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Bridging community associations in post-conflict Burundi: The difficult merging of social capital endowments and new institutional settings
Abstract
Associations have been labelled the main ‘building blocks’ for creating social capital. It has been argued that community associations need to transform ‘bonding’ into ‘bridging’ ties to ‘reach out’ while also creating ‘linking’ ties to ‘scale up’. External development actions follow a reverse logic in promoting these associations: they assume that linking ties with the external intervener will reinforce prior social capital endowments. This article highlights the inherent difficulties of such a ‘social engineering’ approach in the context of post-conflict reconstruction, describing three development interventions in the north of Burundi. It defines the process of ‘institutional syncretism’ – merging local with global institutional settings – as a key element to social capital building. The findings illustrate how the three interventions failed to reach this objective, and question ‘bridging’ associations as ‘universal blueprints’ for restoring social cohesion within the liberal peace model for post-conflict reconstruction.
... Grassroots women's groups, e.g., were instrumental in applying cultural models of healing and social support to develop the solutions to the postconflict impact of gender-based violence (Ekiyor, 2008). In Burundi, CSOs are used to enhance development projects in agriculture and natural resource management (Vervisch & Titeca, 2010). ...
... For example, as UN agencies and CSOs such as UH-HABITAT and Kibera-UK fight for the rights of slum residents of Kibera, Kenya's most prominent urban slum, slum residents themselves are using citizen journalism to shape public discourse about the challenges, needs and opportunities of life in the slums on their own terms (Patinkin, 2013). Evaluations of CSO activities in these key areas emphasise the important role CSOs play in the developmental process as well as in fostering social cohesion (Bratton, 1994;Campbell, 2003;Ilife, 2006;Nguyen, 2010;Vervisch & Titeca, 2010). However, they also highlight a number of problems. ...
... The aim, therefore, is to enhance bridging capital by bringing different homogenous groups together and linking capital by offering external resources (e.g., knowledge, money) to these groups. Vervisch and Titeca (2010) highlight the danger of these assumptions in a case study of three CSO projects in Burundi that failed. The failures were attributed to a lack of understanding, on the part of the international donors, that the preexisting social capital was hierarchical and double edged and that the chosen brokers of the development projects were not necessarily culturally influential or technically efficient. ...
From Divided Pasts to Cohesive Futures - edited by Hiroyuki Hino August 2019
... In theory, building social capital through cooperatives builds capacity for collective action, which in turn should improve market participation, reduce transaction costs, and increase the benefits derived from market participation (Ashraf, Giné, and Karlan 2009;Fischer and Qaim 2012). Indeed, some evidence shows that external support has reinforced social capital resources (Ferguson and Kepe 2011;Vervisch and Titeca 2010). However, "there has been relatively little documented success with food grain farmer organizations in eastern" Africa, which are the crops grown most widely and often intended both for household consumption and sales. ...
... However, "there has been relatively little documented success with food grain farmer organizations in eastern" Africa, which are the crops grown most widely and often intended both for household consumption and sales. Furthermore, in east Africa, many "farmer-level organizations intended to facilitate access to higher-return marketing channels appear to be serving largely established farmers already generating surpluses" (Barrett 2008, 312; see also Vervisch and Titeca 2010). The poorest tend either not to have the resources necessary to participate in cooperative marketing schemes or to be pushed out by "elite capture" (Vervisch and Titeca 2010) or buyers' increasing quality demands (Ashraf, Giné, and Karlan 2009;Robbins et al. 2004). ...
... Furthermore, in east Africa, many "farmer-level organizations intended to facilitate access to higher-return marketing channels appear to be serving largely established farmers already generating surpluses" (Barrett 2008, 312; see also Vervisch and Titeca 2010). The poorest tend either not to have the resources necessary to participate in cooperative marketing schemes or to be pushed out by "elite capture" (Vervisch and Titeca 2010) or buyers' increasing quality demands (Ashraf, Giné, and Karlan 2009;Robbins et al. 2004). We find that even with external interventions, many producer-consumers are not producing enough to engage beneficially with the market and are not headed toward poverty alleviation. ...
