & Fisher, 2002). In contrast, a reader
glancing through Cosmopolitan would conclude that women are
attracted to tall athletic men with moderately muscular arms and
legs, broad shoulders, little body fat, square and powerful-looking
jaws, and toned abdominal muscles (e.g., Frederick, Fessler, &
Haselton, 2005). Notably, however, some body types are rarely
represented. Women’s magazines almost never feature men who
are very short, elderly, and fat, with wrinkly skin, open sores and
wounds, and mouths with stained and missing teeth.
The pressure to be attractive can leave many people feeling
dissatisfied with their appearance (Peplau et al., 2009; Frederick,
Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007), and across cultures and his-
tory, men and women have devised a wide variety of techniques to
enhance their attractiveness (Etcoff, 1999). Corsets give women
the appearance of narrower waists relative to their hips and modern
gyms allow men to enhance their muscularity and shoulder width.
Cosmetic surgery enables women to create the appearance of
youthful faces, large shapely symmetrical breasts, narrow waists
larger buttocks, and more symmetrical faces. Human growth hor-
mone and steroids enable people to grow taller and stronger.
Cosmetics, such as make-up, enable people to cover blotches,
wrinkles, and imperfections in the skin.
Why do so many people spend so much time, effort, and money
on their appearance? Why do we find some people more attractive
than others? If beauty is only skin deep, why should it matter how
people look? What follows is a review of the science of sex appeal,
targeting recent findings that illustrate the conceptual and heuristic
value of an evolutionary perspective.
1
We first briefly outline how
evolution shapes the way we process information about other
people, and then focus on why we find certain faces, body types,
and voices appealing. We show how an evolutionary perspective
enables us to understand and predict ways that women’s prefer-
ences for some of these traits shift across the menstrual cycle. We
conclude with a discussion of how individuals have developed
cultural and technological innovations to enhance certain aspects
of their appearance.
The Impact of Evolution
It is important to understand that we do not experience the world
or other people directly. Rather, our experience is a byproduct of
sensory input acting on the nervous system. Our sensory receptors
are evolved neurological mechanisms that convert mechanical,
chemical, thermal, or electromagnetic energy into nerve impulses.
These nerve impulses in turn activate evolved parts of the brain
that translate these impulses into experience.
The age-old question, “if a tree fell over in the woods and no one
was there to hear it, would it make a noise?” has a clear and
definitive answer from a neurobiological perspective. No doubt a
felled tree would produce intense air borne vibrations, but in order
to be “heard” or to make a “noise” these vibrations would have to
impinge on an ear and trigger nerve impulses that activate relevant
1
In biological terms, traits that are more typical of women are consid-
ered “feminine” whereas traits that are more typical of males are consid-
ered “masculine.” For example, testosterone “masculinizes” men’s faces
by making their jaws squarer, and estrogen “feminizes” women’s faces by
making their jaws more rounded.
Gordon G. Gallup, Jr., University at Albany, State University of New
York; David A. Frederick, Department of Psychology, University of Cal-
ifornia at Los Angeles; FPR-UCLA Center for Culture, Brain, and Devel-
opment; and UCLA Center for Behavior, Evolution, and Culture.
We thank Kelly Carrone, Melissa Fales, Andrew Galperin, Kelly Gild-
ersleeve, Martie Haselton, Susan Hughes, Christina Larson, Matthew Pas-
tizzo, Loni Petricone, and Nathan Pipitone for helpful comments on pre-
vious drafts of this paper.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Gordon
G. Gallup, Jr., Department of Psychology, University at Albany, State
University of New York, Albany, NY 12222. E-mail: gallup@albany.edu;
or David A. Frederick, 3rd Floor Mailroom, 1285 Franz Hall, 405 Hilgard
Ave, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90095. E-mail:
enderflies1@aol.com
Review of General Psychology © 2010 American Psychological Association
2010, Vol. 14, No. 3, 240–250 1089-2680/10/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0020451
240
parts of the auditory cortex. Although we take sound for granted,
sound is not an inherent feature of the world. Sounds only exist in
your head.
Why is sugar sweet? Contrary to the impression it creates when
placed on your tongue, sweet is not an inherent property of sugar.
Just like sound, the experience of sweet is an evolved property of
the nervous system (Barash, 1979). Sugar is a good source of
calories. Organisms that developed receptors and neurological
mechanisms that enabled them to experience foods containing
sugar as sweet/pleasant had an adaptive advantage in being able to
identify and preferentially exploit food sources that were rich in
calories. For similar reasons, if vultures, hyenas, and other carrion
eaters could talk, they would be the first to tell you that foul odor
is not an inherent property of rotting flesh.
Why is being kicked in the groin an excruciatingly painful
experience for men? Unlike women whose gonads are embedded
deep inside the body, testicles migrate down through the body
cavity during embryonic development and usually wind up outside
the body in a thin, unprotected scrotal sack. As a consequence,
descended testicles are inherently more vulnerable than ovaries.
Males with descended testicles were selected during the course of
evolution to develop receptors and neural mechanisms that medi-
ate the experience of pain in response to testicular insults, which in
turn prompts each successive generation of males to 1) learn to
avoid situations that put the testicles at risk, and 2) refrain from
engaging in behaviors that might endanger the testicles. In other
words, men have evolved to behave in ways that maintain the
integrity of the testicles and this effect is mediated in part by
heightened sensitivity to testicular pain (Gallup, Finn, & Sammis,
2009).
All of these examples are linked by a common theme. When
there were recurrent adaptive problems, organisms that evolved
solutions to these problems had genes that became better repre-
sented in future generations. Evolutionary psychologists hypothe-
size that many such evolved systems exist and that these systems
respond flexibly in response to changing environmental inputs,
ecologies, and internal states (e.g., Barrett & Kurzban, 2006;
Pinker, 2002). Many of these systems serve clear adaptive func-
tions, such as entering puberty earlier or later depending on
whether ecological conditions are harsh or stable, rapidly acquiring
fears of snakes and dangerous predators, generating language for
the purposes of communication, seeking out food when calorie
stores run low, and recognizing who is a kin member and discour-
aging incest with close genetic relatives (for an overarching sum-
mary see Buss, 2005).
What follows is a representative review of sex appeal designed
to target recent findings that illustrate the value of an evolutionary
perspective.
Attractive Faces
Many people think facial attractiveness is a byproduct of
experience and cultural influences. According to this view
attractive faces and sex appeal are learned social constructions
(see DeLamater & Hyde, 1998). Are attractive features simply
a byproduct of how people are educated and raised?
Our perception of faces often prevails in spite of our experience.
