Article

Childrens understanding of sexist language

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Abstract

Explored the role of language in the sex-typing process, focusing specifically on the "gender neutral" use of "he" and "his." In Exp I, 140 males and 170 females from the 1st, 3rd, and 5th grades and from college participated in a task in which they told stories in response to a cue sentence containing "he," "he or she," or "they." Ss also supplied pronouns in a fill-in task and were explicitly questioned about their knowledge of the gender-neutral use of "he." Results indicate that 12%, 18%, and 42% of the stories were about females when "he," "they," and "he or she" were used, respectively. There was a significant interaction of grade level, sex of S, and pronoun. Children, even 1st graders, supplied "he" in gender neutral fill-in sentences. Only 28% of 1st graders, but 84% of college students appeared to understand the grammatical rule for the gender-neutral use of "he." Exp II replicated some aspects of Exp I and extended the design with 64 male and 68 female 3rd and 5th graders. "She" was included as a 4th pronoun condition in the storytelling and produced 77% female stories. A description of a fictitious, gender-neutral occupation, "wudgemaker," was read to Ss, with repeated references either to "he," "they," "he or she," or "she." Ss' rating of how well women could do the job were significantly affected by pronoun, ratings being lowest for "he," intermediate for "they" and "he or she," and highest for "she." It is argued that role of language in gender-role development should receive more attention. (26 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

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... However, research by psychologists has established that such masculine generic terms are not actually generic in U.S. (Gastil 1990;Moulton et al. 1978;Silveira 1980) and New Zealand (Ng 1989) samples. Hyde (1984) too showed that the generic use of he, his, and man in a story prompt elicits more male examples from participants compared to wording with gender-neutral prompts. Similarly, Schneider and Hacker (1973) asked participants to select images for chapters in an alleged upcoming psychology textbook. ...
... Although Hyde (1984) includes both variations, specifically he or she and they, she does not indicate whether they elicit statistically different responses. In Study 1, the option they elicits more male characters than he or she, but this pattern is reversed in Study 2. Switzer (1990) also includes these alternative wordings without statistical comparisons, but notes that he or she and they elicited comparable numbers of male examples. ...
... First, in addition to examining the effect of masculine generics, we tested the differences between genderless and binary generic words (cf. Hyde 1984). Second, we explicitly asked participants about typicality (cf. ...
Article
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People view men as typically human, although some conditions may make this more or less likely. Language has been implicated as one factor, with masculine generic language (e.g., he used neutrally) leading to more androcentrism relative to its alternatives. However, the influence of two types of alternatives (e.g., they vs. he or she) remains unclear. The present study asked 297 male and female online participants from the United States to select typical representations of humanity from a set of White and Black male and female faces. The wording for the concept humanity was manipulated to be either a typical member of mankind, a typical human, or a typical man or woman (or woman or man). Overall, participants selected more White targets. Participants also selected more male targets, but the degree to which that was the case was affected by wording and participant’s gender. Participants, particularly male participants, in the mankind and human wording conditions were more likely to select a male target as representative, whereas in the man or woman condition, participants’ choices did not differ from chance. Thus, androcentric thinking may be more mutable than previously surmised, varying by participants’ gender and by context.
... 4 . la re p ré se ntat i on du g e nre : ori g i ne s et dé ve lop pe m e nt Si en français,à notre connaissance, l'étude de Chatard et al. (2005) est la seuleà avoir examiné une population non adulte, quelquesétudes ontété conduites dans d'autres langues sur cette population, deux sur une population anglophone (Hyde, 1984;Liben, Bigler et Krogh, 2002) et une sur une population espagnole (Flaherty, 2001). Liben et al. (2002) ont présenté des descriptions de métiers soit comportant une marque de genre (p.ex. ...
... Hyde (1984) a d'ailleurs montré que si les enfants en basâge (5à 8 ans) peuvent exprimer la règle du masculin interprétable comme un générique, elles et ils n'arrivent pasà l'appliquer. La maîtrise de la règle du masculin comme générique augmente toutefois avec l'âge (pour arriverà 84% des universitaires comprenant parfaitement la règle) sans pour autantêtre systématiquement activée lorsque le masculin est utilisé (Hyde, 1984). Par exemple, dans l'expérience de Hyde (1984), les participantes et participants universitaires devaient rédiger une histoire dont l'introductionétait donnée et comportait le pronom he (à cetteépoqueégalement utilisé comme générique). ...
... La maîtrise de la règle du masculin comme générique augmente toutefois avec l'âge (pour arriverà 84% des universitaires comprenant parfaitement la règle) sans pour autantêtre systématiquement activée lorsque le masculin est utilisé (Hyde, 1984). Par exemple, dans l'expérience de Hyde (1984), les participantes et participants universitaires devaient rédiger une histoire dont l'introductionétait donnée et comportait le pronom he (à cetteépoqueégalement utilisé comme générique). Seule 21% des histoires des participantes et participants comportaient un personnage féminin. ...
Article
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Dans cet article, nous présentons les recherches, relativement récentes, sur l’intégration du genre dans la représentation mentale d’une lectrice ou d’un lecteur, en mettant l’accent sur leurs controverses ainsi que sur les pistes encore peu (ou pas) explorées. Nous espérons ainsi susciter l’intérêt de la communauté francophone sur ce sujet, jusqu’ici relativement discrète. Au travers de cette présentation, nous souhaitons également souligner les retombées sociétales des recherches sur ce sujet, principalement au travers de l’identification de processus langagiers discriminants. Si la recherche a jusqu’ici principalement ciblé des adultes dits monolingues entre 19 et 25 ans, nous présenterons également les quelques études qui ont été menées sur les enfants entre 6 et 15 ans, un projet en cours sur des enfants entre 2 et 3 ans et quelques résultats d’une étude récente examinant l’influence du bilinguisme sur la représentation du genre.
... However, instead of using they/them/their in the singular form or "she or he," across the 20 th century up until the late 1960's, it was common for writers to use the masculine form of third person singular pronouns or "he/him/his" with a generic intention or meaning to refer to all people in general (Baranowski, 2002;Twenge, et al., 2012). Yet, it is clearly established and well known that masculine pronouns "he/him/his" intended to be generic do not function as such because they are not interpreted as generic by readers (e.g., Hamilton, 1988;Hyde, 1984;Martyna, 1980;Moulton, et al., 1978;Switzer, 1990). ...
... It is well documented that the practice of using "he" as a generic pronoun leads to problematic gender biases (see Leaper, 2014). For example, when people read content using he as a generic pronoun, they are more likely to mentally represent or picture men/boys vs. women/girls (e.g., Hamilton, 1988;Hyde, 1984;Martyna, 1980;Moulton, et al., 1978;Switzer, 1990). It also reinforces the tendency to use the masculine pronouns when the sex or gender is unknown (e.g., with animal characters in stories such as Goldilocks and the Three Bears; DeLoache, et al., 1987; see also Lambdin, et al., 2003). ...
... This pattern indicates that men did not interpret the pronoun "they" to be as gender neutral as the women did. Hyde's (1984) findings using a college sample and similar methodology replicated Mouton et al.'s findings. However, Gastil (1990), using different methodology, found the opposite. ...
