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The New Barter Economy: An Appraisal of Local Exchange and Trading Systems (LETS)
Author(s): Colin C. Williams
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Source:
Journal of Public Policy,
Vol. 16, No. 1 (Jan. - Apr., 1996), pp. 85-101
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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Jnl Publ. Pol., i6, i, 85-101 Copyright ? 1996 Cambridge University Press
The New Barter Economy: An Appraisal of
Local Exchange and Trading Systems (LETS)
COLIN C. WILLIAMS Urban
Studies, Leeds
Metropolitan University
ABSTRACT
A new form of barter economy is emerging in many industrial nations.
People are exchanging goods and services through Local Exchange and
Trading Systems (LETS). These are local associations whose members
list their offers of, and requests for, goods and services in a directory
and then exchange them priced in a local unit of currency. Using a
United Kingdom case study of Totnes LETS, this paper presents a
preliminary appraisal of their economic, social equity and
community-building objectives. It finds that although LETS are
fulfilling these objectives, achievements could be substantially
improved with some alterations in public policy towards LETS.
Barter can be defined as the process by which there is the direct
exchange of goods and services without money changing hands. If some-
body has a particular good or service to offer, and requires some other
good or service, s/he can either find somebody with matching require-
ments, or make one or more intermediate transactions to obtain the
good and/or service wanted. Such a system is obviously cumbersome,
especially in the contemporary economy, since specialization increases
the need for an exchange economy to enable an easier satisfaction of
demand. Some form of money, in terms of which the value of each good
and/or service is expressed, and which can be exchanged for any good
and/or service, has become essential. The problem, however, is that
there are many people with unmet needs, and many others able and
willing to work, but this supply and demand cannot be matched due
to a shortage of money. Consequently, in the past few years, a new
form of barter economy has started to emerge in industrialised nations
in the form of Local Exchange and Trading Systems (LETS).
The function of LETS is to enable people to trade goods and services
in a locality without using the national currency. To achieve this, a
group of people form an association and create a local unit of exchange.
They then sell goods and services to each other priced in these units.
86 Colin C. Williams
Acorns, for example, are the local currency unit in Totnes, favours in
Calderdale, solents in Southampton and stokers in Stoke. Normally,
one unit is made equal to one unit of the national currency. To facilit-
ate trade, each LETS member offers a range of goods and services in
a directory which is circulated to every member. This also contains a
list of the goods and services each member wants to receive. Individuals
then decide both what they want to trade, who they want to trade with
and how much trading they wish to do. The price is agreed between
the seller and buyer, although the seller will sometimes state the price
s/he wishes to receive in the directory. The association maintains a
record of the transactions by means of cheques written in the local
LETS units. Every time a transaction is made, these cheques are sent
to the treasurer who works in a similar manner to a bank sending out
regular statements of accounts to the members. No actual cash is issued
since all transactions are by cheque and no interest is charged or paid.
The level of LETS units exchange is thus entirely dependent upon the
extent of trading conducted.
The concept of LETS was first propounded in the early 198os by a
Canadian, Michael Linton, who introduced the idea into the United
Kingdom in 1985 at 'The Other Economic Summit', a forum for 'new
economics' thinkers, after successfully developing such a system in Van-
couver (Linton, 1986). Indeed, from that point onwards, it has been
advocated and developed mostly by those connected with the 'new eco-
nomics'.' It was not until the l990s, however, that the idea began to
take-off. In early i992 in the United Kingdom, for instance, just five
LETS were operating. By late 1994, this had expanded to more than
300 LETS in operation with over 2o,ooo members (LetsLink UK,
1994a). Other countries have witnessed a similar level of growth during
the 1990s. New Zealand now has 54 LETS (Mallinson, 1994), Australia
has 171 (Jackson, 1994), Canada has 10 and there are 10 in the USA
(Greco, 1994; LetsLink UK, 1994a). Many of the early LETS were set
up by individuals acting on their own initiative. However, a small but
rapidly growing proportion of the more recent LETS in all of these
countries are being set up by public sector agencies. In a December
1994 survey, moreover, Gibbs et al. (1995) discover that 64 per cent
of United Kingdom local authorities intend to develop a LETS in their
area.