Producer–consumers in Kenya and Uganda face challenges in meeting their subsistence goals. They face a paradoxical inclusion and exclusion from the contemporary market system that the solutions proposed in the agriculture development, subsistence markets and BOP perspectives cannot address because of faults in the pervasive marketing ecosystem perspective. In this article, we go beyond the traditional discussion of producer–consumers’ market access, to include upstream as well as downstream challenges. We introduce the concept of integration gaps to markets as a counterpoint to typical measures of market access. We show the integration gap is a systematic neocolonialist exclusion of producer–consumers that international aid agencies exhorting greater market engagement may worsen. We offer suggestions for improvement from a marketing ecosystem perspective.
... To formulate a language of resistance does imply that greater homogeneity is possible and even likely as a common resistance repertoire is increasingly shared as the operative language of solidarity building. These linkages also threaten new constraints with power tipped toward interested global 'others' and new forms of corruption made possible (Adhikari and Goldey, 2010;Vervisch and Titeca, 2010). But heterogeneity and creative, mutual empowerment are always also possible, as local level improvisation entails a mixture of strategic calculations, relying on and/or incorporating new models because they have gained great legitimacy, promising to connect actors with a support network of global others, and/or appealing to a local level cultural or value system (Alasuutari and Qadir, 2013;Roudometof, 2015). ...
Studies of nonviolence have taught us much about what makes nonviolence successful, emphasizing the importance of local circumstance and strategy. Little attention has been given to the effect of ties with international organizations on nonviolence: that is, how the embeddedness of local actors in global networks shapes nonviolent mobilization. In this article, a world society framework is applied with the objective of understanding the transnational factors shaping local nonviolent mobilization. Through global and historical models exploring political, economic, and cultural factors, it is found that: first, the global integration and structure of the nation-state is an important and significant factor in shaping the emergence of nonviolent movements; second, integration into global civil society networks significantly increases the likelihood for large-scale nonviolent resistance; and third, ties to a specialized network of nonviolent organizations significantly shape the path toward nonviolence over violent means of resistance.
The generation of waste (MSW) is one of the indicators that tends to evaluate the
in ter action between human activities and then environment. The characteristics of the waste can vary according to social, economic, cultural, geographic and climatic aspects. Considering the heterogeneity of MSW, the present work carried out a physical characterization of the main physical parameters, such as gravimetric composition, apparent specific gravity, wet litter quantitative and moisture content in two points
of railroad tracks between he train stations of Austin and Nova Iguaçu. The municipality of Nova Iguaçu produces, on average, 1,000 t.day-1of MSW; with a per capita production equivalent to 1,1 kg (hab.day)-1ofwaste. The gravimetric composition of the solid wastes had a mean composition of 70% of organic waste, 10% of potentially recyclable materials such as paper, cardboard, plastics, metal sandglasses, and 20% of waste materials (disposable diapers, absorbents, toilet paper, rags, leather, etc). The values obtained for the moisture content obtained for points A and B, are within the expected range and present an average of 47 and 43.5%, respectively for MSW which is between 40% and 60% of the mean value. With respect to the apparent specific gravity to the mean is 230 kg.m-3, it can be said that the values obtained for this parameter are 11.4% and 4.2% for points A and B. The results obtained were used to improve the planning and management of MSW at the rail road
margins within the municipality in question, as well as for the design of the collection
system, treatment and final destination of the collected residues in those places.
Les organisations de la société civile sont considérées comme des « forces en faveur de la paix » qui favorisent l’interaction interethnique (Van Leeuwen 2008) et des agents de la réconciliation dans les sociétés déchirées par les guerres (Vervisch et Titeca 2010). Les organisations de la société civile burundaise ont été exclues du processus qui a conduit à la signature des différents accords de paix du fait que des acteurs politiques majoritairement hutu estimaient qu’elles avaient agi en faveur des intérêts des Tutsi durant le conflit (McClintock et Nahimana 2008). Cependant, cette exclusion ne leur a pas empêché de défendre de manière remarquable la poursuite des objectifs de consolidation de la paix et de démocratisation depuis l’avènement du CNDD-FDD au pouvoir en 2005 (Aliro et Tulia 2010, Hirschy et Lafont 2015). Au sujet du projet de la réconciliation au sein de la société burundaise, elles ont plaidé pour la mise en place des mécanismes de justice transitionnelle conformes à l’Accord d’Arusha et ont mené des activités de sensibilisation de la population sur cette thématique cruciale (Birantamije 2017). De leur côté, les autorités gouvernementales essayaient subtilement d’accuser certaines organisations de la société civile de rouler pour des intérêts des Tutsi. Si certaines dynamiques intrinsèques à la société civile pouvaient soutenir cette allégation, il était difficile d’établir de façon systématique son caractère ethnocentrique.
