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Studies of Emotional Reactions. II. General Behavior and Facial Expression.

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Abstract

A stock argument against the James-Lange doctrine of the emotions has been that neither James nor anyone else can successfully isolate that muscle, or that gland, or that set of muscles, or that set of glands, or that set of muscles and glands the activation of which invariably gives a given specific emotion; nor can the specific nature of a given muscular action, such as strain of contraction, or relaxation, be invariably pointed to as the having of a given specific emotion. But this argument has been a somewhat theoretical one, or at best one which had not been arrived at by vigorous experimentation in the hands of unprejudiced or favorable investigators. With a technique which consisted of marking a person's face with certain delineating lines and having that person in a situation where he experienced emotion according to his own statement and then of taking a single exposure picture at a juncture seeming appropriate to the experimenter, Landis arrived at the following significant conclusions: (1) there is no typical facial expression, or verbal report, accompanying any emotion aroused in the experiment; (2) nor was an imaged emotion characterized by a typical expression or pattern of muscular behavior; (3) smiling was the most common reaction, in even experiences of unpleasantness; (4) asymmetrical bodily reactions almost never occurred as emotional expressions; and (5) men were more expressive than women. He suggests that the basis of a distinction between emotions lies in the situation and in the degree of general bodily disturbance rather than in any specific differences in the bodily or subjective reactions. Seventy-eight references to the literature are given. From Psych Bulletin 23:08:00318. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

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... En effet, les fonctions des sourires ne se limitent pas à l'expression du bonheur. Les gens sourient lorsqu'ils se sentent embarrassés (Kraut & Johnston, 1979), tristes (Klineberg, 1940), dégoûtés (Landis, 1924) ou supérieurs (Abel, 2002;LaFrance, 2009LaFrance, , 2011. Ces nombreux types des sourires engagent différents muscles faciaux, différentes parties du visage, et peuvent varier dans leurs dynamiques temporelles. ...
... People smile to express joy, to encourage, and to signal affiliation or sympathy. Smiles also appear in negative situations such as sexual harassment (Woodzicka & LaFrance, 2001), being in pain (Kunz, Prkachin, & Lautenbacher, 2013) or seeing a decapitated rat (Landis, 1924). Indeed, Ekman (2001) identified 18 types of smiles and suggested that their total number might reach 50. ...
Article
Facial expressions are the core of our social life, but the exact mechanisms underlying their perception and interpretation are yet to be explained. The goal of this dissertation was to use the human smile as a case study in order to shed more light on the processing of facial expression. We first examined the role of eye contact and facial mimicry in the judgments of smiles. The findings revealed that smiles accompanied by eye contact have more emotional impact and elicit more corresponding smiling than smiles accompanied with averted gaze (Chapter 2). Moreover, studies involving children and adult participants (Chapter 3) show that facial mimicry is involved not only in perceptions of smile authenticity but also in the development of general emotional competence. Still, in order to define facial mimicry and explore its effects we need to specify what exactly is mimicked. A second series of studies (Chapter 4) provided initial support for the social-functional typology of reward, affiliative and dominance smiles and showed that the endorsement of these smiles – as well as general expressivity norms – can be predicted by a country’s demographic history, namely the homogeneity of its population over the centuries. The ongoing experiments investigate the morphology and the time course of the three functional smiles. Combined, our findings highlight the role of embodied simulation and bodily experience in the processing of smiles in particular and facial expression in general.
... Typically a group of judges or experts (such as psychologists) was used to assess and label the expression of an emotion. An emotion could be depicted in a variety of ways, such as by a real person (e.g., Sherman, 1927), through a photograph (e.g., F. W. Allport, 1924, Landis, 1924, a drawing or diagram of a person (e.g., Boring & Titchener, 1923) or via a voice recording (e.g., Knower, 1941). ...
... Findings by Landis (1924) also raised doubts about the homogeneity of emotional expression. Photographs taken while a number of subjects performed various tasks designed to evoke different expressions were examined. ...
Thesis
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This thesis exammes the impression formation process, with particular reference to the distinction between individuated and stereotypic impression formation. The emphasis is on issues such as: What factors influence our impressions? When are impressions based on a person's individual qualities? When do we form stereotypic impressions of others? What processes underpin the formation of more individuated or stereotypic impressions? Two theoretical perspectives, social cognition and self-categorization theory, offer divergent explanations of the impression formation process and are the theoretical and empirical focus of the thesis. The argument developed in recent impression formation models based on the social coguition approach is that there are two impression formation processes. Categorization is defined as the process used to form stereotypic impressions, and a categorization-free process is thought to underlie individuated impression formation. Whether one process or the other operates is determined by motivational factors which impact on the level of attention allocated to impression formation, such that increased attention is inversely related to stereotyping. Alternatively, self-categorization theory argues that the types of impressions we form of others are the product of the relational, comparative and contextdependent aspects of social perception. The same categorization process, but operating at different levels of abstraction - interpersonal or intergroup - is argued to underlie variations in impression formation. Historical and contemporary developments related to both perspectives are outlined. There are four theoretical chapters which address: 1) the early person perception and stereotyping literature (Chapter 2); 2) key models of impression formation (Chapter 3); 3) the social cognition analysis of the categorization process (Chapter 4); and 4) social identity theory and self-categorization theory (Chapter 5). Based on the theoretical analysis two main points of distinction between selfcategorization theory and the social cognition approach emerge: 1) whether attentional capacity or the salient level of categorization can best account for variations in impression formation; and 2) whether both stereotypic and individuated impressions are formed through the same categorization process. These issues frame the empirical work of the thesis. Four experiments are reported. Experiments 1 and 2 (chapters 6 and 7), directly examined whether variability in impression formation is due to different levels of attentional capacity or the defining social comparative context - interpersonal or intergroup. In these studies interdependence (Experiment 1) and accuracy goals (Experiment 2) together with the salient comparative context were manipulated. Overall, there was no systematic evidence that subjects formed more individuated impressions under conditions thought to motivate the allocation of attentional resources (in interdependent and accuracy goal conditions). However, results suggest that more individuated impressions were formed in interpersonal contexts and that stereotyping increased under conditions where ingroup-outgroup categorizations were salient. The role of categorization m impression formation is then examined in experiments 3 and 4 (chapters 8 and 9). Is it the case, as self-categorization theory would predict, that all impressions are formed using the same categorization process? It is argued in these chapters that if it can be shown that self-other similarities and differences are accentuated when both individuated and stereotypic impressions are formed, then this would provide evidence of categorization. In these two experiments, the findings suggest that self-other context-dependent accentuation is the basis of impression formation in interpersonal and intergroup contexts. The results of Experiment 4, in particular, indicate that individuated impressions are as much based on relative self-other interpersonal judgements as stereotypic impressions are based on relative intergroup comparisons. The results of these studies enable us to draw some conclusions about the relative accuracy of individuated and stereotypic impressions and the role of the categorization process in impression formation. In the final chapter future directions for research are outlined.
