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Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nations, and the Congo Crisis of 1960–1: a Reinterpretation
Abstract
The Congo constituted the largest peace-keeping operation in the history of the United Nations, at least until recently, being only exceeded in scale by current actions in Yugoslavia, Cambodia, and Somalia. It included, during 1960–4, not only civilian advisers who helped run the central règime in Lèopoldiville, but also an army which, at full strength, comprised 19,000 troops. They intervened extensively in the politics of the country, thereby not conforming to the popular image of a passive ‘peace-keeping’ force.
... Essa situação instável demonstrou rapidamente seus efeitos nefastos nos eventos que ficaram conhecidos como a "crise do Congo", logo após a independência do país, que envolveu a tentativa de secessão do Katanga, um motim do exército, uma intervenção da ONU e uma sequência de golpes e contragolpes no comando do Estado que incluíram o assassinato do Primeiro-Ministro Patrice Lumumba por agentes belgas, em colaboração com o comando do exército congolês e o governo secessionista katanguense (MOHAN, 1969;GIBBS, 1993GIBBS, , 2000MWANBANI, 2001;WITTE, 2002;para uma contextualização mais ampla: NZONGOLA, 1970;HOCHSCHILD, 1999). ...
Este trabalho pretende abordar as representações sobre relações raciais elaboradas por diplomatas estadunidenses, autoridades portuguesas, nacionalistas angolanos e militantes pelos direitos civis
nos EUA, baseando-se principalmente na correspondência consular estadunidense sobre Angola entre 1960 e 1961 – um momento em que a raça se tornou um fenômeno político global, com a radicalização do movimento pelos direitos civis nos Estados Unidos, o endurecimento do apartheid na África do Sul, a conversão da ditadura portuguesa ao lusotropicalismo de Gilberto Freyre e o início da guerra anticolonial em Angola.
... His test of leadership was again challenged during the liberation of the Congo on June 30, 1960 which was one of the largest and the richest in resources of the European colonies in Africa to gain independence. The post-colonial government with Joseph Kasavubu as President and Patrice Lumumba as Prime Minister, faced multitude challenges: the administration, which had been in Belgian hands, had broken down; the army had mutinied; a large proportion of the white population had fled; Belgian troops had intervened -in part to protect the white inhabitants; and the province of Katanga declared itself an independent state (Gibbs, 1993). All these factors -the collapse of the administration, the mutiny of the armed forces, and finally Katanga's secession from the rest of the Congo form the background for the request made to the UN by President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba to the Secretary-General asking «urgent dispatch» of United Nations military assistance to respond to the Belgian action. ...
Dag Hammarskjöld is considered as one of the ‘best, most dynamic and influential Secretary General of the United
Nations. He is one of the most pro-active diplomats whose lasting legacy was the focus on the quiet diplomacy, peace keeping and development aid. These three key features of the United Nations of today were the result of Hammarskjöld’s ideas. His legacy in United Nations is considered as a beacon and legend for men who are seeking the road to international peace and security and a moral compass for international civil service. This article tries to capture some of his contribution of his signature ‘quiet diplomacy’ (informal private mediation) to resolve some of the world’s worst crisis.
... Dag Hjalmar Agne Carl Hammarskjöld fue un funcionario sueco, diplomático, economista y escritor, último de los cuatro hijos de Agnes (Almquist) Hammarskjöld y Hjalmar Hammarskjöld, primer ministro de Suecia, miembro del Tribunal de La Haya, gobernador de Uppland, presidente de la junta de la Fundación Nobel (Naciones Unidas, 2012). Fue el segundo Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas desde abril de 1953 hasta su muerte en un accidente aéreo en septiembre de 1961.Se lo considera uno de los «mejores, más dinámicos y más influyentes secretarios generales que haya conocido Naciones Unidas (Annan, 2007;Thakur, 2015) y el presidente John F. Kennedy se refería a él como «uno de los más grandes estadistas de nuestro siglo» (Linnér, 2007). Es una de las cuatro personas galardonadas póstumamente con el premio Nobel de la paz en 1961 pero había sido nominado antes de su muerte, y fue el único Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas fallecido durante su mandato. ...