Article
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The American Psychological Association’s (Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, American Psychological Association, 2019) style manual recently updated its guidelines to include the use they/them/their pronouns for situations where gender is unknown or irrelevant, which includes situations involving cisgender men and women. As such, we experimentally tested whether non-binary pronouns (“they/them/their”) would function as generic and inclusive singular pronouns for cisgender men and women. As a replication and extension of previous research (i.e., Crawford and English in J Psycholinguist Res 13 (5):373–3381, https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01068152, 1984; Stout and Dasgupta in Personal Soc Psychol Bull 37 (6):757–769, https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167211406434, 2011), cisgender U.S. college students (N = 381; 269 women and 112 men; M age = 19.41 years old) were randomly assigned to read a job advertisement using: (1) masculine pronouns “he/him/his”, (2) binary pronouns such as “she or he”, or (3) singular non-binary pronouns “they/them/their”. Participants’ memory for the content of the job advertisement was tested along with assessments of sexism and belongingness (i.e., ostracism or feelings of exclusion, whether they identified with the described job, and whether they would be motivated for the work). As predicted, there were gender differences in memory scores in the masculine (men scored higher) and binary (women scored higher) pronoun conditions, but not in the non-binary condition. For all three indicators of belongingness, as predicted, men’s belongingness scores were similar across the three conditions (i.e., men were included or represented by the pronouns used in all three conditions), whereas women’s scores indicated less belongingness when masculine condition pronouns were used (i.e., where women were excluded by the pronouns used) in comparison to when the binary and non-binary pronoun were used (i.e., where women were included by the pronouns used). Together these findings provide empirical support for the use of “they/them/their” as singular non-binary pronouns to refer generically and inclusively to both cisgender men and women.
... For pronouns, the available literature is of a different nature. As criticism of the use of English generically-intended masculine pronouns such as he increased starting in the 1970s, the pronoun was put to the test and overwhelmingly found to result in a male bias despite being generically-intended [7][8][9][10][11], with few exceptions [12]. However, these studies used offline methods almost exclusively and therefore did not tap into online processing but only revealed later processes. ...
... However, these studies used offline methods almost exclusively and therefore did not tap into online processing but only revealed later processes. For example, some researchers asked participants to write a story about a person based on a prompt featuring a generically-intended masculine pronoun [7,10,11] while others asked participants to describe their mental imagery after reading or listening to prompts [8,9]. The more recent research trend of testing generically-intended masculine role nouns with online methods tapping into earlier stages of processing, such as eye-tracking and EEG, has not been extended to the previously heavily researched English pronouns. ...
... However, it is possible that the generic use of zijn 'his' would lead to a male bias with the offline methods used by researchers to test English his and he in the 1970s, 80s and 90s, but not with the sentence evaluation task. As outlined in the Introduction, common tasks in these early experiments were story-writing based on a prompt featuring a generically-intended masculine pronoun or noun [7,10,11], while other researchers asked participants to describe their mental imagery after reading or listening to such a prompt [8,9]. It could be that the pronoun's gender is more likely to have an effect when engaging in such (production) tasks. ...
Article
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Two experiments tested whether the Dutch possessive pronoun zijn ‘his’ gives rise to a gender inference and thus causes a male bias when used generically in sentences such as Everyone was putting on his shoes . Experiment 1 ( N = 120, 48 male) was a conceptual replication of a previous eye-tracking study that had not found evidence of a male bias. The results of the current eye-tracking experiment showed the generically-intended masculine pronoun to trigger a gender inference and cause a male bias, but for male participants and in stereotypically neutral stereotype contexts only. No evidence for a male bias was thus found in stereotypically female and male context nor for female participants altogether. Experiment 2 ( N = 80, 40 male) used the same stimuli as Experiment 1, but employed the sentence evaluation paradigm. No evidence of a male bias was found in Experiment 2. Taken together, the results suggest that the generically-intended masculine pronoun zijn ‘his’ can cause a male bias for male participants even when the referents are previously introduced by inclusive and grammatically gender-unmarked iedereen ‘everyone’. This male bias surfaces with eye-tracking, which taps directly into early language processing, but not in offline sentence evaluations. Furthermore, the results suggest that the intended generic reading of the masculine possessive pronoun zijn ‘his’ is more readily available for women than for men.
... A great deal of research supports the idea that he is not a generic pronoun but that it leads adults to think about male referents more than female referents (Motschenbacher 2015;Paterson 2014). For example, researchers have presented sentences containing various pronouns and analyzed the oral descriptions (Gastil 1990), sketches of images (Khosroshahi 1989), and stories (Hyde 1984;Moulton et al. 1978) that came to participants' minds. Similarly, MacKay (1980) assessed participants' identification of antecedents described by pronouns in stories, and MacKay and Fulkerson (1979) asked participants in a series of experiments to indicate as quickly as possible whether sentences containing different pronouns could refer to a female or male. ...
... These findings are not consistent with the earlier literature that employed more transparent measures (e.g. Gastil 1990;Hyde 1984;Khosroshahi 1989;Moulton et al. 1978). It may be that, at the time this study was conducted, participants were more familiar with he being used as an epicene. ...
Article
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An epicene pronoun is a gender-neutral singular pronoun used in sentences when the gender of the subject is unknown or unspecified. In English, he and they are commonly-used epicene pronouns. Until recently, he has been widely accepted as being grammatically correct. However, many have argued that he is sexist because it may bias people to think about males. Two experiments were performed using a lexical decision task in which participants reacted to gendered words (e.g., aunt and uncle) after reading sentences using he, they, or unrelated epicene pronouns. We conducted the experiments 15 years apart in order to explore whether change in pronoun usage and the social significance of pronouns would be associated with different priming effects. Both experiments demonstrated that pronouns influence the processing of gendered nouns. However, in Experiment 1 they facilitated the processing of feminine nouns whereas in Experiment 2, he slowed the processing of feminine nouns. We discuss these results with respect to language change and conclude that they is a more effective epicene.
... For example, Moulton et al. [14] found that when a sentence about a hypothetical person featured the masculine generic pronoun his (e.g., In a large coeducational institution the average student will feel isolated in his introductory courses), this hypothetical person was thought of as male rather than female. A comparable male bias by English masculine generic pronouns was found by other researchers between the 1970s and 1990s [9,[18][19][20][21] as well as more recently [22]. However, these studies made use of rather explicit methods as a means of tapping into the hypothesized male bias, such as writing a story about a character or describing the images that came to mind when reading. ...
... Thus, in the absence of other gender cues, participants' reading times of male and female proper names did not significantly differ despite the use of a grammatically masculine pronoun. Mostly older offline research on English masculine generic pronouns had previously found evidence for a male bias caused by masculine generic pronouns [14,18,19,21,22,54], but the present study is the first to thoroughly investigate the processing of masculine generic pronouns. This difference in methodology and consequently a difference in the measured construct could explain this. ...
Article
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Language users often infer a person’s gender when it is not explicitly mentioned. This information is included in the mental model of the described situation, giving rise to expectations regarding the continuation of the discourse. Such gender inferences can be based on two types of information: gender stereotypes (e.g., nurses are female) and masculine generics, which are grammatically masculine word forms that are used to refer to all genders in certain contexts (e.g., To each his own). In this eye-tracking experiment (N = 82), which is the first to systematically investigate the online processing of masculine generic pronouns, we tested whether the frequently used Dutch masculine generic zijn ‘his’ leads to a male bias. In addition, we tested the effect of context by introducing male, female, and neutral stereotypes. We found no evidence for the hypothesis that the generically-intended masculine pronoun zijn ‘his’ results in a male bias. However, we found an effect of stereotype context. After introducing a female stereotype, reading about a man led to an increase in processing time. However, the reverse did not hold, which parallels the finding in social psychology that men are penalized more for gender-nonconforming behavior. This suggests that language processing is not only affected by the strength of stereotype contexts; the associated disapproval of violating these gender stereotypes affects language processing, too.
... For example, previous research has determined that sexist language is an example of subtle sexism in that it consists of speech that reinforces and perpetuates gender stereotypes and status differences between women and men (Swim, Mallett, & Stangor, 2004). Furthermore, according to Hyde (1984), sexist language is learned at an early age, and people may use sexist language for a variety of reasons: because sexist language is traditional, because sexist language is ingrained in current written and spoken language and therefore can be difficult to change, because people lack knowledge about what constitutes sexist language, because people do not believe that such language is sexist, and/or because people are attempting to protect established social hierarchies (Parks & Roberton, 2004;Ruscher, 2001;Swim et al., 2004). ...