Depuis 2015, à la suite de la crise liée à la quête du nouveau mandat par le Président Pierre Nkurunziza, certaines prises de position des activistes de la société civile ont jeté le doute sur leur capacité à transcender les clivages issus de la longue expérience des conflits interethniques. Cela s’est accentué avec l’émergence au sein de la sphère de la société civile, des organisations qui, dans des termes à peine voilés instrumentalisent le clivage politico-ethnique prégnant au sein de la société burundaise pour atteindre leurs objectifs.
Sur base des entretiens réalisés avec des activistes de la société civile, des acteurs politiques et des acteurs internationaux, cette réflexion tente d’interroger les capacités des acteurs de la société civile burundaise à contribuer de manière effective à la réconciliation des burundais. Dans une approche compréhensive, nous tentons d’explorer leurs positionnements par rapport aux clivages politico-ethniques qui marquent la société burundaise pour analyser dans quelle mesure la société civile burundaise peut apporter sa pierre à l’édifice de la réconciliation pour une société juste, durable, apaisée et ouverte à tous.
Violence influences the productive activity of rural producers. One of the effects of violence is the disruption of the relationships between rural producers and the market, because violent actors attempt to control the interactions, the transportation, and the flow of products. In this study we investigate how rural producers interact with the market in a violent context. With this purpose we define integration into the market as the establishment of strong and long-term exchange relations with other market agents. In contrast to other approaches to understand the interactions with the market, this definition focuses on the established relationship instead of its inputs or outputs. We analyze the roles of both relational capital and meso-organizations’ programs in the process of integration of rural producers into the market in a violent context. We find that some forms of relational capital strongly relate to the rural producers’ ability to establish those exchange relations. Additional to this direct effect, there is an indirect effect when rural producers participate in meso-organization programs that focus on improving internal productive capacities and on facilitating connections with agents from outside their communities. Programs that provide subsidies and credit have no effect on integration into the market.
Os anfíbios desempenham importantes papéis ecológicos, constituem bons indicadores biológicos e na cadeia trófica atuam como controladores naturais de insetos e outros invertebrados. Os anuros em geral, são considerados oportunistas no habito alimentar, no entanto pouco se conhece da dieta da maioria das espécies. Nesse estudo, apresentamos a dieta de Rhinella paraguayensis, baseado na análise do conteúdo estomacal de 21 indivíduos, procedentes da região da Fazenda Morrinho inserida no Pantanal Mato-Grossense, região de Cáceres. Foram encontrados 484 itens alimentares pertencentes a seis categorias de presas. R. paraguayensis alimentou-se exclusivamente de artrópodes de forma generalizada, sendo que as categorias de presas que apresentaram maior Índice de Valor de Importância foram Formicidae, Coleoptera e Isoptera. Em conformidade com os resultados encontrados pode-se dizer que está espécie, como outros Bufonidae, também são generalistas e oportunistas, representando um importante agente para manutenção do equilíbrio das populações de artrópodes no ambiente.
Critics argue that liberal peacebuilding has resulted in the creation of a civil society populated with organisations that are artificial and externalised. These associations are contrasted with more locally-based groups that are considered to be more authentic and better able to build a hybrid peace that is emancipatory. At first glance, this characterisation appears to describe civil society in post-war Burundi, but on closer inspection a much more complex and interesting picture is revealed which challenges existing conceptualisations of post-conflict civil society. The paper finds that even associations that are deeply rooted in local communities are composites forged through their encounters with the global. Furthermore, this hybridity is not new. Rather it is the product of decades of prior hybridisation, raising important questions about the authenticity and legitimacy of these organisations and, ultimately, their ability to promote a peace that is transformative.