Dag Hammarskjöld es considerado uno de los mejores Secretarios Generales de las Naciones Unidas, entre los más dinámicos e influyentes. Es uno de los diplomáticos más proactivos cuyo legado duradero se centra en la diplomacia tranquila, el mantenimiento de la paz y la ayuda al desarrollo. Estas tres características fundamentales de las Naciones Unidas de hoy en día son el resultado de las ideas de Hammarskjöld. Su legado en las Naciones Unidas se considera un faro y una leyenda para aquellos que busquen el camino hacia la paz y la seguridad internacional, y una brújula moral para los funcionarios internacionales. Este artículo intenta captar parte de la contribución a su conocida «diplomacia tranquila» (mediación privada informal) para resolver algunas de las peores crisis que ha visto el mundo.
Abstract: Dag Hammarskjöld is considered as one of the 'best, most dynamic and influential Secretary General of the United Nations. He is one of the most pro-active diplomats whose lasting legacy was the focus on the quiet diplomacy, peace keeping and development aid. These three key features of the United Nations of today were the result of Hammarskjöld's ideas. His legacy in United Nations is considered as a beacon and legend for men who are seeking the road to international peace and security and a moral compass for international civil service. This article tries to capture some of his contribution of his signature 'quiet diplomacy' (informal private mediation) to resolve some of the world's worst crisis.
... Of course, and rightly so in line with traditions of objectivity, his contributions to world peace and security continue to be scrutinised -pitted against emerging critical voices attempting to sieve through the grains of his legacy. This is by no means unexpected of a complex historical figure of his stature -a man whose life in the international spotlight, just as his death, remains shrouded in much debate, myth and contortions (Gibbs 1993;. Notwithstanding, fifty years have passed since his tragic demise, and it is perhaps prudent timing to undertake a rather 'pious audit' of his vision for world peace especially in the Congo 1 -the still daunting Aegean stable at the heart of Africa for the attempted cleaning of which he eventually gave his life. ...
... Of course, and rightly so in line with traditions of objectivity, his contributions to world peace and security continue to be scrutinised -pitted against emerging critical voices attempting to sieve through the grains of his legacy. This is by no means unexpected of a complex historical igure of his stature -a man whose life in the international spotlight, just as his death, remains shrouded in much debate, myth and contortions (Gibbs 1993;O'Brien 1962). Notwithstanding, ifty years have passed since his tragic demise, and it is perhaps prudent timing to undertake a rather 'pious audit' of his vision for world peace especially in the Congo 1 -the still daunting Aegean stable at the heart of Africa for the attempted cleaning of which he eventually gave his life. ...
Only recently, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) celebrated fifty years since the territory gained independence from Belgium. But the truth be told, Congo is not yet free. In more ways than are easily fathomable, the country continues to be buffeted by various reincarnations of greed and chaos – some externally driven, others internally motivated. This paper begins with a historical contextualisation of the conflicts in the DRC, before proceeding to take stock of the organisation’s balance sheet thus far as it grapples with imminent peacekeeping, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction challenges in the country. Successes achieved by the United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) (now MONUSCO, the UN Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the DRC) are then pitted against setbacks in this regard. Finally, a prognosis of the UN’s future role in the territory is built on the template of the political, social and economic realities prevalent in the territory.Within the present dispensation in the Congo, how can the UN play a more effective role in disarming the country’s conflicts, while arming its capacity for lasting peace and security? In what ways can the broader internationalcommunity muster its leverage more robustly in stemming the troubling tide of ‘conflict resource hunting’ in the Congo? How can we look backward in order to see forward, or, in other words, what lessons can we draw from Hammarskjöld’s leadership in the first Congo war, and apply in current attempts towards the pacification of the Congo?
