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Abstract

The organizing concept behind dialect variation is still seen predominantly as the areas within which similar varieties are spoken. The opposing view—that dialects are organized in a continuum without sharp boundaries—is likewise popular. This article introduces a new element into the discussion, which is the opportunity to view dialectal differences in the aggregate. We employ a dialectometric technique that provides an additive measure of pronunciation difference: the (aggregate) pronunciation distance. This allows us to determine how much of the linguistic variation is accounted for by geography. In our sample of 27 Dutch towns and villages, the variation ranges between 65% and 81%, which lends credence to the continuum view. The borders of well-established dialect areas nonetheless show large deviations from the expected aggregate pronunciation distance. We pay particular attention to a puzzle concerning the subjective perception of continua introduced by Chambers and Trudgill (1998): a traveller walking in a straight line from village to village notices successive small changes, but seldom, if ever, observes large differences. This sounds like a justification of the continuum view, but there is an added twist. Might the traveller be misled by the perspective of most recent memory? We use the Chambers–Trudgill puzzle to organize our argument at several points.
Scheemda
Veendam
Eext
Driebergen
Koekange
Hasselt
Staphorst
Zalk
Oldebroek
Nunspeet
Putten
Amersfoort
Beilen
Ruinen
Ossendrecht
Clinge
Moerbeke
Lochristi
Vianen
Hardinxveld
Zevenbergen
Oudenbosch
Roosendaal
Bellegem
Nazareth
Waregem
Zwevegem
Zalk
Hasselt
Staphorst
Koekange
Ruinen
Oldebroek
Nunspeet
Beilen
Eext
Veendam
Scheemda
Putten
Amersfoort
Driebergen
Vianen
Hardinxveld
Ossendrecht
Roosendaal
Zevenbergen
Oudenbosch
Clinge
Moerbeke
Lochristi
Nazareth
Waregem
Zwevegem
Bellegem
0.0 50.0 100.0 150.0 200.0
Saxon
Franconian
Dutch
Flemish
Scheemda
Veendam
Eext
Driebergen
Koekange
Hasselt
Staphorst
Zalk Oldebroek
Nunspeet
Putten
Amersfoort
Beilen
Ruinen
Ossendrecht
Clinge
Moerbeke
Lochristi
Vianen
Hardinxveld Zevenbergen
Oudenbosch
Roosendaal
Bellegem
Nazareth
Waregem
Zwevegem
... The introduction of the edit distance (or Levenshtein distance) in dialectometry was an essential innovation, first used by Kessler in 1995(in Wieling et al., 2015. Heeringa's (2004) dissertation dealt with edit distances in dialectometry, enabling the analysis of large amounts of data collected while compiling dialect atlases without manually characterizing and classifying them. Therefore, computational methods are valuable in dialectometry since they efficiently analyze large amounts of data. ...
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Verheijen (1967) noted that there are 43 sub-dialects of the Manggarai language, which are grouped into five dialect groups: West Manggarai, West-Central Manggarai, Central Manggarai, East Manggarai, and Far East Manggarai. However, the Language Development and Fostering Agency states that the Manggarai language has five dialects, including the Tangge dialect in West Manggarai Regency. Neither study was accompanied by scientific evidence underlying the sub-dialect grouping. Therefore, this research aims to provide quantitative evidence to re-evaluate the variations of the Manggarai language, especially those spoken in West Manggarai Regency. Data was obtained by asking 200 Swadesh vocabularies in ten sample observation areas. The results show that the Manggarai language in West Manggarai Regency is divided into three sub-dialect variations, namely the Kempo sub-dialect (MSdK), the Kolang sub-dialect (MSdS>H), and the Transition area sub-dialect (MSdT). Consistent grouping based on dialectometric calculations and cluster analysis proves that MSdK includes Mbuit, Watu Wangka, Sano Nggoang, Siru, and Benteng Dewa. On the other hand, MSdS>H only consists of Golo Lajang Barat because it shows high linguistic differences from other nearby areas. The MSdT includes Watu Waja, Poco Rutang, Lale, and Tentang. Still, the inclusion of Watu Waja in this group needs to be reconsidered because of the differences in results between dialectometric calculations and cluster analysis.
