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Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: A Theoretical Statement
Abstract
This paper argues that the experiences of colonialism in Africa have led to the emergence of a unique historical configuration in modern postcolonial Africa: the existence of two publics instead of one public, as in the West. Many of Africa's political problems are due to the dialectical relationships between the two publics. I shall characterize these two publics and attempt to explain some of Africa's political features within the matrix of these publics. In order to give some empirical content to the distinction drawn here, I shall illustrate the issues raised with examples from Nigeria.
... Ndigbo have continued to be seen and treated as indigenous-foreigners in Nigeria especially in some parts of the North. The relative deprivation theory has engendered dispossessionist tendency in the psyche of some individuals who forment ethno-religious crises in order to appropriate immovable investments of Ndigbo outside Igboland (Gurr, 1970;Ekeh, 1975). This feeling of deprivation has characterized the relationship between Ndigbo and their host community; a development which is everything but cordial. ...
... There is evidence indicating that national integration in Nigeria is fictitious. To be sure, national integration in Nigeria is a suicide mission because of Igbo-phobia Ekeh, 1975). ...
Igbophobia is a term that describes the discrimination and prejudice against the Igbo ethnic group. It has deep roots in Nigerias history, dating back to the colonial period and exacerbated by several other events, including the Nigerian Civil War of 1966-1969 (Nwankwo, 2004). Employing a historical analysis approach, the paper draws on primary sources such as government reports, colonial archives, and newspaper articles from the pre-independence and post-independence periods. Secondary sources, including academic literature on Nigerian history, political science, and sociology, are also utilized to contextualize the historical events and analyze their impact. The paper critically examines the narratives surrounding Igbo economic success, perceived political ambition, and the role of ethnic nationalism in shaping the discourse of Igbophobia. The paper further analyzes the impact of specific historical events, such as the Biafran War, on the perpetuation and manifestation of Igbophobia. By creating an understanding of the historical dynamics of Igbophobia, the paper aims to contribute to dialogue for the promotion of peaceful coexistence in a multicultural society like Nigeria.
... Through this, we replicate such expected behavioural pattern in other social institutions or apparati, family, work/economic, politics, the media, religion, and so on (Smythe & Smythe, 1962;Ayandele, 1974;Graf, 1983;Amundsen, 2012). In accomplishing these, there have been various interpretations of resulting societal configurations in terms of glocalization, prebendal politics, two publics, weak institutions, development exceptionality, predatory leadership, among others (Ekeh, 1975;Joseph 1991;Barber, 2007;Adebanwi, 2012;Akanle, 2013;Williams-Elegbe 2015) Of course, these varying descriptions are informed by processes resulting from identified crises in which, for example, those who supplied/traded 'cash crops' became more important than the farmers of the cash and food crops. Indeed, the 'middle-men' determined what the farmers, who used to be 'kings' (a la agbel'oba), would have. ...
... Others Scholars are more critical than these theories. Ekeh (1975), asserts that the local government in post-colonial African countries such as Nigeria was not structured to empower the grass-root but rather it was a role played by the central government to control the masses in rural settings. On the same note, Agagu (2004) affirms that in most cases the local governments have been used as instruments of political patronage as opposed to being instruments of change in the rural areas. ...
Nigeria has been described as a conundrum of riches and backwardness, and grassroots development has continually eluded this country despite the fact that it possesses massive human and natural resources. The paper will look into how local government is critical to national development and will also note how civic engagement has again and again taken a wrong turn wherein citizens point an accusing finger to the federal government, when failure lies within what is constitutionally defined as the local government jurisdiction. Based on the theories of development, democratic and effective service delivery, the study with references to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) examines the way the local governments are supposed to be structured to provide the necessary services, political training of citizens and catalyze rural development. This role has however been compromised through corruption, financial dependence, civic blindness and fear of accountability. Personal experience and scholarly knowledge indicate that Nigerians are usually not aware of their rights and actual duties of their local councils. The simile of the local government being a body organ in the body highlights that the collapse of the grass-root governance will definitely impact the national wellbeing. The paper concludes that the change in Nigeria lies in resurgence of its 774 local governments by implementation of constitution, civic enlightenment and awakening at the grass-root level. The real development starts at the bottom-uplifting of the citizens and making the local institution credible once more.