... It may well be that certain circumstances have 'blurred and dissolved conventional distinctions between peoples, armies and governments' (Duffield, 2001: 13), but this is peculiar not to late 20th-century conflicts, but rather to weak and failing public authority throughout the 20th century -or indeed earlier times. For example, the Congo civil war that erupted upon that country's independence in 1960 could easily fit into the new wars model employed to explain post-Cold War phenomena (Abi-Saab, 1978;Gibbs, 1993;Urquhart, 1972). When Belgium withdrew, Congo suddenly experienced a breakdown of centralized government and order. ...
In recent years, a number of analysts have argued that qualitative changes have occurred in the nature of violent conflict and that it is now possible to think in terms of ‘new wars’ that are distinct in significant ways from earlier forms of conflict. This article summarizes the different arguments of the ‘new wars’ thesis and argues that the distinction between ‘contemporary’ forms of conflict and wars of earlier times is exaggerated and in some instances does not stand up to scrutiny, especially when drawing upon historical material. In particular, the article questions the extent to which contemporary forms of organized violence reflect new patterns in terms of actors, objectives, spatial context, human impact, and the political economy and social structure of conflict. Moreover, the article argues that the tendency in the new wars scholarship to identify common patterns in ‘contemporary’ civil conflicts ignores important differences among them. In conclusion, the article considers the importance of recent scholarship on conflict for the security discourse and state sovereignty.
... In the early 1990s, another wave of persecution against peoples of Kasai origin broke out in Katanga province (Bakajika 1997; News from Africa Watch 1993). Contrary to the persecution of the early 1960s stemming out of secessionist and separatist pursuits (Crawford 1966; Gibbs 1993), this new crisis evolved from a power struggle between President Mobutu and the internal political opposition that sought to end his regime peacefully (Leslie 1993; Washington Office on Africa 1992). Mobutu undertook to divide the political opposition to politically weaken Etienne Tshisekedi, a politician of Luba Kasai origin named by the National Sovereign Conference as Prime Minister-elect responsible for leading the transition. ...
Socio-demographic and medical information about internally displaced
persons in all parts of the world is lacking. One area where many of these persons
reside is the Democratic Republic of Congo. A cross-sectional survey was used to
assess the differences, if any, between elderly and non-elderly internally displaced
parents in Cibombo Cimuangi, a resettlement community in the Eastern Kasai
province. The survey was undertaken in 2005. Adults members from these households
provided data on the experience of disease episodes over a six-month period and demographic information. Elderly internally displaced parents (older than 60
years) and non-elderly displaced parents were compared in number of illnesses (e.g.,
fever, weight loss) and selected demographic variables. These groups are similar in
terms of experience of disease, but significantly different in terms of level of spouse's
education and concentration of adult children in the household. Adjusting for these
two demographic variables did not change the experience of illness for either type of
parents. We discussed reasons for the absence of differences in disease incidence
between the two groups and several factors that will impact internally displaced
persons in Africa in the future.
“Peacebuilding” serves as a catch-all term to describe efforts by an array of international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and agencies of foreign states to restore or construct a peaceful society in the wake—or even in the midst—of conflict. Despite this variety, practitioners consider themselves members of a global profession. In The Distinction of Peace , Catherine Goetze investigates the genesis of peacebuilding as a professional field of expertise since the 1960s, its increasing influence, and the ways it reflects global power structures.
Goetze describes how the peacebuilding field came into being, how it defines who belongs to it and who does not, and what kind of group culture it has generated. Using an innovative methodology, she investigates the motivations of individuals who become peacebuilders, their professional trajectories and networks, and the “good peacebuilder” as an ideal. For many, working in peacebuilding in various ways—as an aid worker on the ground, as a lawyer at the United Nations, or as an academic in a think tank—has become not merely a livelihood, but also a form of participation in world politics. As a field, peacebuilding has developed techniques for incorporating and training new members, yet its internal politics also create the conditions of exclusion that often result in practical failures of the peacebuilding enterprise.