However, little research has so far been undertaken which can inform
public policy towards LETS. There has been little, if any, data collected
and published on such matters as who participates in LETS, why, or
the nature and extent of the work undertaken. Neither has there been
any published appraisal of whether they are achieving their objectives.2
According to the LetsLink UK Draft Constitution (LetsLink UK,
The New Barter Economy 87
1994b), which is similar to that adopted in other countries, these
objectives are:
* To stimulate the creation of social and economic benefits by and for
its members and the people of the locality; and
* To develop and encourage the experience of community in the local-
ity through the establishment of a local exchange trading system.
Here, therefore, LETS will be evaluated in terms of their economic,
social equity and community-building objectives. Having explained
each of these objectives, a critical evaluation will be undertaken of
whether LETS are realizing them in practice. To illustrate this, new
empirical evidence is presented from a survey of Totnes LETS in
Devon, which was one of the first operating in the UK, formed in
October 1991. This reveals that although this LETS is fulfilling both its
economic, social equity and community-building objectives, the impacts
could be further improved if there were some alterations in public
policy towards LETS. The paper thus concludes by outlining these
necessary changes, in particular focusing upon the issues of taxation
and social security policy.
Objectives
of LETS
LETS, to repeat, have economic, social equity and community-building
objectives. Each will now be explained in turn in order that the per-
formance of LETS can be evaluated.
Economic objectives
The principal economic objective of a LETS is to facilitate import sub-
stitution in its locality so as to help rebuild 'localised' economies which
are more inter-linked and less reliant on outside sources for goods and
services (Dobson, 1993; Lang, 1994; Shephard, 1992). As such, they
are seen as a means of achieving sustainable local economic develop-
ment (Boyle, 1993; Brandt, 1995; Elkins 1986; Robertson, 1987;
Weston 1991; Wilding, 1991). The perception is that economies have
become ever more open and that this has led to problems (Seyfang,
1994; Weston, 1991). Much has been asserted, for example, about the
negative impacts of externally controlled investment on local econo-
mies (Galtung, 1986; Jenkins, 1987). As Weston (1991, 38) argues,
'centralised banks collect money from different regions but usually invest in
specific, booming areas. Such a system deprives communities and regions of
wealth created locally. Even if some of that money is re-imported into the
88 Colin C. Williams
region, it has become externally controlled capital. The process causes local
areas to lose control of their economy'.
LETS, meanwhile, are regarded as providing an opportunity for greater
local control over finances and economic affairs since the local currency
cannot be exported beyond the boundaries of the area, and so facilitates
exchange within the local economy regardless of national currency
shortages. Nevertheless, this is not to assert that supporters of LETS
seek total self sufficiency for their area. Instead, the intention of a
local currency is to provide a buffer against external economic change
(Seyfang 1994). It is intended as a parallel economy. LETS are seen
as a complement to, not a replacement for, national currency (Dauncey,
1988). To evaluate LETS in terms of their economic objectives, there-
fore, the extent to which they create new economic opportunities and
the degree to which they facilitate locally-oriented activity will be
examined.
Social equity objectives
Conventionally, the solution to unemployment in many industrialised
nations has been to pursue full-employment and, failing this, to provide
a universal, permanent and comprehensive 'safety net' in the form of
welfare benefits. However, persistently high rates of unemployment
coupled with recurrent fears about cuts in welfare spending have
caused many, both in the new economics and beyond, to search for
alternative solutions to unemployment and its resulting problems of
social exclusion and poverty. For some, the informal sector has been
heralded as one potential means through which those marginalised
from employment can and do get-by (Rosanvallon 1980; Sauvy 1984).
The vast majority of studies of the informal sector which have been
conducted in European Union nations, nevertheless, reveal that rela-
tively affluent populations undertake more informal work than poorer
populations and that the unemployed conduct little informal work rel-
ative to the employed (for a review, see Williams and Windebank 1993,
1994). Indeed, relatively affluent populations tend to conduct the more
autonomous, non-routine and rewarding informal work whilst poorer
populations and the unemployed engage in the more exploitative, rou-
tine and monotonous informal work (Williams and Windebank, 1995).
So, the informal sector has been found to reinforce, rather than reduce,
the social inequalities produced by the formal sector.