... The pioneer in the study of nonverbal behavior is Darwin, who said that there are universal expressions. These allegations were later challenged by Landis (1924) and Klineberg (1938), which contradicted Darwin's theory, believing that emotional facial expressions are influenced only by culture. The universality position issued by Darwin is revived in the 1960s by some theories (Tomkins, 1962(Tomkins, , 1963 and crosscultural empirical evidence (Ekman & Friesen, 1971). ...
Article
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This paper presents the main theories and studies that addressed psycho physiological parameters, facial expressions and emotional adjustment process of the human operator. This article is a synthesis of the theoretical basis of my PhD thesis “Psychophysiology of emotions and facial expressions in emotional regulation analysis of the human operator.” In this paper the feelings of employees forced to work under pressure or in situations when the stakes are high are presented and explained.With the help of emotional self-regulation process the human operator can overcome critical situations with energy and without unnecessary tension.
... For example, in the study of Hareli and Hess (2010) described above, smiles increased judgments of self-confidence. However, other studies reveal that smiles are also displayed by people in uncomfortable situations (e.g., Ekman et al.1988;Landis 1924;Woodzicka and LaFrance 2001). Smiling in these contexts may signal appeasement or mask negative feelings. ...
Chapter
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This chapter focuses on emotion-relevant information that is consistently and reliably extracted from so-called “neutral” faces. We argue that individuals draw strong inferences about others’ personalities, inner thoughts, and beliefs from facial appearance alone, and do so in what appears to be an effortless, nonreflective manner. Our central thesis rests on two primary assumptions: First, individuals are predisposed to process expressive signals in the face as meaningful forecasts of others’ intentions toward us. Second, individuals are so predisposed to extract expressive meaning from a face that we do so even from so-called “neutral” faces, despite the absence of an expression. As evidence of this proclivity, we present three different ways emotional meaning can be derived from otherwise non-expressive facial displays: facial appearance cues, actual emotional tone, and contextual factors. For these three reasons, we argue that rarely do we perceive non-expressive faces to be emotional blank slates. Instead, we readily derive emotional meaning from them, which then guides our impressions of and responses to others. We couch this review in a theoretical discussion of the question: what is a neutral face?
... In the beginning of the twentieth century, movement in the form of facial expression once again received widespread attention. Extremely popular at this time were experiments performed to detect and distinguish facial expressions (Langfeld 1918;Buzby 1924;Landis 1924;Jarden and Fernberger 1926;Dasheill 1927;Fernberger 1927;Guilford 1929;Frois-Wittmann 1930 (Allport 1924) and gestures (Wundt 1911(Wundt /1973 as applicable to nonverbal communication. ...
... In early research, some experimenters created unexpected experiences for participants as a controlled method of producing speciWc emotional states. So, for example, having to cut the head oV a dead rat was assumed to produce disgust and being told (falsely) that one's loved one had died was assumed to produce grief (Dunlap 1927;Landis 1924). The common technique of asking targets to deliberately pose the expression of certain emotions (Noller 1980(Noller , 2001Nowicki & Duke 1994;Rosenthal et al. 1979) and then using the posed intention as the criterion, can also be included in this category. ...
Chapter
This chapter focuses on the assessment of individual differences, emphasizing the major paradigms and instruments for assessing the accuracy of nonverbal cue processing, and discussing characteristics of the stimuli and judgment methodologies. Interpersonal sensitivity is the accuracy in judging the meanings of cues given off by expressors, as well as accuracy in noticing or recalling cues. In this research, perceivers make judgments about cues or about people whose cues they see and/or hear, and such judgments are then scored for accuracy. Conceptually, the chapter discusses the definition of interpersonal sensitivity and the determination of scoring criteria. Practically, the chapter describes specific instruments, including their psychometric characteristics, validity, and utility. Measurement approaches are described in terms of characteristics of the stimuli and judgment methodologies.
... Implicit facial expression perception, occurring relatively quickly, can be made with limited information input and without consciousness. Conversely, explicit facial expression recognition requires comparison between the currently obtained features and related prior knowledge (Landis, 1924;Adolphs, 2002). Various evidence has been provided to support the notion that implicit and explicit processes are distinct and independent. ...
Article
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Most previous studies on facial expression recognition have focused on the moderate emotions; to date, few studies have been conducted to investigate the explicit and implicit processes of peak emotions. In the current study, we used transiently peak intense expression images of athletes at the winning or losing point in competition as materials, and investigated the diagnosability of peak facial expressions at both implicit and explicit levels. In Experiment 1, participants were instructed to evaluate isolated faces, isolated bodies, and the face-body compounds, and eye-tracking movement was recorded. The results revealed that the isolated body and face-body congruent images were better recognized than isolated face and face-body incongruent images, indicating that the emotional information conveyed by facial cues was ambiguous, and the body cues influenced facial emotion recognition. Furthermore, eye movement records showed that the participants displayed distinct gaze patterns for the congruent and incongruent compounds. In Experiment 2A, the subliminal affective priming task was used, with faces as primes and bodies as targets, to investigate the unconscious emotion perception of peak facial expressions. The results showed that winning face prime facilitated reaction to winning body target, whereas losing face prime inhibited reaction to winning body target, suggesting that peak facial expressions could be perceived at the implicit level. In general, the results indicate that peak facial expressions cannot be consciously recognized but can be perceived at the unconscious level. In Experiment 2B, revised subliminal affective priming task and a strict awareness test were used to examine the validity of unconscious perception of peak facial expressions found in Experiment 2A. Results of Experiment 2B showed that reaction time to both winning body targets and losing body targets was influenced by the invisibly peak facial expression primes, which indicated the unconscious perception of peak facial expressions.
... The history of ethics in human subjects' research in the past century teaches that experimental psychology has grown into a tightrope act, balancing precariously between methods which are highly effective and those which are ethical. The methods implemented in Watson's experiments with Little Albert (Watson and Rayner 1920) and Landis' (1924) experiments with inducing emotions were undeniably brilliant and effective but ethically highly questionable at the same time. The increased ethical stricture in emotion research today is undoubtedly commendable, but it also likely forced researchers to drop the most effective and straightforward methods of inducing emotions from their methodological toolboxes. ...
Chapter
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Emotional prosody research is a loosely organized field of research with a body of evidence consisting of major contributions from psychological, neuropsychological, and clinical studies. Research on emotional prosody has long been slowed down by a combination of technical, procedural, and ethical issues connected to the development of stimuli, which remains a major issue in the field to this day. Considered as a whole, the field is also a bed of contradictions as it is theoretically devoted to universal basic emotions framework (Ekman 1992), but methodologically it is overwhelmingly English-centric. The grand majority of research is conducted in English, about English emotional prosody with monolingual English speakers. The few studies which venture outside the English-speaking world still investigate monolingual native populations. In other words, the field is committed theoretically to substantiating the universal basic emotions theory, but is methodologically unfit to do so. This chapter is a detailed meta-analysis and critique of the existing empirical literature on the emotional prosody processing with a focus on the potential practical solutions to the weaknesses of the existing methodologies.