Growing evidence shows that how people rate faces is largely
independent of their gender, culture, ethnic group status, sexual
orientation, and age (see Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999). There is a
high degree of cross-cultural consensus about which faces are
attractive. Not only do Caucasians rate Asian faces much the same
way Asians do, but the same is true for the way Asians rate
Caucasian faces (Cunningham Roberts, Barbee, Druen, & Wu,
1995; for a meta-analysis see Langlois et al., 2000). Even neonates
without the benefit of prior experience or socialization spend more
time looking at photos of faces that adults find attractive (Ramsey,
Langlois, Hoss, Rubenstein, & Griffin, 2004).
Recent discoveries show surprising links between faces and
underlying differences in health, vitality, and fertility. By sampling
photographs taken from old high school yearbooks and matching
them with obituary records, Henderson and Anglin (2003) discov-
ered that both men and women with faces that contemporary
college students rated as being attractive lived longer. Researchers
are currently attempting to isolate the degree to which facial
attractiveness is linked to health, which aspects of health it relates
to, and how consistent the link is (Weeden & Sabini, 2005;
Rhodes, 2006; Thornhill & Gangestad, 2006).
Faces also contain cues to fertility. Soler et al. (2003) took facial
photos and semen samples from male college students. The semen
samples were assayed for sperm count, sperm motility, and sperm
morphology to generate a composite index of sperm quality. A
number of women who did not know these men were asked to rate
the photos for attractiveness. The researchers discovered that how
the women rated the men’s faces were correlated with the semen
assay results. Men with faces that women found attractive tended
to have significantly more fertile, higher quality sperm. There are
several intriguing explanations for this pattern. Attractive men may
garner more interest from women, which may boost their testos-
terone and sperm production, or men who are generally more
robust and healthy overall may have more attractive faces and
enhanced ability to produce sperm.
Even intelligence and semen quality may be related. In an
archival sample of 425 Army veterans, Arden, Gottfredson, Miller,
& Pierce (2009) found small, but significant positive correlations
between general intelligence and several important parameters of
sperm quality: sperm concentration, sperm count, and sperm mo-
tility. It turns out that people with attractive faces also tend to have
higher IQ scores (Zebrowitz, Hall, Murphy, & Rhodes, 2002).
The way men rate facial attractiveness in women predicts es-
trogen levels and female reproductive health (Law-Smith et al.,
2006). Faces can contain cues to underlying genetic resistance to
disease. The Major Histocompatibility Complex is an important set
of genes that help code for the development of the immune system.
Being heterozygous at this loci—that is, having copies of different
alleles (genes) rather than having multiple copies of the same
alleles—provides resistance to a wider variety of potential para-
sites and threats to the immune system. Consistent with an evolu-
tionary perspective, men who are heterozygotic at the Major His-
tocompatibility Complex are judged by women as being more
attractive (Roberts et al., 2005). Both men and women with at-
tractive faces also show fewer subtle morphological deviations
from bilateral symmetry, which is a ubiquitous measure of health
and fitness (Grammer & Thornhill, 1994).
A person’s face even conveys information about their body and
their behavior. Given the potential dangers of failing to detect a
physically powerful rival, Sell et al. (2009) reasoned that individ-
uals would be able to accurately gauge a person’s strength based
241EVOLUTION OF SEX APPEAL
on their facial features. Consistent with this hypothesis, they found
that participants could judge the measured physical strength of
Bolivian horticulturists, Andean pastoralists, and U.S. college stu-
dents, just by seeing their faces.
This research extends the findings of Shoup and Gallup (2008)
who found that men’s faces were cues to their body morphology,
grip strength, and sexual history. Using facial photos of male
college students that were cropped at the neck, those with faces
that women rated as attractive had more pronounced wedge shaped
torsos (broad shoulders and narrow hips), a masculine
1
feature
many women prefer. In addition, these same males had stronger
grip strength scores (see also Fink, Neave, & Seydel, 2007; Sell et
al., 2009), and more sex partners. Paralleling these findings,
Brewer, Archer, & Manning (2007) report that women with at-
tractive faces tend to have more accentuated hour glass figures
(narrow waists and broad hips), a feminine feature men prefer.
A recent study by Jokela (2009) based on an archival sample of
high school yearbook photos and follow-up surveys from
over 10,000 people who graduated in 1957, shows that attractive-
ness is, in fact, related to reproductive success. More often than not
people with more attractive faces have more children. Thus, the
reason there is good consensus as to which faces are attractive is
because faces contain embedded features that are honest biological
signals of reproductive fitness. As a consequence, the human
nervous system has been shaped by natural selection in ways that
prompt us to experience the faces of reproductively viable people
as more attractive. Why? Evolution is not about survival, it is
about the perpetuation of genes. People who mated preferentially
with individuals with attractive faces had a better chance of leav-
ing healthier, more reproductively viable descendants. As a con-
sequence, their genes became better represented in subsequent
generations. Attractiveness is not an inherent feature of a person’s
face. Just like foods that taste good, attractive faces are an evolved
property of the human nervous system.
Faces also vary in other domains. Some people have mature
faces others have likable faces, trustworthy faces, or faces that
convey a sense of power and leadership. Without revealing the
source or identity of the pictures, Rule and Ambady (2008) asked
college students to rate photographs of the chief executive officers
of the 25 highest and 25 lowest ranking companies listed in the
Fortune 500. Ratings of power (competence, dominance, and facial
maturity) and global ratings of leadership were both significantly
related to corporate profitability, each accounting for about 10% of
the differences in company profits. For multibillion dollar corpo-
rations this translates into earning differences of hundreds of
millions of dollars on an annual basis.
Body Configuration
Attractiveness is also influenced by what is going on below the
neck. There are reliable sex differences in body configuration
(technically, sexually dimorphic differences). Women tend to have
narrower waists and broader hips that often create the impression
of an hour-glass figure, whereas men tend to have broader shoul-
ders and narrower hips that lead to wedge shaped torsos. These sex
differences in body configuration begin to emerge during puberty,
and can be easily measured and converted into waist-to-hip ratios
(WHRs) and shoulder-to-hip ratios (SHRs).
Waist-to-Hip Ratios
Women with low WHRs (narrow waists and broad hips) are
consistently rated by men in many cultures as more attractive, with
optimal WHRs being about .7 (Singh, 1993). Large samples of
Playboy models (Tovee et al., 1997) and female film stars (Vora-
cek & Fisher, 2006) both converge on this value, with each
showing average WHRs of about .68. In a recent study, men who
were born blind or developed blindness later in life were presented
with mannequins varying in WHR. Even those who were born
blind preferred the shape of the low WHR, indicating that visual
input is not necessary to develop or maintain this preference
(Karremans, Frankenhuis, & Arons, 2010).