In the 1980s Serbia, like all other Eastern European countries, witnessed a strong revival of civil society. Several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and committees for the defense of different rights from freedom of expression to ecological protection were created – primarily among intellectual circles in Belgrade. In the second half of the decade many members of these organizations and groups began to move from demands for human rights and democratization to extreme nationalism which denied basic rights to members of other non-Serb national groups. Virtually all intellectuals and grass-root organizations supported Slobodan Milosevic's rise to power – identifying him as the champion of the Serb national cause. The outbreak of war in the 1990s, combined with Milosevic's controversial role in the protection of Serbs throughout the territory of the former Yugoslavia split the emerging civil society. Non-nationalist opposition to the regime's wars in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo was dubbed the “other Serbia.” At the same time, however, extreme nationalist groups also criticized Milosevic, blaming him for having abandoned Serbs in Croatia and for having failed to support Serbs adequately in Kosovo – an area inhabited by an overwhelming majority of Albanians. The peaceful revolution of October 2000, ending thirteen years of Milosevic's rule, occurred because of a broad alliance among actors within civil society, including both nationalist and non-nationalist groups. The ouster of Milosevic, however, did not terminate the influence of uncivil, violent, and illegal groups – one of the legacies of the Milosevic era (Bieber 2003).
The presence of international missions in weak and failing states across the globe confirms that multi-lateral involvement has become a strategic imperative to secure international peace and security. With demands for democratic governance and peaceful coexistence in countries such as Afghanistan and Iraq, the questions and issues addressed in Bosnia take on greater urgency. Focussing on Bosnia after the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) in 1995, this book examines the role of the international community in state building and intervention. It makes two arguments that challenge conventional, power-sharing approaches to conflict management based on group representation and elite collusion. First, the author explores the idea that effective intervention requires moving beyond the dichotomy between international imposition of state-building measures and local self-government. When compromise among the former warring parties proves impossible and domestic institutions cannot autonomously guarantee efficient policy-making, the presence of international staff in domestic institutions can guarantee further democratisation and local ownership of the peace process. Second, this book argues that the long-term transformation of conflict requires the active involvement and empowerment of domestic civil society groups. Instead of considering domestic society as a desolate blank slate, international intervention needs to build on local resources and assets, which are available even in the aftermath of a devastating war. Based on extensive field research this book will be of interest to students, scholars and policy makers struggling to understand and improve upon the dynamics of international intervention, and to those with a specific interest in the Balkans.
Previously the role of social capital - defined as the institutions and networks of relationships between people, and the associated norms and values - in programs of poverty alleviation and development has risen to considerable prominence. Although development practitioners have long suspected that social capital does affect the efficiency and quality of most development processes, this book provides the rigorous empirical results needed to confirm that impression and translate it into effective and informed policymaking. It is based on a large volume of collected data, relying equally on quantitative and qualitative research methodologies to establish approaches for measuring social capital and its impact. The book documents the pervasive role of social capital in accelerating poverty alleviation and rural development, facilitating the provision of goods and services, and easing political transition and recovery from civil conflicts.
In Western contexts, associational life is mostly thought of as the historical and almost natural outcome of the accumulated experiences of bottom-up, horizontal cooperation among citizens. The attitudinal disposition to trust, reciprocate and cooperate is closely linked to the existence of certain structures, like associations and associational membership, which exactly indicate the overcoming of the collective action dilemma. Both attitudes and structures, thus, form the two main components within the social capital debate. As such, large numbers of associations and elevated levels of associational membership tend to go hand in hand with high generalized trust scores. Taken together they point to the existence of a vibrant civil society with large social capital stocks (Putnam 1993). Social capital, understood as the presence of dense, horizontal networks of civic engagement and generalized norms of trust and reciprocity, seems to be the driving force for democratic performance and economic prosperity (Putnam 1993; Knack and Keefer 1997; Harrison and Huntington 2000).