... In what is now known as the Little Albert experiments Watson demonstrated that fear can be evoked in response to completely harmless and unthreatening stimuli through basic Pavlovian conditioning, and that conditioning is subject to generalization. Landis (1924) provided initial empirical evidence toward the existence of dedicated and specialized facial expressions for discrete emotions through a series of inventive but disturbing tasks, one of which included the participants cutting off the heads of live rats. Both Watson's and Landis' experiments were landmarks in terms of research methodology and garnered some infamy regarding the ethics in their research conduct. ...
Chapter
The discipline of psychology is the natural home of the systematic research of emotions in all their aspects. For almost half a century the mainstream of emotion research has been dominated by the radical universalist framework that there exist at least six panhuman emotion concepts: happiness, sadness, anger, fear, disgust, and surprise (Ekman et al. 1969). This framework is so entrenched that it has earned the title of the standard view in psychology (Russell 1994). However, both the theory and practice of emotion research has been anything but monolithic in their ideas about and approaches to investigating emotions. This chapter is a historical review of all major theories of emotions starting from Charles Darwin’s observations which predated the emergence of psychology as a scientific discipline, to the contemporary revisionist theories represented by James A. Russell and Lisa Feldman Barrett. The continuous shift between reconciliation and opposition of the universalist and culture–specific views of emotions is shown to be the main driving force in the progress of thought on the nature of emotions.
... But real smiles are another story, and not always a happy one. Similar to a little black dress or a classic suit, smiles are a perfect fit for many social occasions, ranging from reuniting with a best friend to seeing a decapitated rat (Landis, 1924). Although people smile when they feel positive emotions (Ekman, 1973), they also do when they are miserable (Ekman, 2009), uncomfortable (Woodzicka & LaFrance, 2001), and embarrassed (Keltner, 1995). ...
Article
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A smile is the most frequent facial expression, but not all smiles are equal. A social-functional account holds that smiles of reward, affiliation, and dominance serve basic social functions, including rewarding behavior, bonding socially, and negotiating hierarchy. Here, we characterize the facial-expression patterns associated with these three types of smiles. Specifically, we modeled the facial expressions using a data-driven approach and showed that reward smiles are symmetrical and accompanied by eyebrow raising, affiliative smiles involve lip pressing, and dominance smiles are asymmetrical and contain nose wrinkling and upper-lip raising. A Bayesian-classifier analysis and a detection task revealed that the three smile types are highly distinct. Finally, social judgments made by a separate participant group showed that the different smile types convey different social messages. Our results provide the first detailed description of the physical form and social messages conveyed by these three types of functional smiles and document the versatility of these facial expressions.
... Moreover, this project will work closely with the field of information technology, drawing knowledge pertaining to a new paradigm of facial recognition, and working to reduce the time needed to process the data that has been collected. This theme of facial recognition of emotions was introduced during the time of Charles Darwin in The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (1896), and further developed in the early 1990s (Crile, 1915(Crile, , 1916Landis, 1924;Frois-Wittman, 1930;Fulcher, 1942). In these early studies, attempts were made to classify the facial muscles; however, a comprehensive systematic method was not developed until the 1970s and 1980s through the works of Ermiane and Gegerian (1978) as well as Friesen (1976, 1978). ...
Article
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Through the paradigm of sensory evaluation, knowledge related to the individual-food relationship has been obtained and developed through the use of tasting rooms and laboratory settings. However, the neutralising effects of social factors have inspired further research into the context of eating behaviours moving past the traditional methods implemented in the social sciences. Experimental observation platforms have emerged as a way to study social interactions and interactional context effects related to eating habits. Experimental platforms allow for the substantial enrichment of observational strategies through the use of technical devices for automatic capture and processing thanks to recent technological advances in the computer sciences. Several food-related experimental platforms were constructed, which are further analysed in this article. An overview of the second-generation platforms, consisting of two quasi-similar observational platforms in both France and Malaysia are discussed. The objectives and potential contributions are highlighted, featuring interdisciplinary cooperation and innovations from the realms of social science, nutrition, and information technology. The theoretical underpinnings that provide the basis of the experimental platform project framework are also discussed, highlighting avenues for future research.
... U istraživanjima u kojima je facijalna ekspresija izučavana bez uključivanja tjelesnih pokreta, utvrđeno je da su procjenjivači samo u izvjesnoj mjeri sposobni da tačno identificiraju emocije (Milovanović, Švegar, i Kardum, 2013), kao i da postoje izražene individualne razlike u njihovom prezentiranju i procenjivanju emocija (Hall, 1984, cit. u Mitrović i Trogrlić, 2014Krech i Crutchfield, 1976;Landis, 1924). Stoga je važno istaći da dinamika pokreta sadrži dodatne informacije o jačini doživljene emocije, kao i o tome da li je ona iskrena. ...
Article
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Inspiracija za rad i problem(i) koji se radom oslovljava(ju): Polazeći od toga da je za detekciju laganja pitanje emocija od izuzetne važnosti, u radu je prezentirano istraživanje koje se odnosi na utvrđivanje razlika u tačnosti prepoznavanja emocionalnih izraza osoba, s obzirom na to da je za djelatnost policije od posebnog značaja brza itačna detekcija emocionalnih reakcija koje mogu ukazati na decepciju. tačna detekcija emocionalnih reakcija koje mogu ukazati na decepciju. Ciljevi rada (naučni i/ili društveni): Polazeći od pretpostavke da su percepcija, apercepcija i određivanje značenja posebno egzogenih sitimulusa, veoma značajni za sporazumijevanje u socijalnoj interakciji, pa na taj način i za djelatnost odnosno postupanje policije, kao i da u pogledu navedenih postoje izražene individualne razlike, u radu je prezentirano istraživanje čiji se cilj odnosio na dobijanje odgovora na pitanja: Koliko su ispitanici uspješni u prepoznavanju emocionalnih izraza lica generalno, s obzirom na spol, s obzirom na prepoznavanje pozitivnih i negativnih emocija, kao i s obzirom na prepoznavanje pojedinačnih emocija? Metodologija/Dizajn: U istraživanju je učestvovalo 97 ispitanika (46 muškaracai 51 žena), studenata Kriminalističko policijske akademije u Beogradu i Medicinskogfakulteta u Novom Sadu, prosječne starosti 22 godine. Emocionalni izrazi lica koji su korišteni u istraživanju, preuzeti su iz KDEF (Karolinska Directed Emotional Faces) baze. Ukupno je korišteno 36 fotografija emocionalnih izraza lica, od čega su 18 bile fotografije žena i 18 fotografije muškaraca. Zadatak ispitanika je bio da nakon sukcesivnog prikazivanja fotografija na ekranu računara, što brže i tačnije odgovore na pitanje o kojoj se emociji radi, kao i da li je u pitanju pozitivna ili negativna emocija. Ograničenja istraživanja/rada: Limitiranost istraživanja ogleda se u činjenici da je ono sprovedeno u eksperimentalnim uslovima, gde su ispitanici samo temeljem fotografija, odnosno