LETS, however, are seen as a vehicle for encouraging the unem-
ployed's participation in informal work so as to reduce social inequalit-
ies (Offe and Heinze, 1992; Williams, 1994). The unemployed and
The New Barter Economy 89
poor are hypothesized to conduct less informal work because they: lack
the money to buy the materials necessary to engage in such production;
own fewer capital goods and less property and thus undertake a nar-
rower range of tasks; lack the necessary skills; feel more inhibited,
especially about engaging in paid informal work, for fear of being
reported to the relevant authorities; and suffer from the reduction in
the size of social networks following unemployment since they have
fewer chances of hearing about opportunities for undertaking and
receiving informal work (Williams and Windebank 1995).
LETS, meanwhile, are argued to be capable of helping the unem-
ployed overcome many, if not all, of these barriers to their participation
in informal exchange. For example, following redundancy, social net-
works tend to deplete, meaning that the unemployed tend only to mix
with other unemployed. This leads to the unemployed 'falling out' of
the local social structure and having less access to mutual aid support
mechanisms than the employed (Morris, 1994). LETS attempt to alter
this by reconstructing the social networks within which reciprocal
exchange can occur which empowers the unemployed to participate in
work and to demonstrate their worth through economic activity, boost-
ing their self-esteem. Similarly, the unemployed often lack money to
purchase the materials and capital goods necessary to undertake
informal activity. A LETS, however, allows them to acquire or borrow
these from either a formal business or another individual in the LETS
and to repay the cost later. Hence, LETS provide the possibility of
access to credit for the unemployed, a facility usually denied them, so
that they can obtain the goods required to engage in informal work.
The value of the LETS approach, therefore, is that it can in theory
directly attack each and every one of the barriers which prevent the
unemployed from taking part in informal work, both as consumers and
providers. As such, they can be seen as a vehicle for mitigating the
problems resulting from unemployment and underemployment such as
social exclusion, poverty and an inability to participate in work. To
evaluate whether this is the case, LETS need to be evaluated in terms
of who participates in them, their motivation for joining, the extent of
their participation and the level of remuneration received so as to
explore both whether they help the poor and unemployed get-by and
whether they reinforce or mitigate the social inequalities produced by
the formal and informal sectors.
Community-building objectives
A final objective of LETS is to rebuild community. 'Community' is a
shorthand for those local social arrangements, which Bulmer (1989,
go Colin C. Williams
253) refers to as 'intermediary structures', that are beyond the realm
of household relations but are more familiar to us than the impersonal
institutions in the wider society. These intermediary structures may be
formed around links between people with common residence, common
interests, common attachments or some other shared experience which
creates a sense of belonging.
A principal problem with much current thinking is that there is a
romanticised view of community as a natural product of human nature
(Bauman 1990). As Crow and Allen (1994, 5) assert, however, there is
no ' ''natural community" in which social order and integration emerge
automatically, without direction or even intention'. Instead, the emer-
gence of community life requires not only favourable social structures
(e.g. stable, homogeneous populations) but also the active creation of
community. People need to actively generate and reproduce local social
networks and identities, so as to construct and reconstruct community.
Communities, therefore, are not natural entities. They are socially con-
structed. Recognising this fact, LETS create a formal structured frame-
work within which social networks can develop through the medium
of multilateral reciprocal exchange. To assess the community-building
objective of LETS, therefore, the extent to which they help participants
build and develop social networks within the locality can be evaluated.
Given these economic, social and community-building objectives
underlying the LETS approach, attention now turns towards an analysis
of whether they are being achieved in practice. To analyze this, a case
study of Totnes LETS is undertaken.
LETS in practice:
a case
study of Totnes
Totnes is a small town in Devon with 4,257 inhabitants located between
the Dartmoor National Park and the tourist coastal area of Torbay.
Although the geography of the 'alternative' or 'green' movement
remains unwritten, Totnes can be considered one of its centres,
recently being referred to, for example, as 'a town with an uncanny
attraction for New Seekers' (Margolis 1995: 8). It is also the home of
'Green Books', a rapidly expanding publishing house, and the Schum-
acher College at Dartington Hall which is one of the principal institu-
tions globally for the teaching of 'green' philosophy. In many respects,
therefore, if LETS are going to be effective in achieving their objectives,
then it is in locations such as these that such a system should be seen
in its best light. Concomitantly, if LETS is not working here, then there
is little chance that it is working anywhere else. With this in mind, a
postal questionnaire was sent to all 250 members of Totnes LETS in
February 1995, which is 6 per cent of the Totnes population. 63
The New Barter Economy 91
TABLE 1: Trading on British
LETS: by number of members
Name of LETS Number of Turnover p.a. Average trade
Members per member p.a.