Platek and Singh (2010) have uncovered neurobiological evi-
dence for the effects of female body configuration on interpersonal
attraction. Their research was based on a unique sample of before
and after photos of women who underwent cosmetic reconfigura-
tion surgery. By using patients who had fat transplanted from other
body parts to accentuate their WHRs, it was possible to make
before and after comparisons while holding body mass constant.
Using functional MRI to compare and contrast the way men
responded to pre- and postsurgical images of these women, the
authors found compelling evidence for unique activation of neural
reward centers in men’s brains when they saw the postsurgical
images. In another study using these images, Singh, Dixson, Jes-
sop, Morgan, & Dixson (2010) discovered that men found these
surgically altered bodies with lower WHRs more attractive using
community samples in such diverse areas as Cameroon, Indonesia,
and Samoa.
Why Do People Find Women With Hour Glass
Figures Attractive?
By now it should come as no surprise that women with low
WHRs are more reproductively viable. They ovulate more often
(Jasienska, Ziomkiewicz, Ellison, Lipson, & Thune, 2004), have
more regular menstrual cycles (Van Hoof et al., 2000), and are
more likely to conceive as a result of artificial insemination (Zaad-
stra et al., 1993) and in vitro fertilization (Wass, Waldenstrom,
Rossner, & Hellberg, 1997). Women with low WHRs are also
healthier. They have a lower risk of heart disease, stroke, diabetes,
gall bladder disease, kidney disease, and various cancers (see
Singh & Singh, 2006).
An hour glass figure serves as an important reproductive signal
in other ways (Hughes & Gallup, 2003). The configuration of a
woman’s waist relative to her hips is an indication of whether she
is pregnant. The abdominal enlargement that occurs as pregnancy
progresses leads to the loss of an hour glass figure. Since impreg-
nation produces hormonal changes that preclude reimpregnation,
genes being carried by men that mated preferentially or exclu-
sively with pregnant women would not have been well represented
in subsequent generations. Broad hips are also indicative of un-
derlying pelvic skeletal morphology that enables women to un-
dergo relatively unencumbered childbirth. Caesarian sections were
not an option during human evolutionary history. Women who
were unable to deliver their babies perished, along with their
babies, effectively eliminating their genes and those of their mate’s
from the gene pool.
242 GALLUP AND FREDERICK
Evidence also shows that the configuration of a woman’s waist
relative to her hips may be an index of the availability of special
fat stores (Lassek & Gaulin, 2008). Lower body fat on women’s
hips and buttocks can be distinguished from upper body fat by the
presence of more gluteofemoral fat consisting of unique long-
chain polyunsaturated fatty acids that are important for neurolog-
ical development. Using WHRs to index the ratio of upper to lower
body fat as a means of estimating the availability of these “brain
building” resources, Lassek and Gaulin found that women with
more gluteofemoral fat (i.e., lower WHRs) had significantly higher
cognitive test scores, and so did their children. Although hardly
conclusive it is interesting that people who were breast fed as
infants tend to have higher IQ scores (Mortensen, Michaelsen,
Sanders, & Reinisch, 2002), an ostensible benefit of the presence
of these fatty acids in mother’s milk.
Finally, it is important to acknowledge that preferences for
WHR do not always center on .70 across history and all cultures
(e.g., see Sugiyama, 2004; Swami, Jones, Einon, & Furnham,
2009). For example, a recent analysis of Reuben’s paintings shows
that women on average had a WHR of .78, not .70 (e.g., Swami,
Gray, & Furnham, 2007). One possible solution to this conundrum
suggested by Cashdan (2009) is that in harsh ecological conditions,
women with higher WHRs might be preferred because the testos-
terone levels needed to create higher WHR enable women to better
compete for and obtain resources and status. In harsh ecological
conditions, body types that indicate an ability to obtain scarce
resources may be valued more highly than body types that indicate
slightly better fertility.
Body Fat
Make no mistake about it, fat is highly adaptive. Because food
was not always plentiful in the ancestral environment, the capacity
to store energy in the form of body fat enabled organisms to take
advantage of periods where food was plentiful in order to bridges
times when it was scarce (i.e., periods of feast or famine). Despite
the preoccupation many women in the Western world have with
maintaining a slender figure, there is growing evidence that gen-
eralized stores of body fact are critically related to female repro-
ductive function. Research reviewed by Rose Frisch (2008) has
shown that the onset of puberty in girls is largely independent of
age and requires reaching a point where approximately one sixth
(17%) of their body weight is represented by body fat. This
appears to be the reason overweight little girls often begin men-
struating sooner. But it is not until body fat stores reach about one
quarter of a woman’s body weight that they actually become
fertile. This may be one of the reasons why overweight (but not
obese) women go through menopause later than their normal
weight counterparts. Extreme weight loss due to exercise and/or
starvation and the resulting depletion of body fat often leads to
infertility in women, as in the case of anorexia nervosa. Adequate
stores of body fat may be particularly valuable to women during
pregnancy and lactation because these conditions can increase
caloric demands by 10% to 15%, respectively (Dufour & Sauther,
2002).
Perhaps one of the biggest mysteries in evolutionary psychology is
the preference for thinness in industrialized societies. A recent cross-
cultural study of 41 sites across 10 world regions found that thinness
was preferred in all industrialized countries studied, and reported
exposure to Western media only explained a small percentage of the
variation in preferences. In contrast, women with relatively high
levels of body fat were rated most attractive in rural nonindustrialized
sites, such as rural Malaysia (Swami et al., 2010).
Following Ford and Beach’s (1951) ethnography documenting
widespread preferences for plumpness in 81% of nonindustrialized
societies, decades of research has documented cross-cultural, tem-
poral, and individual differences in attitudes toward obesity and
body weight. In less socioeconomically developed societies where
resources are not as plentiful, plumpness is linked with psycho-
logical traits of fertility, sexuality, and attractiveness. In many of
these societies, extreme weight gain is culturally acceptable for
women, particularly in the period preceding marriage. In parts of
Africa and the South Pacific adolescents from elite families reside
in “milking huts,” where they are fed high-fat diets in order to
become properly plump in preparation for marriage (see Swami et
al., 2010).
A recent paper illustrates the role of culture and context when it
comes to body fat (Tovee, Swami, Furnham, & Mangalparsad,
2006). Traditionally, South African Zulus find heavier bodies more
attractive, whereas Whites in the U.K. prefer thinner bodies. In
their study of South African Zulus who moved to the U.K., they
found that these Zulus adopted preferences that were much more
similar to those of individuals living in the U.K. than in South
Africa. These findings suggest that preferences for some traits,
particularly body fat, are malleable based on changing social,
financial, and ecological contexts.