... One of the classical debates in the history of dialectology is whether there are dialect areas (with abrupt boundaries) or a continuum of dialects. The existence of dialect boundaries has been questioned before modern dialect geography (Meyer 1877;Paris 1888), and dialectologists have found evidence for the latter (Chambers and Trudgill 1998;Heeringa and Nerbonne 2001). While comparisons of different linguistic levels, namely lexis, morphology, phonetics, and syntax, have been investigated before on a few European languages (Spruit et al. 2009 for Dutch; Montemagni 2008 for Tuscan dialects; Scherrer and Stoeckle 2016 for Swiss German), tone as a separate linguistic level has not been investigated before in dialectometric studies. ...
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Most research on dialectometry so far primarily focuses on European languages. Within these studies, analyses on the phonetic level predominantly focus on segments. A lack of studies on languages outside of Europe means that the variation in many lesser-studied languages, including tonal languages, is largely unknown. Tonal languages are languages which pitch is used as an indication in the lexical realisations in (at least some) morphemes, and over half of the world’s languages include lexical tones. Despite tones being the inseparable and unneglectable part of the majority of the world’s languages, there is only a handful of quantitative dialectometric studies on the dialectal variation in tonal languages. In this paper, we explore the phonetic and phonological variations in Yue, a lesser-studied tonal language spoken by around 80 million people in Southern China. Using a newly devised tone representation (modified Onset–Contour–Offset) combined with the Levenshtein distance, we explore the patterns of dialectal variation on the tonal level, as well as to what extent tonal variation correlates with segmental variation. Our results show that tones behave rather differently from segments, and thus, we illustrate that studying lesser-studied and tonal languages can contribute immensely to the study of dialect variation in general.
... Dialect evolution is very slow, which has a geographical and historical path. First, geographical information such as the locations and shapes of mountains and rivers has significant impacts on the evolution of dialects in specific regions [23,24], and many mountains or rivers were an important historic basis of administrative boundaries in China [25]. It is natural that people living in the same administrative region have more frequent connections and share more similarities in living habits, which can make local culture, customs, and dialect gradually consolidate and develop their own regional features [26,27]. ...
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The rent-free farmland transfer that exists widely in China’s rural areas is a topic worthy of attention. Particularly, the regional heterogeneity of its occurrences implies regional cultural heterogeneities. Using local dialects to proxy regional cultural features, this study applies econometric methods to examine the impacts of dialect diversity on rent-free farmland transfers. It also considers possible mechanisms through a mediation analysis, based on a combined two-year rural household survey dataset from the Guangdong and Jiangxi Provinces in 2015 and 2016. Robust estimation results reveal that dialect diversity increases the probability of rent-free farmland transfers at the household and village levels. According to the mediation analysis, dialect diversity influences villages’ farmland abandonment, rural farmland market development, and the flexibility of farmland transfer contracts, which further affects rent-free farmland transfer. Rent-free farmland transfer depends on social trust and contracts’ self-fulfilling advantages. Therefore, cultural and traditional factors should be taken into consideration, which would form beneficial interactions between the selections of rural farmland institutional arrangement and land rights policy implementations.