slika na ekranu računara procjenjivali emocionalne izraze. Stoga se pretpostavlja da bi rezultati možda bili objektivniji, da je istraživanje sprovedeno u realnim životnim okolnostima, kao i da je bio uključen veći broj facijalnih izraza. Također, može se postaviti i pitanje motiviranosti ispitanika da ulože više ličnog napora kako bi odgovorili zahtjevima istraživanja. Rezultati/Nalazi: Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da je prosječna vrijednost ukupne tačnosti prepoznavanja emocionalnih izraza iznosila 84% (SD=5.93), kao i da postoje spolne razlike u prepoznavanju emocionalnih izraza u korist žena (85%) u odnosu na muškarce (82%), kojima je u prosjeku za razliku od muškaraca (SD=59.2) bilo potrebno manje vremena za realizaciju ovog zadatka (SD=51.9). Rezultati istraživanja također pokazuju da su postignuti značajno viši skorovi u tačnosti prepoznavanja negativnih izraza lica u poređenju sa pozitivnim izrazima lica (p<.001). U pogledu uspješnosti prepoznavanja pojedinačnih emocija, rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da je potpuna uspješnost (100%) postignuta u prepoznavanju emocionalnih izraza sreće i bijesa, zatim u prepoznavanju gađenja (84%) i straha (59%), dok je najmanja uspješnost postignuta u prepoznavanju iznenađenja (43%). Generalni zaključak: U ponašanju osoba koje govore istinu ili lažu javljaju se određene promjene emocionalne ili kognitivne prirode. Kod osoba koje lažu ove se promjene dešavaju iz razloga što osoba prvo razmišlja o laganju, a zatim pokušava da laže, uslijed čega se javljaju određene emocije. Osoba koja govori istinu može pokazati emocije koje odražavaju kontekstualne faktore kao što je npr. briga o posljedicama izricanja istine, strah od nevjerovanja itd. Pravilan pristup implicira da detekcija emocionalnih reakcija treba poslužiti kao pomoć policijskim istražiteljima prilikom otkrivanja laganja i procjene verbalnog, vokalnog i neverbalnog ponašanja osobe, te da se emocije per se ne mogu uzeti kao isključivi indikatori laganja. Opravdanost istraživanja/rada: Komunikacija u socijalnoj interakciji se osim na verbalnom (vokalnom), odvija i na neverbalnom nivou (telesna i facijalna ekspresija), zbog čega je svako istraživanje vezano za ovu oblast izuzetno značajno. Jedan od ciljeva ovog istraživanja je takođe i izučavanje vlastite prakse, posebno zbog činjenice da u domaćoj literaturi nema mnogo empirijskih istraživanja ovog tipa.
... Las emociones del ser humano, como centro de interés de la comunidad cien fica, ya fueron expuestas en algunas publicaciones de principios del siglo XX (Landis, 1924;1929, Maclean, 1949Papez, 1937), el desarrollo de lo que llamamos Inteligencia Emocional ha ido creciendo de forma exponencial en los úl mos años (Ciarrochi et al., 2006;Prieto et al., 2008). ...
Article
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Resumen La evaluación de la inteligencia emocional (IE) es centro de interés para profesionales de diversos campos de la salud y la educación. Este arrculo ofrece una revisión sistemáca cuantava sobre los instrumentos de evaluación de la IE uulizando una herramienta de análisis bibliográfico basado en la metodología PRISMA. Los resultados obtenidos muestran una importante produccvidad cienfica sobre la IE, pero escasos instrumentos que presenten adecuadas propiedades psicométricas para la medición de la IE en niños y adolescentes, menos aún en población clínica infanto-juvenil. Se discute la importancia de plantear puntos de encuentro entre las diversas teorías existentes y sus instrumentos de evaluación, para que la inteligencia emocional no se convierta en un campo de estudio restringido exclusivamente a investigadores y académicos. Se concluye con un listado de instrumentos de evaluación de la IE con suficientes garantías psicométricas para su aplicación en el ámbito educativo. Palabras clave: inteligencia, evaluación, test psicológico, habilidad, personalidad.
... (p. 226) Whereas this insight received support in studies by Landis (1924) and others, BET assumed nonetheless that the iconic "facial expressions of emotion" were automatic, suppressed only with great difficulty, and had meanings that were invariant and minimally context-dependent (Calder and Young, 2005;Ekman et al. 1972;Ekman and O'Sullivan, 1987). BET's claim became the new regnant view until the late 1990s, when the earlier findings of context-dependency in affective attributions to facial displays were reconfirmed in multiple studies (Barrett et al. 2011;Carroll and Russell, 1996;Fernández-Dols and Carroll 1997;Hassin et al. 2013). ...
Article
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Basic emotions theory (BET) is the most popular and deeply rooted psychological theory of both emotion and the facial behavior held to express it. We review its Western foundations and the key developments in its evolution, focusing on its parsing of facial expressions into two kinds: biological, categorical, iconic, universal “facial expressions of emotion,” versus modified, culturally diverse versions of those iconic expressions due to intermediation by learned “display rules.” We suggest that this dichotomy and its many corollaries are oversimplified, and that many of BET’s recent modifications are inconsistent in ways that may render it impossible to test and immune to falsification. In contrast, we suggest that the behavioral ecology view of facial displays, as an externalist and functionalist approach, resolves the quandaries and contradictions embedded in BET’s precepts and extensions.
... Despite the ubiquitous use of AIPs, there appears to be an equally large body of criticism regarding whether AIPs induce the intended emotional state. Although induction procedures have evolved well beyond early elicitation methods (e.g., asking participants to decapitate a rat to induce disgust; Landis, 1924), some have suggested that modern AIPs only offer mild elicitations of the intended emotion (Marston et al., 1984;Philippot, 1993). Thus, the current paper seeks to examine whether AIPs are effective (i.e., do they result in a significant increase in the intended emotion) and the extent to which they are effective (i.e., is this change minimal, as previously suggested). ...
Article
Affect inductions have become essential for testing theories of affect and for conducting experimental research on the effects of mood and emotion. The current review takes stock of the vast body of existing literature on affect induction procedures (AIPs) to evaluate the effectiveness of affect inductions as research tools and to test theories of affect (e.g., the bipolarity hypothesis, negativity bias, positivity offset, and theories of emotionality and gender) using meta-analytic data. In doing so, we seek to address whether AIPs are effective for inducing affective states, what conditions maximize their effectiveness, for what emotions they are most effective, for whom they are most effective, and whether affect induction findings can provide insight into theories of affect. A meta-analysis of 874 samples and 53,509 participants suggests that affect inductions are effective on average (δ = 1.32), but this effectiveness varies with the type of affect induction, the emotion being induced, and the gender of the participants. Further, results indicate coupled activation where the induction of positive (negative) emotions leads to a corresponding reduction in negative (positive) emotions, which provides support for the bipolar continuum of positive and negative affect. Results also revealed a negativity bias in which individuals display stronger reactions to negative stimuli than positive stimuli. A practical guide in the choice of affect induction procedures for researchers is presented and implications for emotion theory are discussed.
... Emotions were ontologically reduced to behaviors that occur in particular social situations. For example, Landis [6], Sherman [7] and Dashiell [8] all argued that an emotion is the social meaning imposed on a behavioral response (rather than the pattern of behavior and physiology itself), so that emotion words refer to the situations in which responses occur [9]. ...