Some body fat may be beneficial. Research at the Centers for
Disease Control has shown that individuals who are overweight
(BMI 25–29), but not obese, actually have the lowest mortality
rates (Flegal, Graubard, Williamson, & Gail, 2005). Although the
exact nature of the link between body fat and health is controver-
sial (Rigby, 2006; Campos, Saguy, Ernsberger, Oliver, & Gaesser,
2006), one thing is clear: the extreme thinness prized in many
Western cultures is a recent phenomenon and not inherently
healthier than being in the overweight category (for reviews see
Campos, Saguy, Ernsberger, Oliver, & Gaesser, 2006; Flegal et al.,
2005). In fact, being thin and emaciated carries a far greater risk of
reproductive impairment for women than being overweight—but
not obese (Frisch, 2008).
The other point to consider in the context of the contemporary
aversion to body fat among women in the Western world is that
obesity can be thought of as a pregnancy mimic. Because of the
inevitable abdominal enlargement that accompanies pregnancy
and obesity, each of these conditions involve the gradual loss of an
hour glass figure. Moreover, just as pregnancy leads to hormonal
changes that arrest fertility, the same is true for obesity (Frisch,
2008). Thus, under conditions nowadays in which food is plentiful,
women’s preoccupation with dieting and weight loss may be
driven in no small part by an unconscious attempt to minimize any
signs of appearing pregnant.
Breast Enlargement
The attraction that many men have to enlarged breasts may be a
consequence of the connection between female body fat and re-
production. Breast enlargement beginning at puberty, that is inde-
pendent of a woman’s lactational status, is largely due to the
localized accumulation of adipose tissue or fat in the breasts. Life
243EVOLUTION OF SEX APPEAL
span developmental changes in the shape and configuration of the
breasts are correlated with changes in a woman’s capacity to
ovulate, and as a consequence enlarged breasts may have evolved
to compensate for the loss of ovulatory cues by signaling ample
energy stores and ovulatory potential (Gallup, 1982). Indeed, re-
cent evidence shows that women with large breasts actually have
elevated levels of salivary estradiol and higher fertility (Jasienska
et al., 2004). The value of breasts as a cue to fertility changes as
women age and nurse children, which cause breasts to droop and
become less firm. Research in the United States shows that women
tend to become less satisfied with their breasts as they age, and the
effects on men’s satisfaction with their partner’s breasts are recip-
rocal (Frederick, Peplau, & Lever, 2008).
Shoulder-to-Hip Ratios
Broad shoulders and narrow hips in men are the sexually di-
morphic counter point to an hour glass figure in women. Just as
men rate females with narrow waists and broad hips as more
appealing, women rate males with wedge shaped torsos as more
attractive (Dijkstra & Buunk, 2001), and consistent with the thesis
developed in this paper, SHRs signal various embedded dimen-
sions of fitness. Men with broad shoulders and narrow hips (high
SHRs) have higher testosterone levels (Kasperk et al., 1997). Body
configuration is also related to physical prowess. Men with high
SHRs tend to be stronger and more aggressive in high school
(Gallup, White, & Gallup, 2007). Just as for women who have
hour glass figures, Hughes, Dispenza, & Gallup (2004) found that
men with more accentuated wedge shaped torsos began having sex
at earlier ages and have more sex partners.
Muscularity
Frederick and Haselton (2007) proposed that women have an
evolved propensity to attend to overall levels of male physical
prowess. Muscularity requires extensive calories and testosterone
to build and maintain. Because testosterone compromises immune
function and increased muscle mass entails high energy demands,
muscularity and other masculine features may function to signal
superior health and immune system competence. The ability to
build greater muscle mass is partially heritable, suggesting that
advantages associated with muscularity can be passed onto off-
spring (see Frederick & Haselton, 2007). Looking across primate
species, humans show an exaggerated sex difference in overall
muscle mass and physical strength, suggesting that muscle mass
provided an advantage to ancestral males in terms of hunting,
acquiring resources, and in male-male competition (Lassek &
Gaulin, 2009; Puts, 2010). Many men in the United States,
Ukraine, and Ghana want to be more muscular, and male college
students desire greater muscularity in order to be more attractive to
women and more successful in competitions with males (Frederick
& Buchanan, et al., 2007).
In support of the hypothesis that muscularity is attractive to
women, Frederick and Haselton (2007) found that muscular male
college students reported more sexual partners and short-term
affairs, and that women’s most recent short-term sexual partner
was more muscular than their committed sex partner. Additionally,
they introduced the “inverted-Uhypothesis of masculinized traits,”
which states that women will experience less attraction to individ-
uals with low levels of masculinity (because it is a cue of lower
testosterone and dominance) and also very high levels (because
high levels of testosterone can impair health, as well as produce
unpredictable, volatile, aggressive behavior which may pose a risk
to the woman herself).
One problem, however, is that much of the existing psycholog-
ical research on male attractiveness is limited to Western contexts.
To remedy this problem, Frederick, Swami, and the 56 members of
the International Body Project (2010) examined preferences for
muscularity in 41 community and college samples in sites
across 26 countries. Participants rated a series of images of male
bodies that varied systematically in muscularity or body fat. Pat-
terns of preference for muscularity were significantly more prev-
alent than preference for body fat. In almost all of the testing sites,
women preferred men who were more muscular than average and
men wanted to be more muscular than average (in the few remain-
ing sites, the effects were in this same direction but failed to reach
statistical significance). In every culture without exception, there
was a clear inverted-Uassociation between muscularity and at-
tractiveness: very low and very high levels of muscle mass were
not preferred. Notably, however, there were significant cross-
cultural differences in the degree of muscularity that women found
attractive. Exposure to Western media, however, showed only
weak relationships to these preferences in most settings. This
research suggests that male muscularity may be an important cue
of attractiveness, and that local ecological factors can shape the
degree to which is it important.
Skin
The loss of body hair is a distinguishing feature that sets humans
apart from other primates. There are any number of reasons why
this may have happened. One possibility was the need to more
effectively cool an ever expanding brain (Falk, 1990), so the
surface area of the body could serve as a radiator to keep the brain
from overheating. There may also have been selective pressure to
eliminate body hair as a refuge for parasites (Pagel & Bodmer,
2003). Indeed, there is suggestive evidence that the incidence of
infestation by human public lice has decreased along with the
recent increase in pubic hair removal by women in some parts of
the world (Armstrong & Wilson, 2006).
2
The widely acknowl-
edged pleasant and even erotic properties of skin-to-skin contact
made possible by the loss of body hair could likewise have
reinforced the development and maintenance of long-term pair
bonds between mates and between mothers and infants as well.
Finally, exposing smooth unblemished skin may have become a
signal or advertisement for health and reproductive viability.
Skin quality can be an important cue for health and genetic
adaptations to resist infection (Symons, 1995; Sugiyama, 2005).