By providing a critical account of the social mechanisms that make up the peacebuilding field, Goetze offers deep insights into the workings of Western domination and global inequalities.
Cambridge Core - Military History - The Long Search for Peace - by Peter Londey
Freedom fighters. Guerrilla warriors. Soldiers of fortune. The many civil wars and rebellions against communist governments drew heavily from this cast of characters. Yet from Nicaragua to Afghanistan, Vietnam to Angola, Cuba to the Congo, the connections between these anticommunist groups have remained hazy and their coordination obscure. Yet as Kyle Burke reveals, these conflicts were the product of a rising movement that sought paramilitary action against communism worldwide. Tacking between the United States and many other countries, Burke offers an international history not only of the paramilitaries who started and waged small wars in the second half of the twentieth century but of conservatism in the Cold War era. From the start of the Cold War, Burke shows, leading U.S. conservatives and their allies abroad dreamed of an international anticommunist revolution. They pinned their hopes to armed men, freedom fighters who could unravel communist states from within. And so they fashioned a global network of activists and state officials, guerrillas and mercenaries, ex-spies and ex-soldiers to sponsor paramilitary campaigns in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Blurring the line between state-sanctioned and vigilante violence, this armed crusade helped radicalize right-wing groups in the United States while also generating new forms of privatized warfare abroad. © 2018 The University of North Carolina Press. All rights reserved.
“Peacebuilding” serves as a catch-all term to describe efforts by an array of international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and even agencies of foreign states to restore or construct a peaceful society in the wake-or even in the midst-of conflict. Despite this variety, practitioners consider themselves members of a global profession. In this study, Catherine Goetze investigates the genesis of peacebuilding as a professional field of expertise since the 1960s, its increasing influence, and the ways in which it reflects global power structures. Step-by- step, Goetze describes how the peacebuilding field came into being, how it defines who belongs to it and who does not, and what kind of group culture it has generated. Using an innovative and original methodology, she investigates the motivations of individuals who become peacebuilders, their professional trajectories and networks, and the “good peacebuilder” as an ideal. For many, working in peacebuilding in various ways-as an aid worker on the ground, as a lawyer at the United Nations, or as an academic in a think tank-has become not merely a livelihood but also a form of participation in world politics. As a field, peacebuilding has developed its techniques for incorporating and training new members, yet its internal politics also create the conditions of exclusion that often result in practical failures of the peacebuilding enterprise. By providing a critical account of the social mechanisms that make up the peacebuilding field, Goetze offers deep insights into the workings of Western domination and global inequalities.
The role of legitimacy in India's approach to the doctrine of the 'Responsibility to Protect' (R2P) and Humanitarian Interventions (HIs)has not received as much attention as it is due. The following article evaluates India's evolving views on R2P and HIs through the prism of legitimacy.It also demonstrates why the outcome of an HI whether through the medium of the R2P or otherwise matters as much as motives.
Britain was arguably the single greatest catalyst and beneficiary of UN peacekeeping operations during the post-war period. This book analyses the reasons for this, including the post-colonial conflicts which Britain handed the UN and its determination to ensure that peacekeeping evolved in a manner compatible with UK national interests. Despite initial ambivalence about letting the UN run military operations, Britain repeatedly used the organization, to shed colonial responsibilities, save face, share policing burdens, and stabilise conflicts in sensitive regions. This comprehensive survey first examines UK experience with antecedents of UN operations, notably 19th century colonial policing and missions set up under the League of Nations. It then analyses British efforts to influence, contain and exploit individual UN operations, including the Emergency Force established following the Suez Crisis (1956-67), the force in the Congo (1960-64), and the enduring operation in Cyprus (1967-). Also covered are several instances when British Governments preferred to intervene unilaterally, including in Jordan and Kuwait. One of the main contributions of the book is the detailed analysis of internal UK Government and UN files, which the author uses to reconstruct the policy making process. The book also sheds light on the peacekeeping policies of certain other key states, particularly the US and USSR. Finally, the account addresses some issues of contemporary relevance, including the tension between neutrality and impartiality, peacekeeping in a semi-permissive environment, and the use of force.