... Subjektovi izrazi emocij se po svoji ostrini nikakor ne morejo primerjati z njihovimi besednimi izrazi. Zato Landis (1924) poudarja, da je treba pri razlagi emocionalnih izrazov upoštevati l>SIH<XOŠKA OBZORJA-HORIZONS OFPSVCHObOGV 93/3,4 tudi kontekst njihovega pojavljanja (oziroma situacijo, ki je emocijo izzvala) in stopnjo generalnega vzburjenja, medtem ko specifične razlike v telesnih in drugih reakcijah niso tako pomembne. ...
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POVZETEK Pričujoča raziskava je bila namenjena ugotavljanju značilnosti grafične simbolizaci-je emocij. Subjekti so morali s pomočjo avtosugestije podoživeti štiri primarne emo-cije (veselje, žalost, jezo in strah) ter jih abstraktno narisati s flomastri. Njihova izrazna sredstva so bila: barva, črta in pika. Risbe smo analizirali na podlagi vnaprej pripravljenega seznama likovnih elementov in nekaterih značilnosti celote. Ugo-tovih smo, daje simbolizacija emocij pretežno konceptualno pogojena in da njihovo doživljanje nima odločilnega pomena. Kljub zaporednem risanju štirih primarnih emocij namreč ni prišlo do interferenc med njimi. Hipotezo neodvisnosti uporabe različnih likovnih elementov od emocij smo testirali s Chi2-testom. Pokazalo se je, da barve pomembneje diferencirajo med različnimi emocijami kot črte. Za vsako izmed štirih primarnih emocij smo identificirali temeljne značilnosti njene sim-bolizacije. Na risbah različnih subjektov namreč obstaja precej podobnosti v upora bi likovnih elementov, strukturalnih značilnostih celote in shematskem prikazu dane emocije. ABSTRACT The aim of the present study was to ascertain the characteristics of the graphic symbolization of emotions. With the help of autosuggestion the subjects had to experience four primary emotions (joy, sorrow, anger, and fear) and draw them abstractly with fibrepen. Their means of expression were: colour, line, and dot. Drawings were analysed on the basis of a list of plastic elements and some characteristics of the whole. The list was prepared in advance. It was discovered that the symbolization of emotions is above all determined conceptually and that their experiencing is not of a crucial importance. In spite of the successive drawing of the four primary emotions there were no interference among them. The hypothesis of the independence of the use of different plastic elements of emotions was tested with the chi2-test. It was found out, that colours differentiate between different emotions more significantly than lines. The symbolization's basic characteristics of each of the four primary emotions were identified. The drawings of different subjects namely manifest a lot of similarities in the use of plastic elements, the structural characteristics of the whole and the schematic representation of a given emotion.
... This original research opened a eld that has been extensively studied in various scientic disciplines. Then, the study of facial expressions received little attention because of the lack of a proper tool to measure facial expressions and, as a result, the prevailing view was that facial expressions could not provide accurate information regarding emotion [Landis, 1924, Frois-Wittman, 1930, Bruner and Tagiuri, 1954. Later, in the 20th century, Paul Ekman followed this research [Ekman and Friesen, 1971, Ekman et al., 1988, Ekman, 1997 and stated that among other emotional expressions, there are seven universal expressions of discrete emotions shared across cultures: ...
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The field of Emotional Robots begins to be perceived by many as a tangible reality that seems to develop robustly in the field of research, promoting interdisciplinary approaches. Emotional or socially intelligent robots try to emulate human social intelligence, to be integrated into our society naturally. To this end, robots must be able to learn both to detect and reproduce the way humans communicate, since in our relationships we use emotional signs that are expressed in non-verbal communication patterns, differences in the tone of voice, or nuances in the semantics of the message used. Therefore, the main aim of this thesis is to improve the human-robot interaction, to produce a more natural interaction for the user, under the hypothesis that the robot can improve its interaction if it can reduce its uncertainty when detecting the user's emotional states. Therefore, our goal is to find how to assess the user's emotional state by adding information related to physiological signals such as pulse, skin conductance, electroencephalography, and facial expressions. Emotion estimation systems based on brain cortical activity, among other physiolog- ical signals are gaining special attention in recent years because of the possibilities they offer. The field of human-robot interactions could benefit from a broader understanding of the coding of the brain and physiological properties during emotion processing, together with the use of lightweight software and cheap wearable devices, and thus enhance the capabilities of robots to fully engage with the user's emotional reactions. On the other hand, facial expression recognition has been extensively researched over the past two decades because of its direct impact on the field of computer vision and affective robotics, but it has yet to address several drawbacks such as posture variations, occlusions, lighting, etc. To break down the complexity of the problem taking into account real-time constraints, the process is performed in two stages, automatic face detection, and facial expression recognition. The affective interaction between humans and robots requires lightweight software and cheap wearable devices, that could boost this field. However, the estimation of emotions in real-time poses a problem that has not yet been fully addressed, namely the challenge of filtering artifacts and extracting features, while reducing processing time and maintaining high accuracy results. Thus, optimization processes must face several stages, such as artifact removal, feature extraction, feature smoothing, and pattern classification, while maintaining real-time constraints. Affective human-robot interaction is still an active area of research in part due to the great advances in artificial intelligence. Now, the design of autonomous devices that work in real therapeutic environments has become a plausible reality. Affective human-robot interaction requires a robot to analyze the emotional state of the human interlocutor and interpret emotional responses that can be used, not merely in the interaction but, for example, to provoke desired therapeutic responses. It is, therefore, necessary to broaden experimental techniques into more realistic paradigms, where the capacity of emotion estimation can be completely explored. Standard experimental designs face emotion es- timation using constant stimuli to have control over the variables under experimenta- tion, allowing for the development of the research, but staying far from real scenarios where emotions are dynamically evoked. The experimental design is by far the most important issue which must be faced, therefore, to properly evaluate our methodologies, firstly, standard databases using constant stimuli have been used to design a well-validated methodology. Secondly, a dramatic film has been proposed to dynamically evoke emotions. This made it possible to demonstrate that our method was robust enough even in realistic scenarios. Finally, an experimental design of human-robot interaction implies a complex paradigm in which dynamic emotional feedback from users is required, which is far from the initial standard methodologies of emotional stimulation. To minimize the leap involved in the experimental paradigm shift, a strategy has been proposed that combines the two previous approaches in which the robot conducts a dramatic story under a dynamic emotion stimulation strategy that, in addition, uses constant stimuli to evoke specific emotions after which it requests emotional feedback from the user. In conclusion, emotion estimation is achieved by the use of three different sources, brain patterns, signals from the autonomous neural system, and facial expressions, which allowed us to measure emotions within the developed methodologies. From physiological signals, a combination of "negative-positive" and "relax-intense" emotions can be achieved, while for the facial expressions seven discrete emotions ("happy", "surprise", "neutral", "sad", "fear", "disgust", "angry") can be measured with significant confidence. This exploratory research study proposes realistic experimental designs, using dra- matic films and story-telling robots, to evoke emotions in the users, and assessing previ- ously self-designed methodologies, to be able to make estimates of the users' emotional states in real-time. Regardless of the multiple restrictions, and all the aspects that could still be improved, this research can outline the feasibility of the proposed methodology in realistic scenarios.