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Wave models of language change emerged during the latter half of the nineteenth century in Indo-European historical linguistics as an alternative to family tree models (see "Family Tree Model"). Their subsequent reception by the field, and their integration with comparative reconstruction has been marginal until recently; but advances in wave model theory and methodology over the past several decades suggest that this trend is reversing. Simply put, when attempting to diagram historical splits between daughter languages and shared ancestry with mother languages, wave models represent ambiguous relations (and overlapping shared innovations) usually premised on slow diversification, while tree models represent unambiguous relations (and exclusively shared innovations) usually premised on sudden splits. As historical-comparative studies and their datasets proliferate, it has become less and less tenable to marginalize ambiguous relations in favor of unambiguous relations in the reconstruction of branch-internal phylogeny since ambiguous splits and shared ancestry are commonplace among the language families of the world. In this entry we trace the historical stages and innovations that have marked the development of wave model theory and methodology. We cover the early work of scholars such as Johannes Schmidt, August Leskien, and Karl Brugmann in Section 2. Then we turn to innovations on the classic wave model by Charles-James N. Bailey and Malcolm Ross in Sections 3 and 4. Bailey’s dynamic wave model provides a way of untangling isogloss bundles and the relative chronology of innovations via implicational hierarchies – an innovation that is suitable for understanding situations where branch-internal changes are more unidirectional. Ross’s linkage model in turn is useful for understanding the slow, multi-directional diversification of closely related sister varieties through dialect continua. More recent developments inspired by these approaches are presented in Sections 4 and 5, including a relatively new quantitative method known as ‘Historical Glottometry’, capable of incorporating relative weight and quality of shared innovations into wave model diagrams, and a new conceptual distinction known as ‘hinge diversification’ that requires both tree and wave models for reconstructing historical ancestry. The discussion in Sections 3 to 5 proceeds with reference to three select case studies for illustration: two from Tibeto-Burman languages of China and Vietnam and one from Oceanic languages of Vanuatu. Note that in this entry, when we speak of a ‘model’, we do not necessarily mean a generative model (as is currently the norm in quantitative fields). Rather, we use the term ‘model’ in a sense closer to ‘conceptual framework’; this is in keeping with its use in the relevant history of linguistics and related disciplines, such that useful scientific models are simply “hybrid signs in which a diagram incorporates indices and symbols in a rhetorically efficient way” (Nöth 2018, 7).
Chapter
While it appears clear that the Hispano-Celtic linguistic complex was the first departure from the (proto-)Celtic speech continuum, there is not much consensus about the topology of the remainder of the Continental Celtic languages. Various configurations of ‘Lepontic’, ‘Cisalpine Gaulish’, ‘Cisalpine Celtic’, ‘Transalpine Celtic’, etc. have been proposed. It has also been proposed that convergence has played a substantial role in the formation of the Celtic languages. This chapter proposes, instead, that linguistic features such as the loss of proto-IE */p/ and the raising of proto-IE */oː/ > /uː/ in final syllables arose only after the proto-Celtic period had concluded, with some subsequent innovations spreading throughout the post-proto-Celtic speech continuum and some ceasing to propagate before doing so, leading to dialect areas within the speech continuum.
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This paper presents the outcomes of the “Soundscape Attributes Translation Project” (SATP), an international initiative addressing the critical research gap in soundscape descriptors translations for cross-cultural studies. Focusing on eighteen languages – namely: Arabic, Chinese, Croatian, Dutch, English, French, German, Greek, Indonesian, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Malay, Portuguese, Spanish, Swedish, Turkish, and Vietnamese – the study employs a four-step procedure to evaluate the reliability and cross-cultural validity of translated soundscape descriptors. The study introduces a three-tier confidence level system (Low, Medium, High) based on “adjusted angles”, which are a measure proposed to correct the soundscape circumplex model (i.e., the pleasant-eventful space proposed in the ISO 12913 series) of a given language. Results reveal that most languages successfully maintain the quasi-circumplex structure of the original soundscape model, ensuring robust cross-cultural validity. English, Arabic, Chinese (Mandarin), Croatian, Dutch, German, Greek, Indonesian, Italian, Spanish, Swedish, and Turkish achieve a “High” confidence level. French, Japanese, Korean, Malay, Portuguese, and Vietnamese demonstrate varying confidence levels, highlighting the importance of the preliminary translation. This research significantly contributes to standardized cross-cultural methodologies in soundscape perception research, emphasizing the pivotal role of adjusted angles within the soundscape circumplex model in ensuring the accuracy of dimensions (i.e., attributes) locations. The SATP initiative offers insights into the complex interplay of language and meaning in the perception of environmental sounds, opening avenues for further cross-cultural soundscape research.
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Dialect classification is a long-standing issue in Chinese dialectology. Although various theories of Chinese dialect regions have been proposed, most have been limited by similar methodological issues, especially due to their reliance on the subjective analysis of dialect maps both individually and in the aggregate, as well as their focus on phonology over syntax and vocabulary. Consequently, we know relatively little about the geolinguistic underpinnings of Chinese dialect variation. Following a review of previous research in this area, this article presents a theory of Chinese dialect regions based on the first large-scale quantitative analysis of the data from the Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects, which was collected between 2000 and 2008, providing the most up-to-date picture of the full Chinese dialect landscape. We identify and map a hierarchy of 10 major Chinese dialect regions, challenging traditional accounts. In addition, we propose a new theory of Chinese dialect formation to account for our findings.