The Amharc éireann film series (literally translated as Views/Visions of Ireland) was a cultural nationalist project sponsored by Gael Linn, an organization whose mandate was the revitalization of the Irish language through the use of modern media and technology. It was produced by Colm ó Laoghaire, a member of a well-known Irish literary and nationalist family, the Plunketts. As the first and longest-running Irish-language documentary and news-film series, Amharc éireann represented an attempt on the part of a few committed Irish-language enthusiasts to present Ireland to the Irish in a way that would instil a sense of pride in the country, and to promote the language in a way that the public would accept. Created during a period of rapid social, economic and political change, it reflects and records the dramatic transformation of Ireland from a rural, underdeveloped and relatively isolated nation into a modern member of the international economic and political community. This book, the first full-length investigation of the Amharc éireann series as a historical artefact, makes an original and important contribution to our understanding of the complexities of twentieth-century Irish history. © Peter Lang AG, International Academic Publishers, Bern 2015. All rights reserved.
Based on a wealth of sources, files and interviews, and including previously unpublished material, this book explores the foundations of the political ethics of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the United Nations, examining how they influenced his actions in several key crisis situations. Hammarskjöld's political innovations, such as the creation of peacekeeping forces, the use of private diplomacy and the concept of the international civil service, were bold attempts at translating the aims and principles of the UN charter into concrete thought and action. Kofi Annan described Hammarskjöld's approach as a useful guideline to dealing with the problems of a globalized world. Offering a topical perspective on a subject that has not recently been explored, this book analyzes Hammarskjöld's successes and failures in a way which offers insights into contemporary problems, and in doing so provides a significant and original contribution to UN studies. Political Ethics and The United Nations will be of interest to students of the United Nations, peace studies, and international relations in general.
The Democratic Republic of Congo has experienced patterns of mass victimization since the country’s inception. As a private domain of King Leopold ii of Belgium, a Belgian colony or an independent state; the country has undergone numerous episodes of violence affecting not only individuals but also entire communities. Socio-political and economic crises have been accompanied by inter-ethnic violence, mostly in eastern provinces. Over the last decade, various mechanisms have been explored in attempts to address past atrocities. In addition to ongoing prosecutions before the International Criminal Court, a number of domestic initiatives have been or are still being explored. The present article examines the suitability of these mechanisms against the backdrop of the politically and ethnically fragmented landscape in the country. The inquiry examines whether domestic or international peace-building processes address not only individual forms of victimization but also subjective experiences and perceptions of collective victimhood.
Fifty years after Dag Hammarskjöld's death, the approach adopted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to confront the Congo crisis in 1960-1 is still of great significance. The same issues that were debated then-the form and extent of UN interventions and their broader political considerations-are relevant and questioned in today's UN interventions to secure peace and justice. Therefore it is useful to examine in detail Hammarskjöld's approach to the Congolese crisis in a highly complex political process, which has been perceived as a turning point in relations between newly independent countries, former colonial powers, and the superpowers. Looking back at the time when the Congolese crisis transformed itself into one of Hammarskjöld's biggest diplomatic challenges, suffice it to recall that from the beginning of July 1960, a few days after the proclamation of the independence of the Congo on 30 June 1960, the Secretary-General had to find the best way to respond to an appeal from the new Congolese government for immediate military assistance. This call came against the backdrop of what, from the start, looked to be a major crisis that went beyond the troubled African context and had dangerous implications for the Cold War.