National average 88 ?6,496 ?74
(LetsLink UK survey)'
Diss' 35 ?1,849 ?52
Stoke 47 ?1,927 ?41
Nottingham' 130 ?2,500 ?19
Bradford 120 ?6,ooo ?50
Bristol' 120 ? 15,000 ?125
Tradelink' 202 ?3 1,000 ?153
Totnes 250 ?39,539 ?153
Manchester 500 ? 120,000 ?240
1. Results of 57 LETS co-ordinators surveyed by LetsLink UK
2. Derived from results of co-ordinators survey of several LETS by Seyfang (1994).
responded (25.2 per cent). At the time of the survey, Totnes suffered
from an above average unemployment rate (io.6 per cent of the eco-
nomically active population compared with 9.1 per cent in England as
a whole). Here, the survey results are analyzed in terms of the eco-
nomic, social and community-building impacts, so that one can analyze
whether the objectives of LETS are being achieved in practice.
Economic
impacts
The total value of the trade undertaken by these 63 respondents was
the equivalent of ?9,964 (since one 'acorn' is the equivalent of one
pound sterling). This is an average of ?153.39 per member and a total
value of trade in the past year on Totnes LETS of ?39,539. As the
co-ordinators of Totnes LETS have independently put the level of trad-
ing at 40,000 'acorns', it can be assumed that the respondents to the
questionnaire are representative of the membership, at least in terms
of the level of trading undertaken.
As a LETS, moreover, Totnes has a similar level of trading to other
LETS of its size (see Table 1). Indeed, the limited data available seems
to suggest that the larger the number of members, the higher is both
the total volume of trade and the average trade per member. Such
bland figures, however, say little about the relative importance of this
trading to the LETS participants. With an average annual household
income (before tax) of ?9,722, and average earnings on LETS of
?153.39, the LETS earning of Totnes members represent under 2 per
cent of total household income. This might seem insignificant. How-
ever, members in households on less than ?s,ooo (before tax) not only
earned an average Of ?176.70 in LETS units during the past year, which
represents between 3-7 per cent of their household income, but 44 per
92 Colin C. Williams
cent of them asserted that the LETS has helped to improve their mat-
erial standard of living.
To explore whether LETS promote import substitution and create
new economic opportunities, the survey asked respondents what form
of work they would have used, if any, had they not employed the LETS
to get the work done. Some 32 per cent of all of the LETS work (by
value) would have been conducted through employment had the LETS
not existed. That is the equivalent of work to a value of ?12,573. Even
if all this had been imported, the import substituting function of Totnes
LETS is still fairly small at present.
Moreover, and so far as LETS creating new economic opportunities
are concerned, 37.9 per cent of the LETS work (by value) would not
have been conducted by the respondents if the LETS did not exist. This
is equivalent to work pertaining to a value of ?14,985. Assuming a
sales/employment ratio of ?17,000, which is an approximation of the
average across sectors in Britain at present, then Totnes LETS has
created new economic opportunities broadly equivalent to o.9 jobs.
Superficially, therefore, LETS do not appear to create significant new
economic opportunities. Even so, 38 per cent of respondents asserted
that the LETS had helped them to use skills which they would not
otherwise have used.
Social equity
impacts
Whether Totnes LETS is achieving its social equity objectives will here
be evaluated through an analysis of the membership, their motivations
for joining and the level and nature of their participation and remu-
neration. Of the 63 members who responded, 19 per cent were not
employed, 45 per cent were self-employed and just 36 per cent were
employees. It thus appears that the unemployed and self-employed are
more likely to participate in LETS than the employed. Nevertheless,
whether or not the unemployed are seen to be over- or under-
represented on Totnes LETS is in part a function of how 'unemploy-
ment' is defined. Many LETS members reject the notion of defining
people by employment status and thus do not answer questions about
their occupation in a way conducive to exploring occupational status.
For example, many members of Totnes LETS describe their occupation
as a self-employed astrologer, basket-maker, or physiotherapist
(denoting how they perceive their role in the community) when their
'official' status is unemployed and claiming social security.