... Overall, the results of this experiment suggest an interesting occurrence in that sexist language alone does not appear to significantly influence public perception of a women's sporting event. As such, these results may serve to confirm prior notions of sexist language, given that for a majority of individuals the use of sexist language is learned and internalized at an early age (Hyde, 1984). Furthermore, these results support the belief that sexist language is often used because it is traditional and so ingrained in our written and spoken language that it makes it difficult to recognize (Parks & Roberton, 2004;Swim et al., 2004). ...
Article
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Gendered processes in the sport industry often perpetuate male dominance and female inferiority. While these gendered occurrences have been well documented, the outcomes of such processes are underexplored. Under the guidance of objectification theory and the production–reception relationship, the authors investigated the influence of objectification in sports-media outlets’ coverage of a female sporting event for a national sample of U.S. consumers (N = 225). In addition, given the lack of coverage directed toward female sporting events, the current study investigated the influence of previous viewership on consumer behaviors for a future women’s sporting event. Findings suggest that processes of objectification influence both men’s and women’s consumer behaviors and that previous viewership influences future consumer-behavior motives. Furthermore, objectified images and language did not adversely affect future consumer behaviors for those who had previously viewed a similar women’s sporting event. Sport-media and communications professionals alike can leverage these relationships.
... The problem of generic masculine language has been addressed by feminist researchers for over 30 years (e.g. Gastil, 1990;Hyde, 1984;Martyna, 1978Martyna, , 1980. ...
... Authors frequently use given names as 'clues' to quantify the extent of women's inclusion in fields of literature or to code gender in experimental research (e.g. Gannon et al., 1992;Gastil, 1990;Hyde, 1984). While many people formally acquire new names during gender affirmation, many others are either unable or unwilling to do so. ...
... It includes "words, phrases, and expressions that unnecessarily differentiate between women and men or exclude, trivialize, or diminish either gender" (Parks and Roberton, 1998). In addition, Hyde (1984) affirms that sexist language is "the notion that the English language contains sex bias, particularly in usages such as "he" and "man" to refer to everyone". It is often imprecise, and it may be insulting even when used inadvertently. ...
... The success of students of English as a Second Language (ESL) depends on their mastery of the new language and their ability to negotiate the new culture. Since English language contains sex bias (Fromkin and Rodman, 1993;and Hyde, 1984), it is reasonable to conclude that English acquisition would transfer sexism to English students. ...
Article
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This study is a content analysis which aims at identifying sexist language types which exist in Interlanguage for Science and Social Study Programme Grade XII, revealing how gender roles are communicated as appropriate by the textbook, and how the textbook’s writers reflect gender equality. The result of this study showed that the type of sexist language which exists in the textbook is only “men as standard”. In addition, how this textbook communicates female gender roles as appropriate are by exposing contents which suggest that women cannot use their womb and brain at the same time, women are different from men, women cannot be both feminine and competent at the same time, and women will become less valuable as they age. Concerning men, the contents imply that men are physically strong, men must be successful in holding their professions, men must be the head of his family who have to earn money for the family, men must act independently, and men must be heterosexual and sexually active. Hence, it can be said that the writers of this textbook do not reflect gender equality. Therefore, the way how the writers reflect gender equality was not revealed. Further, the result of this study will be great interest to syllabus designers in composing the content of the textbooks. It is essential for them to take into account the learners’ gender equality in all forms because the instructional objectives of an educational program will not be achieved unless they do so.
... In story creation designs (Hyde, 1984), participants were asked to think of a short story in response to a verbal prompt, which could include either male (he, man) or neutral (they, he or she) generic terms. In Hyde's (1984: 700) experiment,only 12% of the story characters were female in the male generic condition; 18% in the neutral they condition, and 42% in the neutral he-or-she condition. ...
... Different methods have been employed to access the imagery: picture choice, story creation, mental image description and sketching. Overall, the bias is characteristic of men and women, and men tend to show it to a greater degree (Hyde, 1984;Hamilton, 1988;Gastil, 1990;Khosroshahi, 1989). However, this tendency is not omnipresent: in some cases, women exhibit a slight female bias (Khosroshahi, 1989), and in some others there is no difference between the sexes (Wilson, 1979). ...
... Whereas most research to date regarding this issue has been conducted with adults, there is evidence suggesting that children's interpretations of occupations are also influenced by gender cues in language (Hyde, 1984;Liben Bigler, & Krogh, 2002;Schau & Scott, 1984;Scott, 1986;Vervecken et al., 2013). Liben and her colleagues (2002; Study 1) asked English-Speaking children aged 6-11 whether various job titles, which were either linguistically unmarked for gender (e.g., doctor), weakly marked for gender (e.g., postmaster), or strongly marked for gender (e.g., policeman), could be used to describe both male and female persons performing the job. ...
... In a similar vein, Vervecken and his colleagues (2013) recently demonstrated that primary school children associate stereotypically male occupations presented in a pair form, rather than in a generic masculine form, more strongly with female jobholders. In a study by Hyde (1984) children were given a fictitious job description, ''wudgemaker,'' with repeated reference to the jobholder by either the pronouns ''he,'' ''they,'' ''he or she,'' or ''she.'' Children's ratings of how well women could do the job were significantly affected by the pronoun, with children in the generic ''he'' condition considering women to be less capable than children in the remaining pronounconditions. ...
Article
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Many countries face the problem of skill shortage in traditionally male occupations. Individuals'development of vocational interests and employment goals starts as early as in middle childhood and is strongly influenced by perceptions of job accessibility (status and difficulty) and self-efficacy beliefs. In this study, we tested a linguistic intervention to strengthen children's self-efficacy toward stereotypically male occupations. Two classroom experiments with 591 primary school students from two different linguistic backgrounds (Dutch or German) showed that the presentation of occupational titles in pair forms (e.g., Ingenieurinnen und Ingenieure, female and male engineers), rather than in generic masculine forms (Ingenieure, plural for engineers), boosted children's self-efficacy with regard to traditionally male occupations, with the effect fully being mediated by perceptions that the jobs are not as difficult as gender stereotypes suggest. The discussion focuses on linguistic interventions as a means to increase children's self-efficacy toward traditionally male occupations.
... APA recommends the use of 'neutral' words such as the person, or they. However, both they and the person might be associated with gender bias (most often a male bias), which existing literature on genderfair language has shown is a robust phenomenon (e.g., Hyde, 1984;Stahlberg et al., , 2007Lenton et al., 2009;Garnham et al., 2012). According to the literature, a gender bias is described as the situation when care is taken to express gender-fairness in the language and people nevertheless seem to create biased perceptions where they associate the gender-neutral expressions with either a masculine or a feminine gender. ...
... According to the literature, a gender bias is described as the situation when care is taken to express gender-fairness in the language and people nevertheless seem to create biased perceptions where they associate the gender-neutral expressions with either a masculine or a feminine gender. For example in English, the word they could be used as an assumed generic form (Gastil, 1990;Strahan, 2008), but in a study where the generic he was replaced by they, children still more often associated they with a man (Hyde, 1984). Also, supposedly neutral words such as person, mankind, or even human have been associated with a male bias Douglas and Sutton, 2014;Bäck et al., 2015). ...