... Poignant examples come from research on experimental demand where the power of formal authority has been graphically demonstrated. An early example is Landis (1924) who, during a study of emotional reactions, subjected students to 17 different emotion-arousing situations. Task 15 was to behead a live rat with a butcher's knife. ...
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... Landis conducted the earliest study of surprising expressions (Landis, 1924). About 30% of people raised their eyebrows, and about 20% of people's eyes widened when a firecracker landed on the back of the subject's chair. ...
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Facial expressions are a vital way for humans to show their perceived emotions. It is convenient for detecting and recognizing expressions or micro-expressions by annotating a lot of data in deep learning. However, the study of video-based expressions or micro-expressions requires that coders have professional knowledge and be familiar with action unit (AU) coding, leading to considerable difficulties. This paper aims to alleviate this situation. We deconstruct facial muscle movements from the motor cortex and systematically sort out the relationship among facial muscles, AU, and emotion to make more people understand coding from the basic principles: We derived the relationship between AU and emotion based on a data-driven analysis of 5,000 images from the RAF-AU database, along with the experience of professional coders. We discussed the complex facial motor cortical network system that generates facial movement properties, detailing the facial nucleus and the motor system associated with facial expressions. The supporting physiological theory for AU labeling of emotions is obtained by adding facial muscle movements patterns. We present the detailed process of emotion labeling and the detection and recognition of AU. Based on the above research, the video's coding of spontaneous expressions and micro-expressions is concluded and prospected.
... Other reports show coherence in some responses but not others (Evers et al., 2014;Mandler & Kremen, 1958;Marks & Huson, 1973;Mauss et al., 2005;Underwood & Bjornstad, 2001). Yet other reports show little or no coherence Bradley & Lang, 2000;Durán et al., 2017;Fernández-Dols et al., 1997;Landis, 1924;see Siegel et al., 2018). ...
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The synchronized co-activation of multiple responses-motivational, behavioral, and physiological-has been taken as a defining feature of emotion. Such response coherence has been observed inconsistently however, and this has led some to view emotion programs as lacking biological reality. Yet, response coherence is not always expected or desirable if an emotion program is to carry out its adaptive function. Rather, the hallmark of emotion is the capacity to orchestrate multiple mechanisms adaptively-responses will co-activate in stereotypical fashion or not depending on how the emotion orchestrator interacts with the situation. Nevertheless, might responses cohere in the general case where input variables are specified minimally? Here we focus on shame as a case study. We measure participants' responses regarding each of 27 socially devalued actions and personal characteristics. We observe internal and external coherence: The intensities of felt shame and of various motivations of shame (hiding, lying, destroying evidence, and threatening witnesses) vary in proportion (i) to one another, and (ii) to the degree to which audiences devalue the disgraced individual-the threat shame defends against. These responses cohere both within and between the United States and India. Further, alternative explanations involving the low-level variable of arousal do not seem to account for these results, suggesting that coherence is imparted by a shame system. These findings indicate that coherence can be observed at multiple levels and raise the possibility that emotion programs orchestrate responses, even in those situations where coherence is low.
... This view of the smile as synonymous with positive emotion aligns with the belief that certain emotion categories are reliably revealed by certain configurations of facial-muscle movements (called the "common view of emotional expressions" by Barrett et al., 2019). However, people also frequently smile when experiencing unpleasant emotions such as embarrassment, pain, and distress (e.g., Keltner, 1995;Kraut & Johnston, 1979;Landis, 1924;Prkachin & Solomon, 2008) and when signaling interpersonal information like dominance or affiliation Rychlowska et al., 2017). The smile's ubiquity has led some researchers to conclude that it has no reliable meaning and should not be considered a reflexive expression of positive emotion (e.g., Barrett et al., 2019;Hunt, 1941;Klineberg, 1940;Tagiuri, 1968). ...
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The common view of emotional expressions is that certain configurations of facial-muscle movements reliably reveal certain categories of emotion. The principal exemplar of this view is the Duchenne smile, a configuration of facial-muscle movements (i.e., smiling with eye constriction) that has been argued to reliably reveal genuine positive emotion. In this paper, we formalized a list of hypotheses that have been proposed regarding the Duchenne smile, briefly reviewed the literature weighing on these hypotheses, identified limitations and unanswered questions, and conducted two empirical studies to begin addressing these limitations and answering these questions. Both studies analyzed a database of 751 smiles observed while 136 participants completed experimental tasks designed to elicit amusement, embarrassment, fear, and physical pain. Study 1 focused on participants’ self-reported positive emotion and Study 2 focused on how third-party observers would perceive videos of these smiles. Most of the hypotheses that have been proposed about the Duchenne smile were either contradicted by or only weakly supported by our data. Eye constriction did provide some information about experienced positive emotion, but this information was lacking in specificity, already provided by other smile characteristics, and highly dependent on context. Eye constriction provided more information about perceived positive emotion, including some unique information over other smile characteristics, but context was also important here as well. Overall, our results suggest that accurately inferring positive emotion from a smile requires more sophisticated methods than simply looking for the presence/absence (or even the intensity) of eye constriction.
Conference Paper
This study focuses on the relation between humans and smart TVs with emotion recognition function. The study hypothesizes that the emotion- based user interface is most effective in human interaction in comparison to other user-centered devices with passive user interface. Forty participants were given three types of user interfaces such as the remote controller, gesture recognition system, voice recognition system, and emotional recognition system to be used for watching the smart TV. They were given interesting contents and sad contents to choose from within a specific time limit. We use the Fraunhofer IIS SHORETM demo software to automatically detect the facial expressions of the participants they exhibited in response to the contents. A study on the preference of contents according to the individual emotional responses of the users was done simultaneously. Additionally, it figured out the relation between four types of emotion as emotion recognition UI on SMART TV screen, the contents, and the study concentrated on the satisfaction and usability of four different user interfaces. As a result of studying the relations of emotions and content preferences from this research, it is recognized that comedy programs are much more preferred based on the degree of happy emotion detected, and that men appear to have higher preference than women. When they were in sad emotion, the valid result value was not achieved though, which shows slight preference for exciting contents. It is noted that women have a little higher preference than men. These results were similar to the standard mood based management of Zilinman’s theory. Another result is that out of the four user interfaces, the emotion recognition-based user interface which selects the contents on the screens of the smart TV showed a higher satisfaction than other passive user interfaces.
Chapter
Like many areas of psychological inquiry, the study of emotion and emotional development is cyclical. Relatively stagnant since the 1930s, there is currently a resurgence of interest and research in this area. As is often the case, this new research has rekindled old controversies and issues relevant to the study of emotion, in general, as well as raising many new issues pertinent to the study of emotional development. As one examines emotional responses from a developmental perspective, the traditional problems of definition and measurement take on new importance.