Due to such problems, an alternative means of discovering whether
it is the poor or the relatively affluent who are participating in LETS,
is to examine the annual household income (before tax) of LETS mem-
The New Barter Economy 93
TABLE 2: Participation in Totnes LETS: by gross
income
of members
household
Sold Goods & Services Did Not Sell Anything
No. % No. %
<?4,999 i6 8o 4 20
?5,oo0 ,g999 13 68 6 32
? 1
o,oo- 14,999 9 go 1 1
0
? 1
5,000o? 19,999 5 63 3 37
?20,000-29,999 4 8o 1 20
>?3o,ooo 0 0 1 100
bers. This more clearly depicts that participation in Totnes LETS is
the province of poorer sections of society. In the South West in 1992,
just 21 per cent of households had a gross weekly income of less than
?125. Yet in 1994, 32 per cent of the LETS respondents' households
had a total annual household income (before tax) of less than ?96 per
week (that is, ?5,000 per annum). Only 9 per cent, moreover, live in
households where the total annual household incorme is over ?20,000
whilst in the South West as a whole, 26 per cent have a gross annual
household income of over ?19,500. Participants in Totnes LETS, there-
fore, appear to be disproportionately from the lower-income groups in
the local economy, with 62 per cent living in households with an annual
income (before tax) of under ?io,ooo, whilst the relatively wealthy
groups are heavily under-represented. If membership of LETS is dom-
inated by lower income groups, then the next question is whether their
motivation for joining is economic.
The most popular reason for joining Totnes LETS was purely eco-
nomic, cited by 36 per cent of respondents. Indeed, economic motiva-
tions, as one would expect, were more commonly cited amongst those
in lower income households, followed by combined economic and social
motivations, the latter perhaps resulting from the fact that unemploy-
ment produces a reduction in the size of one's social networks and thus
sources of help. Hence, not only is membership of LETS confined to
the poorer sections of the population but the rationale for participating
is more often than not economically motivated. Given this, the extent
to which various social groups participate in LETS along with the level
of remuneration which they receive is examined.
The unemployed and self-employed are much more likely than the
employed to have sold goods and services. Only two people without
employment found themselves also unemployed in the LETS. Similarly,
those living in households earning less than ?s,ooo (before tax) were
more likely to trade on LETS than higher income groups (see Table
2). Lower income households, moreover, sell a wider range of goods
and/or services than higher income households and have a higher aver-
94 Colin C. Williams
TABLE 3: Trading on Totnes
LETS: by household
income
<?s,ooo ?s,ooo- ?10,00o- ?15,00o- ?20,000-
?9,999 ?14,999 ?19,999 ?29,999
(n=20) (n=19) (n=io) (n=8) (n=5)
Mean number of 2.1 i.6 1.4 0.9 1.6
goods/services sold
Average price per ?16.02 ?15.62 ?9.84 ?8.og ?11.36
transaction
Services sold ?5.65 ?5.75 ?8.30 ?14.14 ?10.67
(mean price/hour)
Goods sold/hired ?18.04 ?21.39 ?22.01 ?23.71 ?28.30
(mean price)
age price per transaction (see Table 3). Consequently, lower income
households appear to benefit from LETS to a greater extent than
higher income households. However, both the average price per hour
of services and the mean price received for the hire or sale of goods
rises as household income increases. The implication is that LETS
members in lower income households are employed for longer periods
to do jobs which explains why they receive higher prices per transaction
even though the price per hour and per good hired or sold is lower.
Given that many LETS members are interested in social redistribution
of income; this finding suggests how buyers facilitate a redistribution
of income; they hire individuals from poorer groups for a long time-
period to do a piece of work. Lang (1994) has intimated that many
LETS members do indeed know the economic situation of others in
LETS and use positive discrimination policies when charging so as to
facilitate income redistribution. This finding displays that this is
achieved not by altering the rate per hour but the time for which some-
one is employed.
LETS, therefore, do appear to benefit those living in relatively low
income households. This is reinforced by more qualitative evidence. At
present, for instance, and as has been revealed by Leyshon and Thrift
(1995), the unemployed have little or no access to credit, unless this
is sought through a 'loan shark' at rates of interest considerably higher
than the formal sector rates. LETS, however, represent a mean by
which the unemployed can get access to credit and this survey shows
that this is indeed occurring. One unemployed single-parent with two
young children aged under five years old and on income support, for
example, had spent the equivalent of ?ioo on the LETS but had not
yet sold anything. This 'credit' had been used both to provide childcare
and cleaning at a rate of 4 acorns per hour. She intended to 'pay back'
what she owed in the future when she would have more time available.