The presence of blotches, open wounds and sores, and insects are
visible signs of current disease and parasitic infection. Many
diseases or parasites can produce yellowing of skin, and clear skin
2
Pubic hair removal is a peculiar anomaly from an evolutionary per-
spective. There is reason to believe that human pubic hair evolved as a
salient puberty signal and a means of preserving sex pheromones. Since
effective body hair removal was not an option during most of human
evolutionary history, men that mated preferentially with females who did
not have pubic hair would have been pedophiles.
244 GALLUP AND FREDERICK
denotes an absence of communicable diseases. One can imagine
the benefits of coming equipped with a system that inhibits sexual
arousal when encountering people covered with infected boils that
are oozing and bursting with puss, rather than learning this pri-
marily through trial and error, associative learning, or socializa-
tion. The emotion of disgust may have evolved initially because it
served as a motivational system that prompts people to avoid
others that are teeming with potentially deadly parasites and bac-
teria (Fessler & Haley, 2006).
Gangestad, Haselton, and Buss (2005) examined how parasite
prevalence across cultures influences different mating preferences.
If physical attractiveness is a cue to health and resistance to
parasites, then high parasite prevalence should evoke a stronger
preference for physical attractiveness when choosing a mate. Con-
sistent with this prediction, physical attractiveness was ranked as
more important in a mate in societies where parasites were more
prevalent, even after controlling for a variety of other variables.
Skin quality can also provide an index to age and therefore
fertility (Symons, 1995; Sugiyama, 2005). The capacity to produce
offspring decreases as men and women age, and this capacity
diminishes much more rapidly for women. Given the association
between age and fertility, one would expect preferences for
smooth, unwrinkled skin, and that this preference would be stron-
ger for female bodies than for males. Evolutionary theory would
suggest, however, that this preference would be balanced with
other cues besides youth when choosing a partner, such as ability
to obtain resources, parenting ability, and the social influence and
status the person has, as well as one’s own attractiveness and
ability to attract mates (Pillsworth, 2008).
Voice Attractiveness
There are two approaches to the study of attractiveness. The one
featured in this paper involves looking at different traits as evolved
signals for important biological information. The other approach
focuses on proximate rather than ultimate mechanisms, and at-
tempts to identify particular features such as pitch that distinguish
attractive from less attractive voices (e.g., Feinberg, Jones, Little,
Burt, & Perrett, 2005), or bilateral symmetry that contributes to
attractive faces (e.g., Rhodes, 2006).
Prior to the invention of artificial illumination, sound was our
principle means of communication at night, and this was undoubt-
edly one of the reasons we developed spoken language based on
sounds as opposed to sign language based on gestures (Gallup &
Cameron, 1992). Talking on the telephone approximates what it
used to be like to have a conversation at night because on the
telephone you do not see the person you are speaking with. The
evidence shows that just like a person’s face, the sound of a
person’s voice functions as a medium for the transmission of
biologically relevant information. When you answer the phone,
even if you do not know who it is, as soon as the caller starts to
speak you usually know 1) whether it is a male or a female, and 2)
whether it is an adult or a child.
People who participate in much of the research described below
are typically asked to speak into a microphone and simply count
from 1 to 10 as their voice is recorded. This holds what they say
constant and it keeps the content neutral. That way, when listeners
are asked to rate these recordings they will not be responding to
what subjects say, but rather to how they say it.
The Sound of Symmetry
The extent to which features on one side of the body match
those on the other has been taken as evidence for the ability to
resist minor insults and perturbations that occur during embryo-
logical development (Livshits & Kobyliansky, 1991). No one
shows perfect bilateral symmetry, but there is growing evidence
that as random deviations from bilateral symmetry increase,
known as fluctuating asymmetry (FA), health and fertility are
compromised (for a recent review see Gallup, Frederick, & Pipi-
tone, 2008).
In the initial voice study on this topic seven representative
features (e.g., finger length, wrist diameter) were measured on
each side of the body and compared in a sample of male and
female undergraduates (Hughes, Harrison, & Gallup, 2002). Each
student’s voice was also recorded as they counted from 1 to 10.
When other students who did not know the speakers were asked to
rate their voices, it was discovered that ratings of voice attractive-
ness were inversely proportional to the magnitude of fluctuating
asymmetry. In other words, people with attractive voices tended to
show fewer deviations from bilateral symmetry as an ostensible
consequence of being better able to withstand prenatal and devel-
opmental insults/perturbations, as well as parasitic infections.
Just as attractive voices signal subtle, rarely noticed differences
in fluctuating asymmetry that bear in important ways on health and
fertility, the same is true of faces. People with faces that are more
symmetrical are also rated as being more attractive (Perrett et al.,
1999).
Voice, Body Configuration, and Sexual Behavior
In another study voice samples were taken from college stu-
dents, their SHRs and WHRs were measured, and they were
invited to complete an anonymous survey about their sexual be-
havior (Hughes, Dispenza, & Gallup, 2004). Men with attractive
voices had more accentuated wedge shaped torsos (higher SHRs),
and women with attractive voices likewise had more accentuated
hour glass figures (lower WHRs). Both men and women with
attractive voices also reported having sex at earlier ages, more sex
partners, and were more likely to have engaged in sexual infidelity.
Some of these effects were quite pronounced. Ratings of voice
attractiveness accounted for almost 25% of the variance (i.e.,
individual differences) in number of sex partners among the fe-
male college students in this study. Who would have known that
the mere sound of a person’s voice would be related to their sexual
behavior?
Voice and Fertility
Women’s voices not only change with the onset of puberty, they
also vary as a function of where they happen to be in their
menstrual cycle. In a recent longitudinal study, multiple voice
samples were taken from females at different points in their cycle
(Pipitone & Gallup, 2008). Ratings of voice attractiveness peaked
for samples collected during the ovulatory phase, which is the
point of maximum fertility. On the other hand, there were no cycle
dependent voice changes for women using hormonal contracep-
tives as they do not show the same hormonal fluctuations.
245EVOLUTION OF SEX APPEAL
Apicella, Fienberg, and Marlowe (2007) found that voice was
associated with self-reports of reproductive success among male
hunter-gatherers, where men with lower pitch voices claimed to
have more children. Although suggestive of a link between fertility
and voice, without independent evidence of paternity it remains
possible that men with more masculine voices merely think they
have more children and/or they may be more prone to exaggerate
claims of paternity. Puts (2005) has shown, however, that men
with low pitch voices tend to be preferred as short-term mates
when women are in the ovulatory phase of their menstrual cycle.