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• 30 male and 30 female undergraduates ("senders") viewed 2 pleasant and 2 unpleasant videotaped scenes. Unknown to the senders, their facial expressions were videotaped when they watched the scenes (spontaneous encoding) and when they talked about their reactions to the scenes (talking encoding). Later, senders were again videotaped while posing the appropriate expressions for each of the 4 scenes (posed encoding). The videotaped facial expressions were then presented for decoding to the senders. Results are as follows: (a) Accuracy of communication varied according to mode of encoding, the scene, and the mode by scene interaction. (b) Females were significantly more accurate decoders than males. (c) There were large positive and significant correlations between the ability to communicate (to decode or to encode) via spontaneous and posed cues, and positive but lower correlations between these 2 modes of communication and the talking mode. (d) The more extreme the emotional experience of the sender the more accurate his/her encoding score, especially in the spontaneous mode. (e) There were low positive correlations between total encoding and total decoding scores and low negative correlations between encoding and decoding of the same scene. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved) • 30 male and 30 female undergraduates ("senders") viewed 2 pleasant and 2 unpleasant videotaped scenes. Unknown to the senders, their facial expressions were videotaped when they watched the scenes (spontaneous encoding) and when they talked about their reactions to the scenes (talking encoding). Later, senders were again videotaped while posing the appropriate expressions for each of the 4 scenes (posed encoding). The videotaped facial expressions were then presented for decoding to the senders. Results are as follows: (a) Accuracy of communication varied according to mode of encoding, the scene, and the mode by scene interaction. (b) Females were significantly more accurate decoders than males. (c) There were large positive and significant correlations between the ability to communicate (to decode or to encode) via spontaneous and posed cues, and positive but lower correlations between these 2 modes of communication and the talking mode. (d) The more extreme the emotional experience of the sender the more accurate his/her encoding score, especially in the spontaneous mode. (e) There were low positive correlations between total encoding and total decoding scores and low negative correlations between encoding and decoding of the same scene. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Chapter
Allport (1937) had a very strong opinion about where to look in order to figure out the content and structure of people’s personalities: Look at their expressive movements. That is, look not only at what people are doing, but how they are doing it; listen not only to what they are communicating, but also the manner in which they are communicating it. In telling us to take these expressive movements very seriously, Allport was not telling us to disregard what people are doing or trying to do. In fact, he maintains that what people are trying to do is most fundamental in revealing the nature of their traits. But still, he cautioned, we should not ignore the “hows” of behavior. Sometimes the ways that people do things are redundant with the fact that they are doing those things. To embellish Allport’s own example a little (1937, pp. 464–465), if a group of people were to walk to Yankee Stadium every time the Yankees had a home game, that behavior would suggest that they were very enthusiastic about Yankee baseball. If, in addition, one were to observe that on the way to the Stadium, they all had bubbly faces and sprightly gaits, and that their tee shirts, hats, watches, and tote bags were all emblazoned with the Yankee insignia, that information would only serve to underscore the information already available from the knowledge that they attend every game. But, Allport claimed, expressive movements can do more than simply tell us the same information in a different way. Allport believed that expressive behavior is unconsciously determined and therefore can provide a clue to deep-seated aspects of personality that are not always evident in the content of behavior.
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Anger appears to be a neurocognitive adaptation designed to bargain for better treatment, and is primarily triggered by indications that another individual values the focal individual insufficiently. Once activated, anger orchestrates cognitive, physiological, and behavioral responses geared to incentivize the target individual to place more weight on the welfare of the focal individual. Here, we evaluate the hypothesis that anger works by matching in intensity the various outputs it controls to the magnitude of the current input—the precise degree to which the target appears to undervalue the focal individual. By magnitude-matching outputs to inputs, the anger system balances the competing demands of effectiveness and economy and avoids the dual errors of excessive diffidence and excessive belligerence in bargaining. To test this hypothesis, we measured the degree to which audiences devalue each of 39 negative traits in others, and how individuals would react, for each of those 39 traits, if someone slandered them as possessing those traits. We observed the hypothesized magnitude-matchings. The intensities of the anger feeling and of various motivations of anger (telling the offender to stop, insulting the offender, physically attacking the offender, stopping talking to the offender, and denying help to the offender) vary in proportion to: (i) one another, and (ii) the reputational cost that the slanderer imposes on the slandered (proxied by audience devaluation). These patterns of magnitude-matching were observed both within and between the United States and India. These quantitative findings echo laypeople's folk understanding of anger and suggest that there are cross-cultural regularities in the functional logic and content of anger.
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The question whether body movements and body postures are indicative of specific emotions is a matter of debate. While some studies have found evidence for specific body movements accompanying specific emotions, others indicate that movement behavior (aside from facial expression) may be only indicative of the quantity (intensity) of emotion, but not of its quality. The study reported here is an attempt to demonstrate that body movements and postures to some degree are specific for certain emotions. A sample of 224 video takes, in which actors and actresses portrayed the emotions of elated joy, happiness, sadness, despair, fear, terror, cold anger, hot anger, disgust, contempt, shame, guilt, pride, and boredom via a scenario approach, was analyzed using coding schemata for the analysis of body movements and postures. Results indicate that some emotion-specific movement and posture characteristics seem to exist, but that for body movements differences between emotions can be partly explained by the dimension of activation. While encoder (actor) differences are rather pronounced with respect to specific movement and posture habits, these differences are largely independent from the emotion-specific differences found. The results are discussed with respect to emotion-specific discrete expression models in contrast to dimensional models of emotion encoding.
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This paper suggests that extant theories used to explain how people come to torture are too narrowly drawn, constraining effective social work policy and practice. Several of these theories are evaluated, highlighting their limitations, followed by a proposal to shift critical analysis of torture behavior using a framework integrating Fiske's relational models theory and Bandura's model of moral disengagement. These combined models can expand on existing explanatory theories and, by extension, move cross-cultural social work deeper into the heart of historical and political processes, challenging the profession to meet its ethic of responsiveness to social injustice and suffering in a world of globally complex culture-powered relations.
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The purpose of the present study was to develop a set of eight nonverbal displays consistent with the eight interpersonal roles specified by Leary in 1957. The development of these displays was also based on the notion of a convergence of theory and fact based on the work of Leary, Osgood, and Schlosberg. Naive subjects' reactions to each of the eight displays were elicited on Leary's Interpersonal Check List and a simplified bipolar adjective instrument. Naive subjects placed the nonverbal displays as predicted. The present study is viewed as a first step in determining if in fact these eight displays represent major categories of nonverbal behavior used in implicit communication.
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The relationship between facial expression and experienced affect presents many problems. The two diametrically opposed positions proposing solutions to this problem are exemplified using the conceptions of Mandler u. Izard. The underlying premises of both conceptions still prevail in various forms. The authors reject the concepts according to which facial expression is merely correlated to the affects (see Mandler 1975) as well as the view that facial expression controls the affects (see Izard 1977). The relationship betwen affect and facial expression is reexamined, subjecting it to a semiotic, essentially semantic analysis similar to the Ogden and Richards' language and meaning approach. This analysis involves a critical discussion of Scherer's attempt of a purely communicational interpretation using Buhler's organon model, In the authors' approach, facial expression is seen not simply as a system of signals, but as a system of representative signs which signify the affects and refer to the emotive meaning of things for the subject. The authors develop the thesis that human beings are not born simply with the ability to speak, but also with the abstract possibility of performing facial expressions. This ability develops by way of coordinating patterns of expressions, which are presumably phylogenetically determined, with affects that take on a socially determined individual form, similar to language acquisition during socialisation. The authors discuss the methodological implications arising for studies investigating the affective meaning of facial expressions.