The problems of the Secretary-General are as many as the number of member states of the United Nations. Although the UN Charter merely designates him or her “the chief administrative officer of the Organization” the position, as this volume has shown, is both much more and much less than that. In the vexed, and too often adversarial, relationship of the office to the members of the organization, the Secretary-General is sometimes treated as an errand boy and punching bag. This is partly the fault of short-sighted foreign offices, but also of the contradictions in the way the job is described in the Charter. That instrument seems to establish him or her as an important independent force, but also as a mere servant of the political organs of the organization. The problems that have afflicted the various incumbents mostly result from those contradictory designations. Yet this is not the only contradiction of the office. Quite apart from whether the Secretary-General is intended to be a secretary or a general, the appointment process is designed to avoid selecting either: It is a political rather than professional process, but one that is geared to choosing the weakest rather than the strongest candidate. This is not to disparage the various incumbents, but, as Brian E. Urquhart recounted in chapter 1, those who have stood tallest in the role have been those who most exceeded expectations. Even within the two dominant functions of the position, the Secretary-General frequently lacks sufficient internal authority to be an effective administrator of the organization, while also lacking the resources to exercise his or her external functions with credibility. © Cambridge University Press 2007 and Cambridge University Press, 2010.
As UN Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjöld shaped many of the fundamental principles and practices of international organisations, such as preventive diplomacy, the ethics of international civil service, impartiality and neutrality. He was also at the heart of the constitutional foundations and principles of the UN. This tribute and critical review of Hammarskjöld's values and legacy examines his approach towards international civil service, agency and value-based leadership, investigates his vision of internationalism and explores his achievements and failures as Secretary-General. It draws on specific conflict situations and strategies such as Suez and the Congo for lessons that can benefit contemporary conflict resolution and modern concepts such as human security and R2P. It also reflects on ways in which actors such as international courts, tribunals and the EU can benefit from Hammarskjöld's principles and experiences in the fields of peace and security and international justice.
The concept of UN peacekeeping has had to evolve and change to meet the challenges of contemporary sources of conflict. From a practical, operational and legal perspective, Murphy examines the problems faced by UN peacekeeping operations. Three case studies (Lebanon, Somalia and Kosovo) are used to demonstrate the problems associated with the command and control of UN forces, the use of force and rules of engagement, and the implementation of international human rights and humanitarian law by such forces.
This study examines how the leadership qualities of the UN Secretaries-General affect how they address threats to peace and security. The personal traits of seven Secretaries-General are measured and categorized into one of three leadership styles: managerial, strategic, and visionary. A framework of the influential activities available to the office is linked to each leadership style to establish a series of behavioral expectations. The connection is supported through a close examination of three office-holders: Dag Hammarskjold the visionary; Kurt Waldheim the manager; and Kofi Annan the strategist. This study demonstrates the impact of personal qualities on the operation of the Secretary-Generalship, provides a wealth of information on the office and the tenures of Hammarskjold, Waldheim and Annan, and extends knowledge on political leadership in the realm of international organization.
Reviewing the study of US policy towards Africa: from intellectual ‘backwater’ to theory construction
Esta pesquisa parte da trajetória de um pequeno grupo de jovens reunidos em torno do Centro de Estudos Angolanos (CEA), criado em Argel, em 1964, para investigar as relações entre os esforços simbólicos de construção nacional — que marcam a literatura das independências e o discurso nacionalista em Angola, e na África de modo geral — e outras categorias de identificação coletiva, em especial etnia e raça, historicamente associadas à produção de saberes sobre o continente africano. Este trabalho inicia por um apanhado das relações teóricas entre nação e etnia, e de um inventário dos usos da etnia nos discursos nacionalistas africanos da época das independências, para acompanhar o pequeno núcleo ativo de jovens nacionalistas do CEA desde seu mergulho na agitação nacionalista até sua chegada a Angola. Finalmente, faz um experimento de leitura crítica dos primeiros romances do escritor angolano Pepetela (um dos principais membros do CEA), concentrando-se na sua mobilização das categorias de nação, raça e etnia (em seus aspectos descritivos e normativos), em relação com a produção intelectual do CEA e de seus membros ao longo do período estudado.