If this credit had not been possible, she declared that either she would
have paid 'cash-in-hand' through the paid informal sector or else have
The New Barter
Economy 95
not bought these services. Another single mother, again on income sup-
port, but with four children, had received 16o acorns worth of 'credit' so
as to pay for house cleaning and 7 acorns for a massage. Such anecdotal
examples are evidence that LETS can operate in a manner which pro-
vides credit to those who need it and who are ineligible for support
from the formal sector credit donors.
Indeed, when one examines how households with an annual income
of less than ?5,000 (before tax) normally spent their 'acorns', it
becomes immediately evident that the LETS is being used to get access
to credit not necessarily to buy 'luxuries' or 'treats' but, rather many
basic necessities. The most commonly bought good on the LETS by
these households was food, followed by clothes and to a lesser extent
improvement and maintenance work such as plumbing, carpentry and
roofing. Little was spent on acquiring 'luxury' goods and services,
although where this did occur, it was used to purchase services such
as shiatsu, polarity therapy, massage, singing classes, pottery training
and yoghurt making tuition.
In sum, the membership of Totnes LETS is disproportionately from
the unemployed and lower income households who have an economic
motivation for joining. As they engage in trade and earn more per
transaction than those from higher income households, Totnes LETS
appears to have socially redistributive impacts and provides the poor
and unemployed with a means by which they can ameliorate their
circumstances.
Community-building
impacts
The 'community-building' ability of Totnes LETS is here evaluated
through an analysis of who joins and their perceptions concerning
whether or not the LETS has improved their social networks. This
survey discovers that the vast majority of members are 'incomers'
rather than indigenous to the area. Indeed, nearly three-quarters of
LETS members (73 per cent) had moved to Totnes during the past 8
years and just one respondent had lived there all of their life. Neither,
moreover, are LETS joined by those who have extensive kinship net-
works in Totnes and its environs. Not one respondent had any grand-
parents, uncles or aunties living in the area, and very few had any
parents, brothers or sisters, or cousins in the locality. They are thus
unlikely to have robust social networks and informal sources of support
beyond the LETS. It appears, in other words, that Totnes LETS is being
used by incomers to construct a community.
Totnes LETS, moreover, appears to have been successful in this com-
munity-building venture: 69 per cent of members perceive it to have
helped them develop a wider network of people they can call on for
96 Colin C. Williams
help, although only 40 per cent accept that it has enabled them to
develop more friends and just 8 per cent that it has facilitated deeper
friendships. This is particularly the case for the unemployed who, as
outlined, suffer severe contractions of their social networks following
redundancy. It appears, therefore, that at least in the early stages,
Totnes LETS has provided contacts to call on for help but has not yet
succeeded in converting such contacts into friendships. Indeed, it may
never do so. The impact of a LETS may well rest with supplying wider
social networks rather than turning these into friendships. Future
research will need to investigate this issue as LETS mature and con-
tacts develop.
In sum, Totnes LETS not only provides economic benefits to its mem-
bers and helps those who are relatively deprived to partially mitigate
their circumstances but also appears to have significant community-
building impacts. However, and as will now be discussed, their potential
could be substantially ameliorated if there were to be some alterations
in public policy towards LETS.
Policy Implications
This case study reveals that LETS, as they are currently constituted,
do provide economic, social and community building benefits but per-
haps to a lesser extent than some might have hoped. On the one hand,
this will be because LETS are a new phenomenon and in their infancy.
On the other hand, however, it is due to several additional problems
which need to be overcome for LETS to have more significant impacts.
Here, therefore, several suggestions are made concerning how LETS
could be improved so as to better fulfil their objectives. In particular,
the focus will be upon ameliorating the economic and social benefits
which, according to both the survey results and other analyses (Lang
1994; Seyfang 1994), are perhaps more in need of improvement than
the community-building aspects.
As earlier indicated, both the turnover and the level of trading per
member tends to rise as the number of members increases. Smaller
LETS mean not only a narrower range of goods and services from which
to choose but also less chance of being able to get a piece of work done
and/or acquire the tools and resources to undertake self-provisioning.