Given the foregoing, it should come as no surprise that men with
attractive voices also have more attractive faces (Saxton, Caryl, &
Roberts, 2006). But what is particularly interesting about this
effect is that the relationship between attractive voices and attrac-
tive faces is dependent upon the maturational/hormonal status of
the listener; the effect only holds when listeners are post-pubertal
women (adolescent and adult females). Ratings of the same men’s
voices by prepubescent girls failed to predict independent ratings
of the speaker’s faces. Thus, both the perception as well as the
production of voice would appear to be subject to hormonal
influences.
Voice, Finger Digit Ratios, and Strength
Voices not only predict facial appearance and body configura-
tion, they reveal other differences. In addition to attractiveness,
voices can be rated along any number of dimensions (e.g., ap-
proachability, maturity, sexiness, intelligence, dominance).
Hughes, Pastizzo, and Gallup (2008) found that women with
voices rated as sounding more dominant could be distinguished
from others based on their finger morphology. The length of the
second digit or index finger relative to the fourth digit or ring
finger (expressed in terms of finger digit ratios: 2D/4D) appears to
be influenced by exposure to different levels of sex hormones
during embryological development. People exposed to high levels
of testosterone during prenatal life tend to have ring fingers that are
longer than their index fingers (low 2D/4D), whereas exposure to
high levels of estrogen has the opposite effect, producing high
2D/4D (Manning, 2002). Hughes et al. discovered that female
college students with dominant sounding voices had significantly
lower, more masculine finger digit ratios indicative of greater
prenatal exposure to testosterone. Not unrelated to these findings,
Sell et al. (2010) recently found that men’s voices contain cues of
physical strength.
To summarize, the sound of your voice conveys information
about what happened to you during prenatal development. It also
says something about your gender, your age, your body configu-
ration, your hormonal statues, your strength, your sexual behavior,
whether you are on birth control pills and if not, where you are in
your menstrual cycle.
The fact that the human voice is such a rich source of repro-
ductively relevant information can be used to make a distinction
between “blind dates” and “deaf dates.” A blind date is a date sight
unseen. Whereas a deaf date would be a date sound unheard. The
emerging evidence would suggest that before you agree to a blind
date it might be prudent to have a telephone conversation with that
person first. Indeed, the growing popularity of Internet dating may
also make a telephone conversation an important element in the
decision making process about dating a person you have never
met.
The Menstrual Cycle
In many species when females ovulate they enter estrus, a period
of heightened interest in or receptivity to sex. In such species,
females often mate preferentially with males displaying costly
traits linked to testosterone or dominance status (for a review see
Thornhill & Gangestad, 2008). The evolutionary logic behind this
preference is straightforward. When females are most likely to
conceive, they have been selected to show increases in preferences
for individuals with traits that are cues to underlying genetic
benefits that can be passed on to offspring. Unlike chimpanzees,
human females do not exhibit obvious changes where their genitals
enlarge dramatically during estrus. Evolutionary psychologists,
however, have tested whether there are other more subtle cues of
ovulatory status, and whether women’s preferences for traits as-
sociated with testosterone, status, and general robustness are stron-
gest when they are in the ovulatory phase of their cycle.
One function of these shifts may be to motivate women to seek
out a short-term sexual partner who can pass on advantageous
traits to their offspring, particularly if their current long-term
partner does not possess these traits. In a series of studies, re-
searchers found that women with dating partners experience in-
creased sexual desire for other men when ovulating, but this
occurred primarily for women whose partners were relatively less
attractive. In parallel, less attractive men were more likely to
engage in loving and jealous mate guarding behaviors when their
partners were ovulating, suggesting that they were responding to
cues related to the women’s fertility status (Pillsworth & Haselton,
2006; Haselton & Gangestad, 2006).
Changes in women’s sexual motivations can have interesting
effects on women’s self-ornamentation. In one study, women were
photographed when they came into the laboratory during the high
and low fertility phases of their menstrual cycles. Independent
judges, blind to the women’s fertility status, rated their photos and
indicated that women were trying to look more attractive when
they were in their fertile phase. The effect was stronger the closer
women were to the day of ovulation. One factor driving these
results is that women in committed relationships are more likely to
show more skin and to wear miniskirts when they are ovulating
(Haselton, Mortezaie, Pillsworth, Bleske, & Frederick, 2007).
In a landmark study, Geoffrey Miller and his associates (Miller,
Tybur, & Jordan, 2007) found that lap dancers made 80% more
tips on average during the fertile phase of their menstrual cycle
than when they were menstruating. Those that were normally
cycling earned approximately $335 per 5-hour shift when ovulat-
ing, $260 in the luteal phase, and $185 when menstruating. Nat-
urally cycling lap dancers also made more tips regardless of where
they were in their cycle compared to those taking hormonal con-
traceptives. Moreover, while the lap dancers were aware of differ-
ences in the amount of money different dancers made, as well as
day to day fluctuations in their own tips, none realized that their
earnings were related to their menstrual cycle. Why did their
income increase so dramatically when they were ovulating? The
possibilities include that the women were more sexual, they had
greater energy, and/or they had changing vocal, physical, and
olfactory cues that men found more appealing during high fertility.
246 GALLUP AND FREDERICK
As Miller’s study suggests, there is evidence that menstrual
cycle variation in fertility can have important, albeit subtle effects
on how women are perceived. Roberts et al. (2005) photographed
women at different points during the menstrual cycle and discov-
ered that their faces were rated more attractive when they were in
the ovulatory phase. Likewise, women’s WHRs become more
accentuated (Kirchengast & Gartner, 2002), and breast asymme-
tries diminish (Manning, Scutt, Whitehouse, & Leinster, 1997)
during ovulation. Female body odor (Singh & Bronstad, 2001) as
well as vaginal odor samples (Doty, Ford, Preti, & Huggins, 1975)
are also rated as being more pleasant and, as already noted, voice
recordings taken during midcycle are more attractive (Pipitone &
Gallup, 2008). Cycle dependent changes in attractiveness such as
these likely functioned in the ancestral environment to synchronize
insemination with ovulation as a means of increasing the chances
of impregnation.
Kissing
Kissing between romantic partners occurs in over 90% of hu-
man societies (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1970) and appears to be part of an
evolved human courtship strategy (Hughes, Harrison, & Gallup,
2007). Using a large questionnaire administered to over 1,000
college students, Hughes et al. (2007) found evidence for some
interesting but not altogether unexpected sex differences in kiss-
ing. Women, for example, placed more emphasis on kissing in
romantic relationships than did men. Women are not only more
reliant on kissing as a mate assessment device, but they continue
to use kissing in long term relationships to update and monitor the
status of the relationship with their partner. Men, on the other
hand, often use kissing as means to an end (e.g., trying to gain
sexual favors), and as a way of attempting reconciliation.