Chapter
Facial expressions are movements of the face muscles which allow people to express thoughts, emotions, feelings, moods and attitudes towards other people and situations. In the process of social development people learn how to control their facial expressions. Therefore, certain emotions can be faked. Studies on the possibility of faking facial expressions, and on the technique of controlling facial muscles, are of utmost interest to the representatives of numerous professions, such as actors, politicians, TV presenters, etc. A smile is a facial expression formed by flexing the muscles mainly near both ends of the mouth, the cheeks and the eyes. Laughter is an expression of joy or happiness, but may also be an uncontrolled expression of fear. A smiling face grabs our attention faster, stays in our memory longer and evokes positive associations more quickly. Today this phenomenon is widely used in advertising, marketing, politics, acting, etc. A smile is a message to others. The correct reading of its meaning seems to guarantee that contact is established appropriately. A natural, childlike smile evokes positive emotions, since the audience perceives it as a genuine, direct and not distorted message. Laughter occurring in situations in which the audience also participates seems genuine as well. If the audience understands the situation and its context, they treat the smile as genuine. Therefore, they can relate to the message and perceive it as genuine. In the absence of such relation, the message of a smile causes consternation and discord. The effect may be accidental, but it sometimes seems to be intended by the author, since inner anxiety compels the audience to continue their analyses and deliberations. Truth and lies hidden behind the grimaces and smiles of persons pave the way for getting to know oneself and understanding the world.
Chapter
The moment the patient/client walks in the door a wide variety of information about this patient becomes available to the clinician or Health Care Provider (from here abbreviated to HCP). Not only is written information on the charts or notes about past history available to the HCP, but there is visual information in the clothing of the patient that communicates socio-economic status, marital status, and self-image; visual information in the body that communicates the patient’s sex, ethnicity, and physical strength; visual information in the body movements that communicates fatigue, enthusiasm, anxiety, extroversion or introversion, dominance or submissiveness; auditory information in the voice that communicates ethnicity, fatigue, anxiety, dominance or submissiveness, and current emotional state, and olfactory information that communicates self-image and hygiene (reviewed by Knapp & Hall, 1997). These are by no means the only things communicated through these channels. Regardless, a problem with all these nonverbal clues is that they are only probabilistically related to what they predict. For example, although impoverished patients may own more worn clothes, affluent patients may also own worn clothes. Furthermore, it is possible for thin patients to be physically strong; the lack of a wedding band does not necessarily mean a patient is not married, and so forth. Although this information can be helpful to the HCP understanding his or her patient, it is not accurate enough to make diagnostic judgments.
Chapter
In this chapter we describe a newly developed, objective coding system of fetal facial movements. It is argued that such a system is not only necessary to compare results from different laboratories but also has the potential to be used clinically in order to identify compromised fetuses. Furthermore, the system can be used to record fetal behaviors relating to maturation of fetal abilities such as expression of complex facial gestalts as well as sequential movements and reactions to external stimulation (e.g., sound, touch and light).
Chapter
First Published: 1984 This chapter discusses the contribution is to place attribution theory in its historical context, to illustrate how it developed from other schools of psychology, and how it relates to them, and tentatively to suggest that some of its ideas are all that new. In order to explain the behaviour of other it may be necessary for self to understand the environment as other believes it to be rather than as self knows it to be. An individual is an object in the social world of other people and as a result of interacting with them he becomes an object to himself he becomes a 'person'. Since the mid-1960s, the study of person perception in particular, and of social psychology in general, has come to be increasingly dominated by attribution theory. In concluding this section we wish to make reference to one other version of behaviourism which is inherently social in form the social behaviourism of Mead.
Article
Inventories of commercial imagery considered obscene or pornographic were first seen in the latter half of the 1900s, in the form of grass-roots initiatives by European public morality protectors Ludwig Kemmer, Louis Comte, and Comte’s disciple Émile Pourésy. Research became a coordinated exercise in Germany in the 1920s, led by Berlin detective superintendent Detloff von Behr. These hostile inventories speak to the practical historical interrelation between demarcations of the obscene and the perverse. Despite perennial allusions to its corrupting nature, neither producers nor consumers of explicit photography acquired a robust profile in early twentieth-century sexual psychopathology and sexology more generally. Beyond the perennial appropriation of medical epithets by moral hygienists, pornography was long denied the status of a forensic psychological problem. It was the early trailblazers of the anti-obscenity movement who mobilized the nineteenth-century diagnostic parlance of sexual derailment (sadism, satyrism, perversion, erotomania); in response, polemicists diagnosed prudes as cases of erotophobia and pornolagny. The German contributors highlighted the existence of a diversified ‘perverted’ content and Von Behr showed the greatest aspiration to thus extend the subject’s salience for forensic psychiatry, although he ultimately earned little recognition in ensuing discussions, whether of public decency or sexual psychology.
Chapter
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Smiles are ubiquitous. We often think of them as facial expressions communicating joy and positive feelings but a closer examination reveals that people smile in a wide variety of situations – including stressful and negative ones. Moreover, a growing body of literature reveals that the meaning and the social consequences of smiles are largely influenced by the context in which these expressions appear. The present chapter explores what smiles can tell us about people and how smiles are perceived. We first review existing evidence on positive interpersonal effects of smiling. However, as we show in the second part of the chapter, these effects depend on the morphology of smiles and are especially strong for smiles perceived as genuine and rewarding. Finally, we discuss research documenting that the interpretation of smiles depends on the context, including the expresser, the perceiver, and the situation in which the smile is displayed. In sum, the chapter highlights the complexity of smiles as social signals and the necessity of considering context in research on smiles and their social consequences.
Article
Research on emotion and affective sciences is flourishing today like never before. The impetus for this surge is largely rooted in studies of emotion across cultures and coincides with the half century existence of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology (IACCP). Beginning with studies initially documenting the universality of the expression and recognition of certain facial expressions of emotion in the 1970s, cross-cultural research was crucial in providing further evidence for the universality of antecedents, appraisals, subjective experiences, self-reported responses, and physiological reactions throughout the 1980s and 1990s. That same literature also demonstrated the existence of many cultural variations in these emotion domains, as well as in the concepts, language, attitudes, beliefs, and values about emotion. We review this literature with the goal of demonstrating some of the many meaningful and important contributions IACCP and cross-cultural studies have made to the field of emotion and affective sciences. This area of research has also been marred by considerable controversies for almost the entire period of study, and we describe those as well. We conclude with a presentation of current models of understanding the association between culture and emotion that integrate disparate cross-cultural findings and address controversies in the field, in the hope that such models can serve as a platform for renewed cross-cultural research in this area for the next half century and beyond.
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