Article
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The implementation of gender fair language is often associated with negative reactions and hostile attacks on people who propose a change. This was also the case in Sweden in 2012 when a third gender-neutral pronoun hen was proposed as an addition to the already existing Swedish pronouns for she (hon) and he (han). The pronoun hen can be used both generically, when gender is unknown or irrelevant, and as a transgender pronoun for people who categorize themselves outside the gender dichotomy. In this article we review the process from 2012 to 2015. No other language has so far added a third gender-neutral pronoun, existing parallel with two gendered pronouns, that actually have reached the broader population of language users. This makes the situation in Sweden unique. We present data on attitudes toward hen during the past 4 years and analyze how time is associated with the attitudes in the process of introducing hen to the Swedish language. In 2012 the majority of the Swedish population was negative to the word, but already in 2014 there was a significant shift to more positive attitudes. Time was one of the strongest predictors for attitudes also when other relevant factors were controlled for. The actual use of the word also increased, although to a lesser extent than the attitudes shifted. We conclude that new words challenging the binary gender system evoke hostile and negative reactions, but also that attitudes can normalize rather quickly. We see this finding very positive and hope it could motivate language amendments and initiatives for gender-fair language, although the first responses may be negative.
... These results suggest that there may be cultural norms related to gender classification, even for languages that do not consistently mark for gender (see also Braun, 1999). In discussing cultural attitudes as a potential example of discourse relativity, we have assumed that attitudes can be conveyed through language use (see Hyde, 1984, for such an example). ...
... In the introduction, we hypothesized that cultural attitudes toward toys would be a type of discourse relativity, under the assumption that these attitudes would be conveyed through language use (e.g. Hyde, 1984). Lucy (1996) pointed out that positing discourse relativity effects requires an understanding of how discourse might be affecting thought. ...
Article
Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions We tested whether structural relativity (i.e. the grammatical gender of words in Russian) or discourse relativity (e.g. the language spoken, cultural attitudes toward objects) would influence preschool Russian–English bilingual children’s classification of toys as boys or girls. Design/methodology/approach We asked 20 Russian–English bilingual children to classify toys as either boys or girls, once in Russian and once in English. Some of the toys had masculine names in Russian, some feminine and some neuter. Data and analysis We compared the children’s classifications of the toys between languages and within the items differing on gender (i.e. masculine, feminine and neuter) in Russian. Findings/conclusions We found some weak support for structural relativity affecting children’s classifications. We found stronger effects that could be attributed to how language is used within a culture: the children classified the toys as boys more often in Russian than in English, and showed strong correlations between their two languages in how they classified toys as well as strong correlations with English monolingual adults’ classifications of the same items. Originality This study tests the developmental course of language relativity, relying on data from bilingual children. Significance/implications These results are consistent with a developmental account of language relativity in which some aspects of discourse relativity can emerge early, but structural relativity effects do not emerge until the middle childhood years.
... The result showed that generic pronoun 'he' was mostly used in these exercises. When interviewing the students why they used 'he' in the sentence of 'when a kid plays football, _____ likes to play with friends', they said that girls could not play football (Hyde, 1984). Then, the study of sexism was more specific on stereotypes of a social gender role. ...
Conference Paper
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Sexism is one of classic forms of discrimination under investigation all over the world. It is the society's gender hierarchy used to maintain men's power for centuries. As time passed, sexism has changed its face and evolved in several aspects. This paper reviews theories and studies issues pertaining sexism in different forms over centuries since the era of Charles Darwin. It also includes the concepts of gender inequalities and movements on a global scale. This review can be a good starting point for critical discourse analysis (CDA), which analyzes how power of language shapes and frames our thoughts and behaviors. Therefore, this article intends to voice the discrimination and oppression against women that can still be experienced throughout every patriarchal society in the history of the world.
... These fi ndings are troubling because consistent use of gender-exclusive language could create an unwelcome climate that ultimately discourages women from working in certain organizations or academic fi elds. Evidence also suggests that children perceive and internalize gender-exclusive language, which in turn infl uences the development of their gender role schemas (Hyde, 1984 ;Liben, Bigler, & Krogh, 2002 ). Gender-exclusive language may communicate to individuals that these careers are only suited for men, thus discouraging women from pursuing certain career paths (e.g., STEM fi elds) starting at an early age (see Diekman, Clark, Johnston, Brown, & Steinberg, 2011 , for a discussion of how gender roles infl uence STEM interests). ...
Chapter
Humans have a strong need for stable social relationships and much of their daily thoughts, feelings, and behaviors focus on satisfying this need. Various negative social experiences can communicate real (or perceived) threats to social relationships; many of these experiences are subtle, ambiguous, and sometimes unintentional. When threatened, individuals experience both negative psychological and physical outcomes, including feelings of pain and decreased psychological need satisfaction (i.e., belonging, control, meaningful existence, and self-esteem). In this chapter we consider various experiences that communicate relational devaluation under the general label of social exclusion, broadly defined as the experience of being kept apart from others physically or emotionally. We then group these social experiences in two subcategories: rejection (defined as direct negative attention suggesting one is not wanted) and ostracism (primarily characterized by the experience of being ignored). We ultimately propose that even if one is not being directly ignored, any type of social exclusion may increase feelings of being ignored, and suggest these perceptions may account for why many social exclusion experiences have similar negative psychological outcomes. Finally, we use these arguments as a starting point for suggesting future theory and research development among scholars interested in social exclusion.
... The social convention-that generic pronouns like they are construed as male-most likely both fosters and underlies this heuristic. Children between the ages of 3-7 readily understand pronouns as conveying gender information (Brener 1983;Scholes 1981), and Hyde (1984) found that by 1st grade, children also understood the pronoun they as referring primarily to males. ...
Article
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Third and 5th grade Hebrew-speaking children performed two sentence completion tasks, one requiring the assignment of male, female, or gender-ambiguous names and the inflection of verbs for male-stereotyped, female-stereotyped, and gender-neutral activities, and the other task, of inflecting verbs for male- and female-stereotyped activities performed by children with gender-ambiguous names. The question of concern was whether when faced with the need to inflect verbs to match the conceptual gender of the sentence subject, the gender-stereotyped nature of the activities in question and children's own gender would play a role in resolving the dilemma created by gender-ambiguous names and contexts. In both parts of the study, we found that (1) children's own gender played a role in determining the pattern of verb inflection, and (2) children used their semantic knowledge regarding the gender-stereotyped nature of activities to inflect verbs so as to create subject-verb agreement. Hence, subject-verb agreement in children draws on both their grammatical and semantic knowledge.
... We will test our hypotheses with adolescents aged 12-17. Existing research on language effects was primarily done with children, focusing on the emergence of gendered linguistic concepts in the primary school years (e.g., Hyde, 1984;Schau and Scott, 1984;Vervecken et al., 2013;Vervecken and Hannover, 2015), or with adults, focusing on the practical importance of the use of different linguistic forms in everyday life, such as in job advertisements (see Stahlberg et al., 2007 for an overview). In contrast, research with adolescents is almost non-existent (see Chatard et al., 2005 for a noticeable exception). ...
Article
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Recent studies from countries with grammatical gender languages (e.g., French) found both children and adults to more frequently think of female jobholders and to consider women’s success in male dominated occupations more likely when the jobs were described in pair forms (i.e., by explicit reference to male and female jobholders, e.g., inventeuses et inventeurs; French feminine and masculine plural forms for inventors), rather than masculine only forms (e.g., inventors). To gain a better understanding of this phenomenon, we systematically varied the gender connotation of occupations (males overrepresented, females overrepresented, equal share of males and females) and measured additional dependent variables, predicting that gender fair language would reduce the impact of the gender connotation on participants’ perceptions. In a sample of 222 adolescents (aged 12–17) from French speaking Switzerland, we found that pair forms attenuated the difference in the ascription of success to male and female jobholders in gendered occupations and attenuated the differential ascription of warmth to prototypical jobholders in male vs. female dominated jobs. However, no effect of language form on the ascription of competence was found. These findings suggest that language policies are an effective tool to impact gendered perceptions, however, they also hint at competence-related gender stereotypes being in decline.