For example, 65 per cent of Totnes members felt that their requests
for goods and services had been met immediately and 6o per cent were
satisfied with the range of goods and services on offer. On the smaller
Stoke LETS in Coventry with 47 members, meanwhile, these figures
are lower at 43 per cent and 38 per cent respectively. Until LETS grow
in size, therefore, they will remain limited in their capacity to meet a
The New Barter Economy 97
significant proportion of people's needs and wants through them. Cur-
rently, few are of a sufficient magnitude to yield major economic (as
well as social and community-building) impacts.
As Seyfang (1994, io) asserts, 'it is possible that existing LETS are
only the forerunners of much larger systems'. Indeed, the concerted
effort currently being made in the context of Manchester LETS and
LETSgo Manchester to create a large-scale city-wide scheme with a
mass membership should answer some of these questions in the next
few years. Whether there is a 'critical mass' beyond which the eco-
nomic, social equity and community-building benefits rapidly improve,
for example, is something which will unfold as this LETS in particular
grows in size. Even if this 'critical mass' is reached, nevertheless, sev-
eral additional changes will be required if LETS are to be more success-
ful in achieving their objectives.
Although no detailed research has yet been conducted on the spatial
distribution of LETS, it appears that many, especially the larger
schemes, are grounded either in affluent populations or amongst
'alternative' communities. It is no coincidence, for example, that some
of the largest LETS in the UK are located in Totnes, Warminster and
Stroud, all locations with a relatively high concentration of people hold-
ing 'alternative' or 'green' philosophies, the latter town for instance
being one of the few in the UK to have elected Green Party councillors.
It is a similar tale in other countries. The largest LETS in Australia
is in Katoomba near Sydney which, as Seaton (1994, 4) asserts, 'con-
tains a high proportion of people who have moved away from Sydney
for life-style reasons, and who were already fairly innovative and open
to new ideas'. Consequently, much work remains in promoting LETS
to all sections of the population, especially in deprived peripheral loca-
tions. In this regard, there is a role for local authorities in both setting
up LETS in relatively deprived communities and promoting their exist-
ence so that larger numbers and a wider range of people join. This
could be achieved through either their Local Agenda 21 initiatives,
anti-poverty programmes or their broader economic development
strategies.
However, although such changes are necessary, they are insufficient
alone to significantly change the impacts of LETS, especially as regards
their social equity impacts. To achieve this, changes in public policy at
central government level are required. At present, so far as the UK is
concerned, state policy appears to be that a blind eye is turned to those
in employment who participate in LETS whilst anyone claiming social
security is surveyed more closely and dissuaded from engaging in such
work. Both Lang (1994) and LetsLink UK (1994c) provide an overview
of how LETS are treated by the Inland Revenue and Department of
98 Colin C. Williams
Social Security. The Inland Revenue state that if an exchange is clearly
of a commercial nature, then tax will be liable in the normal way.
Commercial exchanges are where a person is self-employed and
offering something connected with their usual business. Exchanges
when something is being offered not connected with a person's normal
business, but which is offered and supplied regularly so as to amount
to a business in itself, is also commercial and therefore tax liable.
Isolated or fairly infrequent exchanges, where typically someone is
doing a favour for a friend, are not tax liable. A key element is the
level of turnover. However, if a person is not using LETS for transac-
tions connected with their normal trade or business, then it is unlikely
that they will be liable for tax. In practice, therefore, most LETS work
is disregarded for income tax purposes.
Current social security regulations, in contrast, adopt a more strin-
gent approach. The DSS (which decides policy) and the Benefits Agency
(which administers payments) assert that LETS income constitutes
earnings. Any income over the disregard limit thus affects benefit
levels. LETS units, therefore, are treated as income despite regulations
which say that 'payments or income in kind' are not. As the rules stand,
therefore, those already in employment can partake in LETS without
too much fear or problems whilst those on social security of whatever
type are more hindered by the regulations. The impact is that the
unemployed are prevented from engaging to a greater extent than the
employed. Indeed, the co-ordinator of Totnes LETS sums up his percep-
tion of the situation by stating,
'unemployed people are not encouraged
to take part in LETS and if a person
wants to join the system who is in receipt of sickness or invalidity benefit,
then we point out very carefully
to them the possible
effects that using LETS
may have on their benefit status. In short, we dissuade them from
joining.