While both sexes rate kissing as a highly romantic act, women
view kissing as more important at all stages of the relationship than
do men. Not only do females place more emphasis on kissing, they
are more likely to insist on kissing before a sexual encounter, and
more prone to emphasize the importance of kissing during as well
as after sex. Many females would not consider having sex with
someone they never kissed. By comparison, most males in this
survey indicated they would be happy to have sex without kissing,
and men were far more likely than women to agree to have sex
with someone who was not a good kisser. Kissing may also be a
relationship barometer. There is evidence for couples in committed
relationships that the amount of reported kissing is related to
relationship satisfaction (Gulledge, Gulledge, & Stahmann, 2003).
Another function of kissing may be to assess a potential part-
ner’s health. Dental disease, lesions of the mouth, inability to chew
food, and poor teeth would have been a significant handicap. Oral
health may indicate heritable differences in susceptibility to peri-
odontal disease and environmental stresses (Symons, 1995; Sug-
iyama, 2005). Even common haliotisis, which stems from bacterial
growth in the mouth, may be a cue for an inability to resist
pathogens.
At the moment of a kiss there is a very rich and complicated
exchange of visual, tactile, postural, and chemical information
based on olfactory and gustatory cues. Hughes, Harrison, & Gallup
(2007) discovered that the majority of both male and female
college students reported having found themselves attracted to
someone on one or more occasions, only to discover that after they
kissed them for the first time they were no longer interested. Thus,
there is reason to suspect the existence of unconscious, hard-wired
mechanisms that are triggered at the moment of a kiss which may
function to assess the health, genetic compatibility, and reproduc-
tive viability of a prospective mate.
Honest Versus Dishonest Signals
Honest signals are those that reflect a person’s reproductive
potential. Because men with attractive faces have higher quality
sperm and women with facial wrinkles are less likely to conceive,
faces are honest signals since they are correlated (positively in the
former case and negatively in the latter) with a person’s capacity
to reproduce. In contrast, dishonest signals often improve your
appearance but leave your reproductive potential unaffected.
Whereas foods that taste sweet are usually a significant source of
calories, saccharine is the equivalent of a face lift. Artificial
sweeteners improve the flavor of food, but leave its nutritional
value unaffected. Cosmetic surgery may improve your appearance,
but your reproductive capacity remains unchanged. According to
this analysis, the effectiveness of all appearance enhancement
techniques ought to be dependent upon the extent to which they
make you look more reproductively viable.
Cosmetics, such as make-up, enable people to cover blotches,
wrinkles, and imperfections in the skin. The tagline for the cos-
metics company Maybelline reads “Maybe she’s born with it...
maybe it’s Maybelline,” suggesting that the people at Maybelline
are implicitly aware that their product can be used to mask bio-
logical cues.
A study by Kruger (2008) provides a compelling example of
dishonest signals in a different domain. Kruger found that men
who spend rather than save, and especially those who spend more
money than they make have significantly more sex partners than
those who are more frugal. Nowadays with the advent of easy
credit, men can use conspicuous spending to exaggerate their
earnings. When it comes to the use of dishonest signals in the arena
of reproductive competition, “Mastercard” has become an analog
to “Maybelline.”
In theory, the existence of dishonest signals would be expected
to create selective pressure for adaptations that enable people to
detect and avoid instances of reproductive deception. As a case in
point, dishonest courtship, or feigning good intentions for purposes
of gaining sexual favors is a common male sexual strategy; for
example, “I love you, so let’s go to bed.” Consistent with this
analysis, commitment skepticism is common among women
(Geher, 2009), particularly without further evidence of sincerity
(Haselton, Buss, Oubaid, & Angleitner, 2005).
Concluding Remarks
Tasty foods, attractive faces, sultry voices, and sexy bodies are
all evolved features of the human nervous system. Clearly one of
the most effective means of piggybacking one’s genes into subse-
quent generations is to pair them with someone who is reproduc-
tively viable. The reason “first impressions count” is because many
of the features of interpersonal attraction are related to important
underlying dimensions of fitness.
247EVOLUTION OF SEX APPEAL
Although beauty is still in the eye of the beholder, we now know
that the eye of the beholder has been shaped by the evolutionary
history of the species.
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Received December 30, 2009
Revision received June 5, 2010
Accepted June 5, 2010
Correction to Annetta (2010)
In the article, “The “I’s” Have It: A Framework for Serious Educational Game Design” by Leonard
A. Annetta (Review of General Psychology, 2010, Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 105-112), the final acceptance
date was incorrect. The final acceptance date should be January 15, 2010.
DOI: 10.1037/a0020505
250 GALLUP AND FREDERICK
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"In our commentary, we lay out several lines of critique and commentary that we hope will challenge Davis and Arnocky to (1) consider how these points might be integrated into their model and (2) stimulate further research on these topics by scholars applying evolutionary and sociocultural lenses. For some of the critiques and questions we raise, we do not necessarily have clear answers, and we look forward to learning the Davis and Arnocky’ perspective."
Book
Der Band befasst sich mit der ganzen Bandbreite an fachlich diversen Themen und gibt einen Überblick über den empirischen Forschungsstand aus der Perspektive der verschiedenen Fachdisziplinen. Das Bestreben hierbei ist es, zum einen eine möglichst breite (wissenschaftliche) Öffentlichkeit zu erreichen und das Bewusstsein für ein Thema zu erhöhen, welches im Alltag große Wirkungsmacht entfalten kann. Dabei handelt es sich bei physischer Attraktivität um einen häufig unterschätzen Faktor des Sozialen. Das Buch schließt die wissenschaftliche Lücke bezüglich der systematischen Aufarbeitung der quantitativ empirischen Forschung zur Wirkung physischer Attraktivität, damit es einen – für die wissenschaftliche Öffentlichkeit zugänglichen – „Grundkanon“ der bestehenden Forschung gibt, der Andere zur Replikation und zum kritischen Diskurs anhalten soll. The book covers a wide range of topics and provides an overview of the empirical state of research from the perspective of different disciplines. The aim is to reach a broad (scientific) audience on the one hand, and on the other to raise awareness of a topic that can have a significant impact on everyday life. Physical attractiveness is an often underestimated social factor. The book closes the scientific gap of a systematic treatment of quantitative empirical research on the effects of physical attractiveness, so that a "basic canon" of existing research is available - accessible to the scientific public - which should stimulate others to replicate and to engage in critical discourse.