... One example of such work concerns the role of language in shaping children's conception of gender (see Bigler & Leaper, 2015). Although feminist researchers have identified many sexist language practices that contribute to gender bias (e.g., the use of masculine generics to refer to males and females, Hyde, 1984), more recent accounts suggest that the mere marking of gender via nouns (e.g., man, woman, boy, girl) and pronouns (e.g., he, she, his, her)-even within egalitarian and gender-neutral statements-plays a causal role in gender development (Bem, 1993;Bigler & Leaper, 2015;Bigler & Liben, 2006). ...
Chapter
Gender development has been a core concern of psychological science since its inception. The second wave of the feminist movement spurred new theoretical perspectives on gender development and, across the ensuing decades, these new perspectives led to myriad empirical insights into gender development, including the formation, function, and consequences of children’s gender-related cognitions, affect, and behavior. In this paper, we review five cutting edge areas of feminist-grounded research that are important, both because they provide new theoretical insights into the processes involved in gender development and carry important implications for contemporary policy and practice around the treatment of gender. Specifically, we review developmental science concerning (1) gendered language, (2) gender atypicality, (3) gender discrimination and sexual harassment, (4) sexualization of girls, and (5) single-sex schooling.
... Taken as an example of androcentrism, these male-typed terms also encourage other behaviors that reflect androcentrism. The neutral use of male-typed terms causes people to be even more likely to think of men compared to women as being typically representative of gender-neutral categories (Gastil, 1990;Hyde, 1984;Miller & James, 2009;Ng, 1990;Schneider & Hacker, 1973;Silveira, 1980;Switzer, 1990). Thus, supposedly neutral language that emphasizes men leads to more androcentric thinking. ...
Article
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When asked to pick a typical human, people are more likely to pick a man than a woman, a phenomenon reflecting androcentrism. Social media websites provide a relevant context in which to study androcentrism since many websites aim to provide users with an ostensibly gender-neutral icon if users do not upload one of their own images. In our first study, 50 male and female online participants (Mage = 35.70) rated whether actual avatar icons from highly trafficked social media websites are perceived as gender-neutral. Using bi-polar scales from woman to man participants reported that overall the icons appeared to be more male-typed than gender-neutral. In Study 2, we investigated whether adding more female-typed icons would discourage or promote androcentric thinking. An online sample of 608 male and female participants (Mage = 33.76) viewed either 12 avatar icons that reflected the over-representation of male-typed icons or 12 that included an equal number of male and female-typed icons. Participants were then asked to produce an example of a typical person. Finally, we measured political ideology on two liberal-conservative scales. We found evidence that exposure to an equal number of male-typed and female-typed avatar icons generated reactance among political conservatives, and thus may have constituted an ideological threat. Conservatives who saw an equal number of male-typed and female-typed icons were twice as likely to come up with a man as a typical person compared to conservatives who saw an over-representation of male-typed avatar icons. Consistent with system-justification theory, these findings show how male-centric thinking is also evident in a seemingly gender-neutral online context.
... Leaper (2014) highlighted three interrelated ways that these practices can potentially contribute to gender-biased thinking. First, empirical studies have demonstrated that children and adults who read material using masculine generic pronouns were overwhelmingly more likely to imagine male than female characters (e.g., Hamilton, 1988;Hyde, 1984;Martyna, 1980;Switzer, 1990). Second, applying the masculine linguistic form reinforces a tendency to label humans and other animals whose gender is unknown as male. ...
Article
The language used to describe concepts influences individuals' cognition, affect, and behavior. A striking example comes from research on gendered language, or words that denote individuals' gender (e.g., she, woman, daughter). Gendered language contributes to gender biases by making gender salient, treating gender as a binary category, and causing stereotypic views of gender. In our review, we first summarize some of the major ways that language marks individuals' gender, focusing on the English language but noting patterns in other languages as well. Second, we describe research on the relation between gendered language, on one hand, and gender-related cognition, affect, and behavior (e.g., gender salience, categorization, stereotyping, and prejudice), on the other hand. Third, we review past and contemporary efforts at changing gendered language, including calls for the use of gender-neutral nouns (e.g., "Good evening, folks" instead of "Good evening, ladies and gentlemen") and pronouns (e.g., ze instead of he or she). Finally, we highlight the role of values in shaping views of language policies that may mitigate the pervasiveness and consequences of gendered language.
... Although research has not supported the strong version (Bing, 1992), evidence for the moderate version has been provided. Studies have revealed that pseudogeneric pronouns and job titles (e.g., he, mailman) (a) imply the superiority of the masculine over the feminine (Gastil, 1990;Hyde, 1984), (b) produce masculine images or confusion in the receivers' minds (Bodine, 1975;Hamilton, 1988;Khosroshahi, 1989;Kidd, 1971;Martyna, 1978;McConnell & Fazio, 1996;Merritt & Kok, 1995;Moulton, Robinson, & Elias, 1978;Schneider & Hacker, 1973;Stericker, 1981), and (c) have an effect on the self-concepts of women and men (MacKay, 1980;Nilsen, 1977). Scholars have also suggested that negative effects can result from the use of other pseudogenerics such as man and mankind (Ng, 1990;Schneider & Hacker, 1973;Shimanoff, 1977) as well as terms that deny women their adulthood (e.g., girl) or trivialize women's accomplishments (e.g., Lady Bisons) (Eitzen & Zinn, 1989, 1993Messner, Duncan, & Jensen, 1993). ...
... När associationen görs baserat på ett ord med generiskt maskulinum (med en form som "ska" vara neutral, men som är historiskt manlig) associerar fler personer ordet till en manlig musiker eller författare, jämfört med när frågan ställs med både en kvinnlig och manlig form (t ex författare/författarinna). Dessa studier har gjorts i tyskan, där titlarna som undersökts utgör substantiv vars grammatiska genus antingen är femininum eller maskulinum . Även liknande studier på engelska (där substantiven inte har genus som kopplas till femininum eller maskulinum) har visat att beskrivningar av en neutral person oftare associeras med en han (Hyde, 1984). Ett annat exempel på manlig bias är att även mjukdjur utan könsmarkörer ofta antas vara pojkar och benämns med han (Lambdin, Greer, Jibotian, Wood & Hamilton, 2003). ...
... Similarly, Gastil (1990) found that when a person reads a sentence such as After a patient eats, he needs to rest, they self-report to imagine the patient to be male significantly more often than when singular they or the combination of he and she is used in the sentence. Moulton et al. and Gastil along with other researchers (e.g., Hamilton, 1991;Hyde, 1984;Switzer, 1990;Wilson, 1978) have thus shown that when the English pronouns he, him, and his are used as so-called masculine generics, that is, intended to refer to a person of any gender despite being grammatically masculine, language users often seem to interpret the pronoun as referring to males only. At least, this is visible in offline tasks such as story writing or the reporting of mental imagery. ...
Preprint
A self-paced reading experiment tested if a generically-used masculine personal pronoun leads to a male bias in online processing. We presented Dutch native speakers (N=95, 47 male) with generic statements featuring the masculine pronoun hij ‘he’ (e.g., Someone who always promises that he will really be on time, such as Ms/Mr Knoop, will sometimes be late anyway). We further presented participants with control items expressing the same meaning, but without the pronoun. Reading times were significantly higher when a female individual was given as an example (i.e., Ms Knoop in the example above) following the masculine generic pronoun hij ‘he’, but not in the control condition. This effect did not interact with participant gender. This shows that the generically-intended masculine personal pronoun leads to a male bias in online processing for male as well as female participants. Masculine personal pronouns are still commonly used for generic reference in many languages such as Dutch, but the results of this experiment refute the notion that a pronoun such as hij ‘he’ can be readily processed as gender-neutral.