This is a great shame but the last thing we want is for people to run into
trouble with the DSS' (personal
correspondence
with author).
This state policy towards the unemployed with regard to working on
LETS derives from a wider societal perception that social security fraud
is in some way worse than tax fraud (Cook, 1989) and thus requires
stronger regulation. However, unless such prejudices are overcome,
LETS will not be able to facilitate the unemployed's participation in
productive activity. Present government regulations are simply bol-
stering existing social disparities. Those ostracized from employment
and constrained from participating in the informal sector are also being
suppressed from allaying their situation in LETS. What is required, in
other words, is a change in current state policy towards LETS.
Here, therefore, the suggestion is that LETS users who earn an
income over a certain threshold in their employment should pay taxes
The New Barter
Economy 99
where this LETS activity is part of their main formal occupation, which
could perhaps be in either sterling or the 'local currency', whilst those
on low incomes and the unemployed could be permitted to undertake
this work unhindered by the DSS. A tax, if fully implemented, would
not only raise further revenue but would mean that those in higher
waged formal jobs are at a disadvantage in LETS, having to charge
higher 'prices' for their work than the poorer and unemployed groups,
who would not have to add the tax rate to their price. The impact
might be to coax consumers to employ the unemployed and poor to
get work done on LETS, thus providing them with a competitive advant-
age in this alternative labour market. Alternatively, however, those in
higher waged formal jobs might simply take lower incomes from their
LETS work.
Indeed, to adopt this approach in the UK would be to follow the
decision already taken in New Zealand and Australia towards LETS.
Social security officials in New Zealand now advise claimants to contact
their local LETS (called green dollar schemes), understanding that it
takes some pressure off them so far as meeting the needs and wants
of the unemployed are concerned. The Inland Revenue, moreover,
reserves the right to tax green dollar earnings where this activity is a
part of a person's main formal occupation (Boyle, 1993). Similarly, in
Australia, whilst the employed are taxed in the same way as in New
Zealand, the 'Deahm Amendment' to the Social Security Act 1995
exempts LETS earnings from the income test for social security subject
to three restrictions: that unemployed LETS members continue to
search for employment; that any Australian dollar earnings on LETS,
where a job is completed for a mixture of LETS units and national
currency, must still be declared and will be counted as income for social
security purposes; and that the social security system must be satisfied
that the LETS is a non-profit making local community-based organis-
ation. Although it is too early to know the impacts of this legislation
on either the composition of LETS membership or the level of activity
undertaken by the poor and unemployed, it displays that precedents
exist where public policy has recognised the potential contributions of
LETS, especially towards resolving unemployment and its attendant
problems.
Conclusions
Using a case study of Totnes LETS, this paper has started to uncover
the nature of the new multilateral barter economy which is emerging
in the form of LETS. Here, a preliminary evaluation of their economic,
social equity and community-building objectives has revealed that
100 Colin C. Williams
Totnes LETS not only provides economic benefits to its members and
helps the relatively deprived partially mitigate their circumstances but
also shows significant potential as a community-builder. However, and
as has been discussed, for LETS to be more successful in achieving
their objectives, there will need to be an increase in their size so as to
make a wider range of goods and services available, a focus upon devel-
oping them amongst relatively deprived populations and, following the
examples of New Zealand and Australia, a change in approach by the
social security authorities. Both local and central government, there-
fore, have key roles to play in their future development. In an age
where many government agencies see themselves as 'enabler', LETS
represent a useful vehicle through which they can help people to help
themselves. Without such intervention, however, LETS seem likely to
remain small-scale initiatives of little utility to the vast majority of
people who could potentially benefit from them.
NOTES
1. Elins (1986: xv) defines the 'new economics' as being 'based on personal development and
social justice, the satisfaction of the whole range of human needs, sustainable use of resources
and conservation of the environment'.
2. An unpublished but excellent appraisal of Diss LETS is Seyfang's (1994) Masters thesis. Unfor-
tunately, just six members were interviewed. A postal questionnaire conducted by LetsLink
UK (1994a), moreover, only asks co-ordinators to guess the type of people involved in their
LETS, thus providing little concrete evidence on who participates, why and what they do.
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