On Tuesday 22 January, 1963, the First Secretary of State and Minister in charge of the Central Africa Office, R.A. Butler, met with the Southern Rhodesia Cabinet in Salisbury. Butler notified the Cabinet that he was visiting the Central African Federation in order to “gauge for himself” the situation. Southern Rhodesia, he remarked, was “an issue unjustifiably pursued at the United Nations” and countering this negative international opinion “was providing the British Government with a difficult, tedious and unwanted task”.
The collapse of Mobutu's Zaïre in 1996/97 was the
result of an unprecedented
correspondence of domestic, regional and international interests.
The Zaïrean state was established and sustained during the Cold War
with
Western support as a bulwark against communism and source of raw materials.
It maintained itself after the Cold War by playing on external fears of
state
collapse and by supporting French regional interests. By 1996, with the
failure of French credibility and US refusal to intervene, it had no reliable
external protector. Internal support was non-existent, and an opposition
alliance was constructed under Kabila's leadership. Regional states,
notably Rwanda and Angola, intervened to protect their own security.
Though successful, this regional alliance itself proved to be unstable,
leading
to a recurrence of war in 1998.
When Dag Hammarskjöld flew to Ndola in Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) on 17 September 1961 it was to meet Moïse Tshombe, the self-styled President of secessionist Katanga, in order to bring about a ceasefire to the fighting that was going on between his soldiers and those of the United Nations, especially in Elisabethville (now Lubumbashi). One of the more spectacular components of diese hostilities was a French-built Fouga Magister, which had strafed some unprotected U.N. positions from the air, and journalists quickly located the Belgian pilot as a ‘Major’ Delin, depicted as a kind of modern ‘Lone Ranger’ defying the world community. The importance of ‘the little Fouga’ soon got blown out of all proportions, and when Hammarskjöld's DC-6B, nicknamed ‘Albertina’, took off from Léopoldville (now Kinshasa) it was decided to take a roundabout route in order to avoid being attacked by the Fouga. After the Secretary-General's plane had crashed, the press jumped to the conclusion that it had been shot down by the Fouga, and U.N. spokesmen confirmed that Ndola was within its range.
Until recently, dominant theoretical paradigms in the comparative social sciences did not highlight states as organizational structures or as potentially autonomous actors. Indeed, the term 'state' was rarely used. Current work, however, increasingly views the state as an agent which, although influenced by the society that surrounds it, also shapes social and political processes. The contributors to this volume, which includes some of the best recent interdisciplinary scholarship on states in relation to social structures, make use of theoretically engaged comparative and historical investigations to provide improved conceptualizations of states and how they operate. Each of the book's major parts presents a related set of analytical issues about modern states, which are explored in the context of a wide range of times and places, both contemporary and historical, and in developing and advanced-industrial nations. The first part examines state strategies in newly developing countries. The second part analyzes war making and state making in early modern Europe, and discusses states in relation to the post-World War II international economy. The third part pursues new insights into how states influence political cleavages and collective action. In the final chapter, the editors bring together the questions raised by the contributors and suggest tentative conclusions that emerge from an overview of all the articles. As a programmatic work that proposes new directions for the analysis of modern states, the volume will appeal to a wide range of teachers and students of political science, political economy, sociology, history, and anthropology.
Mining Situation in the Republic of the Congo
- Börje Hjortzberg-Nordlund
ambassador to Belgium noted ‘the emotional (sometimes near hysterical) atmosphere of Brussels’ due to international involvement in the Congo crisis. Cable from Douglas MacArthur II to State Department
- U S The
force adopted a ‘hands off’ attitude with regard to Katanga from July until mid- September 1960, when Rejeshwar Dayal, an Indian national, arrived in the Congo as Hammarskjöld's personal representative. This anti-Katanga stance continued until the termination of the secession
- U N The