... This dominance has also been very well documented when examining the English so-called generic he (e.g., see the review in the seminal book by Corbett, 1991, pp. 221-222), its strength gradually increasing from 6-to 8-year olds (first graders) to 18-to 22-year olds (college students) (Hyde, 1984). We have argued that although such dominance reflects our androcentric society, it also contributes to further maintaining and reinforcing these biases by providing us with linguistic cues that heighten specific features of social reality. ...
... Singular they, however, can also be used to transcend the binary gender of he/she and hereby refer to an individual with a non-binary gender identity (McGlashan and Fitzpatrick 2018;Zimmer and Carson 2012). Singular they has in some studies been shown to contain a male bias (Bailey and LaFrance 2017;Switzer 1990) even though the results are inconsistent (Gastil 1990;Hyde 1984). ...
Article
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Different strategies of gender-fair language have been applied to reduce a male bias, which means the implicit belief that a word describing an undefined person describes a man. This male bias might be caused by the words themselves in terms of generic masculine or masculine forms or by androcentrism (the conflation of men with humanity). In two experiments, we tested how different gender-fair strategies used as labels of an unknown social target (an applicant in a recruitment situation) could eliminate the male bias. The three types of gender-fair strategies tested were: (a) paired forms (he/she), (b) traditional neutral words (e.g., singular they, “the applicant”), or (c) gender-neutral third-person pronouns actively created to challenge the binary gender system (ze, Swedish hen). The two experiments were performed in Swedish with 417 undergraduates in Sweden and in English with 411 U.S. participants recruited online. In Swedish, the third-person gender-neutral pronoun singular (hen) was used. In English, several forms of such gender-neutral pronouns have been suggested (e.g., ze). In both experiments, results indicated that paired forms and actively created gender-neutral pronouns eliminated the male bias, whereas traditional neutral words contained a male bias. Thus, gender-fair language strategies should avoid using traditional words. Consequences of using paired forms and creating new gender-neutral words are discussed. We argue that an actively created gender-neutral pronoun is of highest value because it is more inclusive.
... Studies on masculine generics have shown that they are not truly generic, but instead lead people to think of men more than gender-neutral words (e.g., they, their, person) do (Bailey and LaFrance 2017;Crawford 2001;Gastil 1990;Sczesny et al. 2016;Weatherall 2002), with unintended consequences. For instance, compared to gender-neutral pronouns, using a generic he in job descriptions leads women to avoid applying for the job (Bem and Bem 1973) and to express less interest in it (Briere and Lanktree 1983;Stout and Dasgupta 2011), and leads others to rate women as less competent for the job (Hyde 1984). Masculine generics can also influence self-perceptions. ...
Article
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Research has shown that language can be gender-biased; however, little research has investigated the prevalence of this bias in everyday speech. Using recordings sampled from undergraduates’ daily conversations, we investigated two forms of gender bias: paternalism through use of the infantilizing label girl to refer to women and androcentrism through a tendency to use more masculine (e.g., man, guy) than feminine (e.g., girl, woman) labels in everyday speech. U.S. participants (n = 175) wore the Electronically Activated Recorder (EAR), a device that recorded sound samples from their environments for 30 s every 12.5 min, for up to 4 days. Verbatim transcripts were then analyzed for instances of commonly used labels for females and males (e.g., girl, woman, boy, man). Results indicated that the label girl surpassed all other labels for women, as well as boy labels for men. We also found evidence of a masculine-label bias: Participants used masculine labels more frequently than feminine labels overall. These findings indicate the need for future research to investigate the potential consequences of infantilizing and androcentric language as well as the need for teachers, professors, clinicians, and practitioners of all types to be mindful of how their speech may include, exclude, or infantilize people based on gender.
... In the third study, we therefore test how individuals spontaneously use the Swedish pronoun hen-to refer to specific individuals, indicative of a non-binary gender identity, and/or as a generic pronoun. To do this, we created sentences like those used in Study 2, but with missing pronouns, where the participants' task was to fill in the blank spaces (i.e., a cloze test; Hyde, 1984;Martyna, 1980;Hekanaho, 2020). ...
Article
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The Swedish gender-inclusive pronoun hen can be used generically (referring to anyone), or specifically (referring to non-binary gender identities). Three studies tested evaluations and use of hen, and individual level predictors. In Study 1 (N = 2145) specific hen was slightly favoured over generic hen. In Study 2 (N = 297) hen was more negatively evaluated than binary pronouns, and generic hen was more positively evaluated than specific hen. In Study 3 (N = 450) hen was less frequently used compared to binary pronouns overall but preferred in generic contexts. Traditionalism mainly predicted attitudes toward generic hen and beliefs about gender as binary mainly predicted attitudes toward specific hen, although the pattern varied across studies. Because hen was preferred in generic contexts, but not in specific, this work has implications for understanding the non-acceptance of non-binary gender identities since the traditional binary notion of gender still is strong. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved
... These biases are substantiated in two major ways: in content and in frequency. Conceptual associations formulate gender stereotypes (e.g., men depicted as more outgoing and intelligent, and women as domestic and obedient), whereas a high frequency of male-related terms leads to androcentrism-the overrepresentation of men and underrepresentation of women (e.g., men seen as representing humanity, men = people; Bailey & LaFrance, 2017;Bailey, LaFrance, & Dovidio, 2019;Hyde, 1984). Both of these bias types are found in children's books. ...
Article
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Gender bias exists in our language environment. We investigated personal name usage in two large corpora of language written for and by U.K. children aged 5-13. Study 1 found an overrepresentation of male names in children's books, largely attributable to male authors. In stories written by over 100,000 children, Study 2 found an overall male bias that interacted with age. Younger children wrote more about their own gender. With age, girls became more balanced yet boys continued to show a strong male bias. Our findings demonstrate a male-centered bias in both children's books and their own writing. We consider the power of written language to both shape and be shaped by cultural stereotypes via systematic biases in gender associations.
... In light of the male biases found in the literature on both older children and adults (Children: Hyde, 1984;Chatard et al., 2005;Vervecken et al., 2015;Adults: Stahlberg et al., 2007;Garnham et al., 2012;Esaulova et al., 2014), we doubt that at any moment in the development of grammatical gender awareness will language users be able to fully activate (at least spontaneously) the generic interpretation of the masculine form (learnt later on), at least never at the expense of the specific meaning of it. Gygax et al. (2012) even suggested that the specific meaning of the masculine form was activated, at least for adults, in a passive way (i.e., without control), and that the generic meaning had to be consciously and strategically activated. ...
Article
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In French, and other gender marked languages, there are two ways to interpret a grammatical masculine form when used to refer to social roles or occupations [e.g., les magiciens (the magicians masculine )]. It can refer to a group composed of only men (specific use of the masculine form), or one composed of both women and men (generic use). Studies of adults revealed that the rule that masculine forms can be interpreted as inclusive of either gender is not readily applied. To gain a better understanding of the processes shaping this phenomenon, we present a follow-up study (N = 52) to Lévy et al. (2016) to explore how French-speaking kindergarten children (3-5 years of age) resolve the semantic ambiguity of the grammatical masculine form when presented with role or occupation nouns. In a paradigm where participants' gazes were monitored, children were presented with pictures of a pair of two boys and a pair of one girl and one boy and were prompted to Look at the [role nounmasculinepluralform]. First, the results suggest a stereotype effect in that children more strongly directed their gaze toward the boy-boy picture for stereotypical male role nouns, but toward the girl-boy picture for stereotypical female role nouns. Second, in the non-stereotypical/neutral condition we did not find an indication of any own-sex preference (as in Lévy et al., 2016), but of an influence of the role nouns' grammatical gender, in that children more strongly directed their gaze toward boy-boy pictures than toward girl-boy pictures. We suggest that a specific interpretation of masculine forms might already start to emerge between 3 and 5 years of age, while gender stereotypes are still activated.