My research suggests that world inequality is explained by the incidence of extractive and inclusive institutions. But why do some countries have extractive institutions? I distinguish between two main reasons; first, power relations; second, the “normative order.” Normative orders provide justifications and legitimacy for institutions which may not generate prosperity, but may achieve other goals. These distinctions are critical because they create very different challenges in trying to make institutions more inclusive and create prosperity. I show how countries move from the economic periphery as a consequence of changing both. My own intellectual journey has been in the other direction, however, hence the title of the paper: I was fortunate to be born in Britain, but I have had to unlearn much of my own experience, socialization and training in order to see other societies on their own terms. That’s crucial to be able to help them, but also to learn from them. (JEL D02, D63, E23, K00, O43, Q32)
Reflecting on the top-down approach prevalent in the 1980s, natural resources management programs using a participatory approach, in which community organization plays an important role, have been conducted in African countries since the 1990s. This study investigated the hierarchical structure and power structure of the study village in the semi-arid Ethiopian Rift Valley. It also examined the implementation of village-level natural resource conservation and small -scale infrastructure construction programs. Local organizations for participatory community development vary; thus, local spheres of the major daily activities of people in the study village were investigated using sociometric techniques first. In the next step, mainly targeting two organizations, Peasant Association (PA, an administrative organization representing the administrative village, locally called k'äbäle) and ǝddǝr (a funeral association representing the hamlet, locally gott), the hierarchical structure and power structure of the study village were analyzed using non-metric statistical analyses. Four cases of natural resources conservation and small-scale infrastructure construction programs implemented in the study village were picked up. Multivariate analyses were conducted to determine what types of household heads had shown interest in what kinds of village development programs and how they had influenced the decision-making process of the four cases. Comparing the success and the failure cases, the requirements for successful village development programs in the study village were pointed out.
Groups labeled “tribes” are at the core of anthropology's rethinking of its older ethnological avatars. This article examines the complex and evolving notion of “tribe,” uncovering successive layers of meaning and politics that have accreted over centuries. It traces an intellectual genealogy of the term, increasingly in vogue in Euro-American debates over the future of liberal democratic societies. The article locates the epicenter of tribalism in the Indian Ocean, where it has coexisted with a “thin liberalism” over the past two centuries, and where invocations of timeless “tribes” conceal all-too-modern social structures. While colonial anthropologists and administrators infused new meaning into preexisting ideas, colonial subjects were not passive victims but active partners in constructing and governing “tribes” in colonial and postcolonial territories. A comparative and historical analysis across the Old World of Afro-Eurasia thus highlights the significance of “distributed sovereignty” in shaping both continuities and changes into the present. Understanding the myriad pasts of “tribes” and the historical texture of ethnopolitics in the East and West is also important for thinking reflexively about our own roles as producers of social-scientific knowledge. Not only might we recognize trends and tropes of (re)making tribes, but we may also unshackle ourselves from the burdens imposed on us by shared, unacknowledged imperial pasts.
This chapter reviews the main theoretical approaches used to explain the paradox of illegal ASM or galamsey discussed in the previous chapter. It focuses on three closely related state-centric theories found in the extant literature on illegal ASM in Ghana: (in)formalization, corruption, and neopatrimonialism. These theories are rooted in the broader context of informality and illegality of ASM and its negative environmental and socioeconomic harms—issues that are common across many minerals-rich countries in Africa, Asia, Oceania, and Latin America. Therefore, the problematique and discussion of this chapter may be germane to the ASM sectors of countries in other regions. While we do not claim that these are the only relevant state-centric theories, they are the most prominent in explaining the intractable problem of illegal ASM or galamsey in Ghana. The chapter sets the theoretical foundation for the next, in which we advance the understanding of the intractable problem of galamsey in Ghana and beyond by introducing an alternative theory: state capture theory.
This study explores how accounting students at the Catholic University of Rwanda (CUR) engage with non-monetary resources in cooperative settings, emphasizing the role of social capital and communal value in shaping accounting perceptions and practices. The objective is to assess how students recognize and evaluate intangible resources such as trust, reciprocity, and solidarity within local cooperatives. The hypothesis proposes that students trained in conventional monetary-focused accounting frameworks undervalue social capital in economic reporting. Using a mixed-methods approach, data were collected from a stratified random sample of 42 students out of a total population of 185. Research tools included structured questionnaires, focus group discussions, and participant observation. Findings show that 78.6% of respondents recognize the importance of social relationships in the functioning of cooperatives, while only 26.2% believe such non-monetary elements should be included in formal accounting reports. Furthermore, 61.9% expressed interest in alternative tools such as social audits, while 52.4% supported the integration of participatory budgeting in cooperative finance. Notably, 83.3% agreed that accounting education should include ethical and social dimensions that reflect communal realities. The results reveal a significant gap between accounting training and the socioeconomic context of Rwandan cooperatives. The study concludes that integrating culturally sensitive and ethical approaches into accounting education is essential for preparing socially responsible professionals. This shift would allow financial reporting to reflect both tangible and intangible contributions, fostering inclusive development and enhancing the sustainability of cooperative models.