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This study investigates sub-dialect variation of the Manggarai language spoken in the West Manggarai Regency. We surveyed ten sample survey sites and asked informants for 200 Swadesh word lists. The data was analyzed by formulating a sound correspondence system based on phonological differences between survey sites, resulting in a sub-dialect classification map. We conclude that there are three variations of the Manggarai language in West Manggarai: The Kempo sub-dialect (MSdK) which covers the districts of Komodo, Mbeliling, and Sano Nggoang; Kolang sub-dialect (MSdS>H) which is spoken in the sub-districts of Pacar, Macang Pacar, Kuwus and Kuwus Barat; This classification is proven by the sound correspondence between MSdK and MSdS>H, such as [e] – [e̯], [i] – [iə], [k] – [ʔ], [s] – [h], [c] – [s], and [h] – [ɣ]. There is also transition area sub-dialect (TAS), which classify the districts of Lembor, Lembor Selatan, Welak, Boleng, and Ndoso in the same group, showing the emergence of all linguistic features in the form of sound correspondences in the two sub-dialects with certain conditions need to be considered. This classification confirms the validity and provides evidence for the sub-dialect groupings carried out by Verheijen and refutes the Language Development and Fostering Agency, Ministry of Education and Culture, Indonesia, which is not based on scientific evidence.
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The initial motivation for this work was the linguistic case of the spread of Germanic syntactic features into Romance dialects of the North-Eastern Italy, which occurred after the immigration of German people in the Tyrol during the High Middle Age. To obtain a representation of the data over the territory suitable for a mathematical formulation, an interactive map is produced as a first step, using tools of what is called Geographic Data Science. A smooth two-dimensional surface G\mathcal {G} is introduced, expressing locally which fraction of territory uses a given German language feature: it is obtained by a piece-wise cubic curvature-minimizing interpolant of the discrete function that says if at any surveyed locality that feature is used or not. This surface G\mathcal {G} is thought of as the value at the present time of a function describing a diffusion–convection phenomenon in two dimensions (here said tidal mode), which is subjected in a very natural way to the same equation used in physics, introducing a contextual diffusivity concept: it is shown that with two different assumptions about diffusivity, solutions of this equation, evaluated at the present time, fit well with the data interpolated by G\mathcal {G}, thus providing two convincing different pictures of diffusion–convection in the case under study, albeit simplifications and approximations. Very importantly, it is shown that the linguistic diffusion model known to linguists as Schmidt ‘waves’ can be counted among the solutions of the diffusion equation: to look also at more general then the present study case, superimposing Schmidt ‘waves’ generated at different due times and localities and with a ‘tidal linguistic flooding’ just around the main region of linguistic diffusion can reproduce complexities of real events, thus probing diffusivity assumptions based on historical, local cultural, social and geographical grounds. The present work is motivating a long term research plan, seeking answers to fundamental questions of linguistics as a science, which are recalled in the article.
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Objectives: Genes and languages both contain signatures of human evolution, population movement, and demographic history. Cultural traits like language are transmitted by interactions between people, and these traits influence how people interact. In particular, if groups of people differentiate each other based on some qualities of their cultures, and if these qualities are passed to the next generation, then this differentiation can result in barriers to gene flow. Previous work finds such barriers to gene flow between groups that speak different languages, and we explore this phenomenon further: can more subtle cultural differences also produce genetic structure in a population? We focus on whether subtle, dialect-level linguistic differences in England have influenced genetic population structure, likely by affecting mating preferences. Materials and methods: We analyze spatially dense linguistic and genetic data-both of which independently contain spatially structured variation in England-to examine whether the cultural differences represented by variation in English phonology colocalize with higher genetic rates of change. Results: We find that genetic variation and dialect markers have similar spatial distributions on a country-wide scale, and that throughout England, linguistic boundaries colocalize with the boundaries of genetic clusters found using fineSTRUCTURE. Discussion: This gene-language covariation, in the absence of geographic barriers that could coordinate cultural and genetic differentiation, suggests that similar social forces influenced both dialect boundaries and the genetic population structure of England.
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