... The result showed that generic pronoun 'he' was mostly used in these exercises. When interviewing the students why they used 'he' in the sentence of 'when a kid plays football, _____ likes to play with friends', they said that girls could not play football (Hyde, 1984). Then, the study of sexism was more specific on stereotypes of a social gender role. ...
Thesis
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This study mainly investigates the construction of femininity ideologies in 77 girls’ schools in Thailand in comparison with 63 girls’ schools in Canada and United States of America. Ideological beliefs underlying the custom of upbringing of young women in Thai cultural contexts are the subject of investigation. I pay a particular attention on how Thai girl schools communicate on their websites: ‘vision’, ‘mission’, ‘core values’, and ‘about us’ and conduct corpus-based discourse analysis from Thai and North America girl schools websites. Two corpora were constructed, the first including Thai text from Thai girl school websites, and the second including English text from North America girl school websites. In the two corpora, I employed #LancsBox 3.0, a concordance software by Lancaster University, to run frequency tests to list words of female learners and to identify their collocates which are later charted as important traits in femininity construction. Results can reveal gender ideologies as a cultural practice in the chosen societies. Femininity ideologies in the two western contexts evolve around empowering young women whereas Thai femininity is centered around benevolence and obedience.
... Como tal, puede considerarse una forma sutil de sexismo que sin embargo puede ser dañino para las mujeres (Swim et al., 2004). Combatir el lenguaje sexista puede resultar particularmente difícil, puesto que se aprende a una edad muy temprana (Hyde, 1984) y se convierte en un hábito lingüístico (Lips, 1997). Una de las maneras más habituales en las que se expresan las desigualdades de género a través del lenguaje es el uso de un lenguaje sexista; es decir, la referencia explícita y exclusiva a un género gramatical (masculino) de manera genérica (para una revisión sobre el tema, véase Gabriel & Gygax, 2016;Stahlberg et al., 2007). ...
Article
Sexist language can trigger feelings of ostracism and negatively influence women’s motivation and identification. In this research, we test this hypothesis in two domains (academic: Study 1 [N = 107 Spanish high schoolers]; work: Study 2 [N = 164 Spanish university students]. We examine the underlying process that leads women and men to feel ostracized and less motivated when sexist language is used. Results show that the use of sexist language has a negative impact on feelings of ostracism and motivation for both women and men. This can be explained by various motivational processes: intrapersonal (identification with the task or the job), interpersonal (feelings of belonging) and intergroup (perceived discrimination). We find no impact of participants’ gender on these effects, although girls show more negative attitudes than boys towards exclusive language. Moreover, the use of gender-fair language reduces negative emotions in participants reporting low levels of neosexism compared to when sexist language is used (Study 2). Overall, these results suggest that changing language practices might have positive motivational implications for both genders.
... his). Te študije so razkrile, da psevdogenerični zaimki vplivajo na večjo naklonjenost moškim (Gastil, 1990;Hyde, 1984), da raba tovrstnih zaimkov ustvarja sliko o izključno moških posameznikih v določenih kontekstih oz. lahko povzroča tudi nejasnosti med bralci in bralkami (ker nagovarja tudi ženske) (Bodine, 1975;Hamilton, 1988;Kidd 1971), hkrati pa imajo psevdogenerični zaimki tudi subtilne učinke na samopojmovanje žensk in moških ter lahko usmerjajo njihovo vedenje (MacKay, 1980;Nilsen, 1977). ...
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Z vstopom žensk na področje javne sfere in družbenih odnosov so se začela spreminjati tudi ostala področja življenja, kar je sprožilo potrebo po kulturni preobrazbi, predvsem na ravni jezika (Irigaray 1998, 119), ki bi ustrezno predstavljal in nagovarjal oba spola. Eno pomembnejših vprašanj, ki so si ga v povezavi s tem v času drugega feminističnega vala postavljale številne feministične jezikoslovke in jezikoslovci, je, kako lahko izkoreninjenje jezikovnega seksizma vpliva na položaj žensk in moških v družbi. Številni nasprotniki in nasprotnice jezikovnih sprememb in uvajanja neseksističnih alternativ se s predpostavkami neposredne povezave med družbo in jezikom niso strinjali, za kar so navajali številne argumente. Namen prispevka je osvetliti klasične argumente, ki so se v tuji (angleški) literaturi proti uvajanju jezikovnih sprememb pojavljali v 70. letih prejšnjega stoletja in poiskati vzporednice z aktualnimi argumenti slovenskih jezikoslovk in jezikoslovcev ter drugih strokovnjakov in strokovnjakinj. Argumente nizava upoštevajoč posebnosti angleščine in slovenščine, tj. dveh jezikov, ki različno izražata in razumeta (slovnični) spol. V tem smislu je zanimivo ugotoviti, koliko so si agrumenti proti uvedbi jezikovnih sprememb podobni (tj. so splošni in veljajo za vse jezike) in v katerih kategorijah se razlikujejo (tj. so jezikovno specifični). Glede na to, da gre tudi za dve različni časovni obdobji, nam bo informacija o podobnosti argumentov sporočala tudi podatek o zmožnosti preživetja določenih mnenj skozi čas. Cilj prispevka, pa tudi dolgoročni interes je bolje razumeti razmišljanje nasprotnikov in nasprotnic jezikovnih sprememb na podlagi poznavanja njihovih argumentov, kar vidiva kot enega od pristopov k (morebitnemu) skupnemu sodelovanju v zvezi s tovrstnimi vprašanji v prihodnje.
... Some have argued that when male terms, like man or he, are used generically, people perceive them as being inclusive (Strunk & White, 1979), and indeed several languages have codified the usage of masculine generics (Bodine, 1975;Hellinger & Bußmann, 2003). Yet abundant research finds that people often interpret masculine generics as specifically referencing a male person (Bojarska, 2011;Briere & Lanktree, 1983;Gastil, 1990;Hyde, 1984;Lee, 2007;Moulton, Robinson, & Elias, 1978;Ng, 1990;Silveira, 1980;Switzer, 1990;Wilson & Ng, 1988; for an exception in Chinese, see Su et al., 2016). For example, in a sentence such as "A tour guide usually receives most of his business in the summer," a majority of participants indicated that his could not refer to a woman (Miller & James, 2009). ...
Article
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Androcentrism refers to the propensity to center society around men and men’s needs, priorities, and values and to relegate women to the periphery. Androcentrism also positions men as the gender-neutral standard while marking women as gender-specific. Examples of androcentrism include the use of male terms (e.g., he), images, and research participants to represent everyone. Androcentrism has been shown to have serious consequences. For example, women’s health has been adversely affected by over-generalized medical research based solely on male participants. Nonetheless, relatively little is known about androcentrism’s proximate psychological causes. In the present review, we propose a social cognitive perspective arguing that both social power and categorization processes are integral to understanding androcentrism. We present and evaluate three possible pathways to androcentrism deriving from (a) men being more frequently instantiated than women, (b) masculinity being more “ideal” than femininity, and/or (c) masculinity being more common than femininity.
Chapter
Language is at the core of human interaction, and it is at the core of our beings, our sense of self. An attack on our language is in a very real sense an attack on ourselves; as we know, wars large and small have been fought over language. Small wonder then that people are upset about the issue of sex bias in language. We are upset as speakers of the language because we identify with it: an attack on our language as unfair says that we are ourselves unfair. And we are upset as referents of the language (particularly women and girls) because in referring to us the language often seems to be attacking us. Why do I say the language, and not its speakers, are attacking us? Because well-meaning, nonsexist speakers may, simply by conventional usage, unwittingly use the language as conscious misogynists do: to trivialize, ignore, and demean females. Thus the problem is located in the common language, not solely or necessarily in the intents of its speakers.