Chapter
Dieser Beitrag geht der Frage nach, welche Rolle der (relative) soziale Status von bewertender und zu bewertender Person bei der Attraktivitätseinschätzung spielt. Anhand von Daten aus der Allgemeinen Deutschen Bevölkerungsumfrage (ALLBUS) aus den Jahren 2008 bis 2016 werden zwei konkurrierende Überlegungen geprüft: Erstens, in Anlehnung an die Expectation States Theory, ob Personen andere attraktiv finden, die einen hohen sozialen Status aufweisen. Zweitens, in Anlehnung an Überlegungen an Befunde zur Homophilie, ob Personen andere attraktiv finden, die denselben sozialen Status aufweisen wie sie. Die Analysen zeigen, dass je höher der soziale Status der zu bewertenden Person ist, desto attraktiver wird diese eingeschätzt – unabhängig von ihrem Geschlecht als auch vom Geschlecht der bewertenden Person. Keine Belege lassen sich für Status-Homophilie bei der Attraktivitätseinschätzung finden.
Article
Full-text available
The consistency of physical attractiveness ratings across cultural groups was examined. In Study 1, recently arrived native Asian and Hispanic students and White Americans rated the attractiveness of Asian, Hispanic, Black, and White photographed women. The mean correlation between groups in attractiveness ratings was r = .93. Asians, Hispanics, and Whites were equally influenced by many facial features, but Asians were less influenced by some sexual maturity and expressive features. In Study 2, Taiwanese attractiveness ratings correlated with prior Asian, Hispanic, and American ratings, mean r = .91. Supporting Study 1, the Taiwanese also were less positively influenced by certain sexual maturity and expressive features. Exposure to Western media did not influence attractiveness ratings in either study. In Study 3, Black and White American men rated the attractiveness of Black female facial photos and body types. Mean facial attractiveness ratings were highly correlated ( r = .94), but as predicted Blacks and Whites varied in judging bodies. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Evidence is presented showing that body fat distribution as measured by waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) is correlated with youthfulness, reproductive endocrinologic status, and long-term health risk in women. Three studies show that men judge women with low WHR as attractive. Study 1 documents that minor changes in WHRs of Miss America winners and Playboy playmates have occurred over the past 30-60 years. Study 2 shows that college-age men find female figures with low WHR more attractive, healthier, and of greater reproductive value than figures with a higher WHR. In Study 3, 25- to 85-year-old men were found to prefer female figures with lower WHR and assign them higher ratings of attractiveness and reproductive potential. It is suggested that WHR represents an important bodily feature associated with physical attractiveness as well as with health and reproductive potential. A hypothesis is proposed to explain how WHR influences female attractiveness and its role in mate selection.
Article
The "radiator" theory of brain evolution is proposed to account for "mosaic evolution" whereby brain size began to increase rapidly in the genus Homo well over a million years after bipedalism had been selected for in early hominids. Because hydrostatic pressures differ across columns of fluid depending on orientation (posture), vascular systems of early bipeds became reoriented so that cranial blood flowed preferentially to the vertebral plexus instead of the internal jugular vein in response to gravity. The Hadar early hominids and robust australopithecines partly achieved this reorientation with a dramatically enlarged occipital/marginal sinus system. On the other hand, hominids in the gracile australopithecine through Homo lineage delivered blood to the vertebral plexus via a widespread network of veins that became more elaborate through time. Mastoid and parietal emissary veins are representatives of this network, and increases in their frequencies during hominid evolution are indicative of its development. Brain size increased with increased frequencies of mastoid and parietal emissary veins in the ineage leading to and including Homo, but remained conservative in the robust australopithecine lineage that lacked the network of veins. The brain is an extremely heat-sensitive organ and emissary veins in humans have been shown to cool the brain under conditions of hyperthermia. Thus, the network of veins in the lineage leading to Homo acted as a radiator that released a thermal constraint on brain size. The radiator theory is in keeping with the belief that basal gracile and basal robust australopithecines occupied distinct niches, with the former living in savanna mosaic habitats that were subject to hot temperatures and intense solar radiation during the day.
Article
Context A number of studies suggest a positive association between breastfeeding and cognitive development in early and middle childhood. However, the only previous study that investigated the relationship between breastfeeding and intelligence in adults had several methodological shortcomings.Objective To determine the association between duration of infant breastfeeding and intelligence in young adulthood.Design, Setting, and Participants Prospective longitudinal birth cohort study conducted in a sample of 973 men and women and a sample of 2280 men, all of whom were born in Copenhagen, Denmark, between October 1959 and December 1961. The samples were divided into 5 categories based on duration of breastfeeding, as assessed by physician interview with mothers at a 1-year examination.Main Outcome Measures Intelligence, assessed using the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) at a mean age of 27.2 years in the mixed-sex sample and the Børge Priens Prøve (BPP) test at a mean age of 18.7 years in the all-male sample. Thirteen potential confounders were included as covariates: parental social status and education; single mother status; mother's height, age, and weight gain during pregnancy and cigarette consumption during the third trimester; number of pregnancies; estimated gestational age; birth weight; birth length; and indexes of pregnancy and delivery complications.Results Duration of breastfeeding was associated with significantly higher scores on the Verbal, Performance, and Full Scale WAIS IQs. With regression adjustment for potential confounding factors, the mean Full Scale WAIS IQs were 99.4, 101.7, 102.3, 106.0, and 104.0 for breastfeeding durations of less than 1 month, 2 to 3 months, 4 to 6 months, 7 to 9 months, and more than 9 months, respectively (P = .003 for overall F test). The corresponding mean scores on the BPP were 38.0, 39.2, 39.9, 40.1, and 40.1 (P = .01 for overall F test).Conclusion Independent of a wide range of possible confounding factors, a significant positive association between duration of breastfeeding and intelligence was observed in 2 independent samples of young adults, assessed with 2 different intelligence tests.
Article
To investigate the relationship between self-ratings, ratings by others and objective measures, female participants (N = 84) provided the following: (1) ratings of their own physical attractiveness and body esteem data; (2) facial photographs, which were rated by male and female observers; and (3) waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) and body mass index (BMI) measures. Male-rated female attractiveness was unrelated to the womens self-rated attractiveness, and to their self-rated body esteem components involving sexual attractiveness and physical condition. Women typically overestimated their physical attractiveness and the most attractive women (with regards to their facial attractiveness, WHR and BMI) were most likely to self-deceive in this manner. Male-ratings of facial photographs were fairly strongly related to the WHR and BMI of the female participants. Although women did not agree with mens ratings of their attractiveness, or with the WHR and BMI measures, male and female observers showed a consensus when rating their facial photographs.
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Differences exist between males and females in fat distribution, skeletal morphology, muscle mass, and body shape. We investigated sex differences in shoulder to hip ratios (SHR) and waist to hip ratios (WHR), and their relationships to different features of sexual behavior. Males with high SHR and females with low WHR reported sexual intercourse at an earlier age, more sexual partners, more extra-pair copulations (EPC), and having engaged in more instances of intercourse with people who were involved in another relationship (i.e., having themselves been EPC partners). The predictive value of these morphological features was highly sex-specific.
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