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Many governance challenges, like the Financial Crisis, involve scientific uncertainty. Sometimes both academics, as well as decision-makers, differ in their understanding of such complex political phenomena. This chapter investigates the different perceptions of the International Financial Crisis 2007-9 among British and German politicians. British parliamentarians tended to make regulatory failure responsible for the crisis, whereas German parliamentarians often identified market failure as the main cause of the global financial crisis. I argue that these different perceptions of the crisis were the result of different levels of receptiveness towards neoliberal and Keynesian explanations of the crisis. The receptiveness of German and British parliamentarians again was influenced by their country’s regulatory culture, as well as by the respective strength of the financial sector. A Quantitative Content Analysis of German and British parliamentary debates as well by a series of interviews with parliamentarians in both countries is used to support this claim.
Article
In five studies, we examined the influence of different grammatical forms on mental representations. The instructions given to participants in each of the studies contained either a masculine generic (e.g., "les avocats") or a gender-neutral generic (e.g., "les avocats/avocates"). Participants were asked to list the names of individuals who they thought would be good prime ministers (Study 1), identify their heroes in history and at present, as well as their favorite singers and actors (Study 2), or describe the prototypical member of an occupational group (Study 3). Elementary school children were asked to draw a person engaged in the activity associated with a given occupation (Study 4). The participants of a last study were asked to "recall" the proportion of female attendants of a conference two hours after having read a description of the conference that contained no information about the gender composition of the attendants (Study 5). The results of all five studies show that the masculine generic activates fewer female representations than a gender-neutral generic. Therefore, the (French) masculine generic is far from being as neutral as some people claim. These results are discussed with reference to the influence of language on mental representations.
Article
This study investigated pronoun choices made by third-grade, eighth-grade, and college students on a written production task for 10 agent words which could be of either male or female gender. Masculine pronouns were the predominant choice by all age groups for five words, and feminine pronouns for one word. Four words showed variation across age groups. Both prescriptive grammar rules and knowledge of the world were considered as possible explanations for these results.
Article
In this research, I use theories of framing and social construction to investigate how race and gender are featured in national news coverage of the school-to-prison pipeline, and how policies and practices funnel students from school to the criminal justice system. Results indicate that there are three primary narratives surrounding the school-to-prison pipeline. The first is a narrative that harsh disciplinary practices in schools are irrational and negatively impact all students. The second narrative crafts the school-to-prison pipeline as a social problem for all Black students irrespective of gender. The final narrative emphasizes the impact of exclusionary discipline on Black boys. Each of these narratives functions to erase the experiences of Black girls. Ultimately, I argue that we need to take a more intersectional approach to school discipline policies and take into account how Black women and girls are situated within popular and policy discussions.
Book
Inclusive language remains a hot topic. Despite decades of empirical evidence and revisions of formal language use, many inclusive adaptations of English and German continue to be ignored or contested. But how to convince speakers of the importance of inclusive language? Rewriting Language provides one possible answer: by engaging readers with the issue, literary texts can help to raise awareness and thereby promote wider linguistic change. Christiane Luck analyses five iconic texts from a literary, linguistic and sociological perspective. She shows how Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Left Hand of Darkness and Verena Stefan’s Häutungen highlight the issues inherent in the linguistic status quo; Marge Piercy’s Woman on the Edge of Time and June Arnold’s The Cook and the Carpenter explore the possibilities and challenges of linguistic neutrality; and Gerd Brantenberg’s Egalias døtre reverses linguistic norms to illustrate the link between language and imagination. A focus group study provides empirical evidence for the effectiveness of the literary approaches and shows how literary texts can sensitise readers to the impact of biased language. Particularly in the context of education, Luck concludes, literary texts can be a valuable tool to promote inclusive language use.
Article
Full-text available
The study aims at uncovering the many aspects of language sexism in the "English for Iraq" textbook series. Women, in this textbook series, are less visible than men as characters, and are portrayed in stereotypical roles with occupations.
Chapter
Sustainable development will not be possible without a thorough analysis and revision of the gendered dimensions of international development. Gender bias is a universal phenomenon, but it is worse in poorer countries, where development efforts have often led to “underdevelopment”, e.g. increased poverty of the rural poor. In their desperation to survive, women bear more children and deplete more resources in their roles as food, water, and fuel providers. Hence environmental devastation has increased. The skills, values, and needs of women have been ignored because many development planners have too often used a Household Model that assumes male wage earners and female dependents. Men have left their family units for jobs outside their villages, and women’s needs, talents, and concerns about their local environments have been overlooked. The Household Model is in turn a logical outcome of psychological processes underlying sexism. Sexist language, media, attribution, science, and views of nature all contribute to an unconscious patriarchy that leads decision makers to visualize males as more important than females. Given our universal proclivities toward sexism, sustainable development agents must make clear and consistent efforts tofocus more resources on women if sustainable development is to be achieved. Fortunately, there are numerous examples of women-focused development projects that demonstrate successful ways to do so.
Poster
Full-text available
We examine if the Swedish gender-neutral third-person pronoun ‘hen’, existing parallel with the pronouns representing ‘she’ and ‘he’, reduces gender bias in language. Our results show that ‘hen’ is perceived as gender-neutral compared to other “neutral” paraphrases, which are associated with masculinity or, if the context is feminine, with femininity.
Article
This work explores the order of linguistic references to the two genders (e.g., men and women vs. women and men). It argues that a gender is more likely to be mentioned first when it is perceived to have higher relevance in a context rather than lower relevance, and audiences assign stronger relevance to a party when the party is mentioned first rather than second. Studies 1–3 document the current prevalence of male-first conjoined phrases in the public (but not family) domain and link the pattern to historical changes in women’s public presence over the 20th century. Study 4 shows that contextual relevance cues affect the odds of first mention, such that people are more likely to refer to a woman before a man, when the two are in a primary school classroom rather than a corporate office. At the same time, Studies 4 and 5 find that people often choose to reproduce collectively preferred word order patterns (e.g., men and women). Studies 6 and 7 show that these choices matter because people assign more relevance to a party when it comes first rather than second in a conjoined phrase. Overall, this work offers theoretical grounding and empirical evidence for word order as a means of expressing and perpetuating gender stereotypes.
Book
In this innovative book, four prominent philosophers of education introduce readers to the central debates about the role of gender in educational practice, policymaking, and theory. More a record of a continuing conversation than a statement of a fixed point of view, The Gender Question in Education enables students and practicing teachers to think through to their own conclusions and to add their own voices to the conversation. Throughout, the authors emphasize the value of a gender-sensitive perspective on educational issues and the relevance of an ethics of care for educational practice. Among the topics discussed are feminist pedagogy, gender freedom in public education, androgyny, sex education, multiculturalism, the inclusive curriculum, and the educational significance of an ethics of care. The multiauthor, dialogic structure of this book provides unusual breadth and cohesiveness as well as a forum for the exchange of ideas, making it both an ideal introduction to gender analysis in education and a model for more advanced students of gender issues.
Article
This article presents a Minimalist syntactic analysis of sociopragmatically conditioned gender features on pronouns. To account for inter- and intra-speaker variation, I locate the parameter for social gender in the presence or absence of an unvalued gender feature on the phase head D. Supporting this analysis, I show that variation in English speakers’ acceptability and use of definite, specific singular they, as in (i), is sensitive to reference; this sensitivity is robustly explained by the location of gender features on D. (i) Taylor i is writing their i own autobiography. For speakers who report (i) as ungrammatical, a crash results from the uGender feature on D remaining unvalued. For innovative speakers, uGender is not present on D and no crash results from a lack of gender features. This analysis explains why a pragmatic feature like social gender can cause true syntactic ungrammaticality, since the narrow syntax encodes certain pragmatic features as obligatory.
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