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Nominal inflection and the nature of functional categories
Abstract
There is a widespread assumption within the Government–Binding theory as it has developed from the Barriers model (Chomsky 1986) that functional categories, that is, categories which play a role in establishing dependencies between parts of a sentence, as opposed to lexical categories, should be represented as heads projecting X-bar phrases. I shall refer to this as the Full Functional Projection Hypothesis (FFPH), stated informally in (1).
(i) Full Functional Projection Hypothesis
Any morphophonosyntactic formative which corresponds to a functional category in a given language is syntactically the head of a maximal projection.(Received October 27 1992)
... A final note: Spencer (1992) ...
... Prepositions seem to encode relationships -between objects, times, places or granunatical entities (e.g. Bennett 1975, Jackendoff 1990a) -and I drew attention above to the fact that one feature of prepositions (and various other categories) is their ability to establish dependencies between different parts of a sentence (Spencer 1992). Given that such dependencies are interpretive as well as syntactic, perhaps such a view could also be extended to other functional categories -that what such a heterogeneous class has in common is the ability to encode relationships between grammatical entities. ...
This thesis is a consideration of the insights into acquired language disorder which can be obtained via recent developments in generative grammar, a syntactic framework which investigates how language might be acquired, how it is represented in the mind/brain, and (indirectly) how it might break down following trauma to the brain. The case of MC, an aphasic patient, is presented in detail, and an account of his language difficulties is proposed. MC is very impaired at the production of functional categories and morphologically complex substantives in isolation, whereas he has relatively good understanding of such items, and is able to use them more appropriately in connected speech or reading of texts rather than single words. It is hypothesised that he demonstrates the effects of a deficit at the level of an isolable component of the language faculty which deals solely with morphological processing. A deficit at this level results in failure to assign realisations to functional categories (unless they are in a sentential context, in which case their representation is supported by the syntactic component), accompanied by errors of derivational and inflectional affixation, but relatively intact comprehension of the same items. Data obtained from MC are presented in extenso, and shown to support this explanation for his language performance. This case study also provides the opportunity to evaluate empirically various aspects of linguistic theory, and three such domains are presented here. The case of MC provides support for an analysis of unaccusative verbs as functional heads; for prepositions as forming part of the functional lexicon; and for adverbial expressions being analysed as associated with the projections of functional categories. Insights into the underlying nature of MC's language difficulties would not have been possible if the case had not been placed into a coherent theoretical context. and the account of a morphological deficit provided here is shown to have some empirical utility with reference to an existing case from the neuropsychological literature. The mutual benefit of neuropsychological and linguistic investigations of this kind is emphasised.
... where it does not function as a Dependent in a Head-Dependent relationship (see (22) and (48) below, where the noun phrase as a whole, headed by ryokoo ('trip') and kokuseki ('nationality') respectively, does not receive any case-marking). Similarly, subordinating complementisers, such as English that in (16), can be added to the class of syntactically independent Dependentmarkers, since they uncontroversially form a constituent with the clausal Dependent they introduce, and serve only to mark the presence of a Head-Dependent relationship: they do not occur, as discussed above, on matrix clauses, and do not contribute anything new to the compositional semantics of the clause: 6 6 While a complementiser such as that is marked for finiteness, it is not the complementiser, but rather the Dependent-marking by means of an independent syntactic word: On the other hand, it is well established that Head-marking agreement morphemes do not project as heads in the narrow syntax in their own right, but that they attach affixally to other semantically contentful heads within the relevant extended projection (see Iatridou 1990;Speas 1991;Spencer 1992;Halle and Marantz 1993;Mitchell 1994;Holmberg and Platzack 1995:18-20;Julien 2002:235). Nor have I found any examples of Head-marking by means of an uninflected independent syntactic word, nor of an independent syntactic word of any kind marking the relationship between co-heads. ...
... The theory presented here, for which we have seen the empirical evidence, is based on the assumption that independent syntactic words project in the syntax in their own right, whereas affixes do not. Before concluding, it is worth mentioning that such an assumption is more in the spirit of theories that assign morphology and syntax to separate modules, as proposed for example by theories such as Lexical Functional Grammar and by Di Sciullo and Williams (1987), and argued convincingly on independent grounds for example by Spencer (1992), Joseph and Smirniotopoulos (1993) and Ackema and Neeleman (2002 et seq). ...
This thesis is concerned with syntactic mechanisms for the marking of grammatical relationships. It is argued that there is a class of semantically vacuous functional heads serving only as a syntactic means of marking such relationships – either subordination or coordination. These heads are known as linkers. Through studying restrictions on the structural and linear distribution of linkers cross-linguistically, the thesis sheds light on varied areas of syntax: the nature of projection in morphology and syntax; word order principles; and the place of coordinate structures within phrasestructure principles. The morphosyntax provides two possible mechanisms for marking a grammatical relationship. Firstly, an affix marking the relationship can attach directly to any member of the relationship. This member of the relationship then enters the syntactic derivation, but the affix has no syntactic status in its own right. Alternatively, the relationship can be marked by a syntactic object in its own right – a semantically vacuous projecting functional head (a linker). In this latter case, the relationship is marked by the linker structurally intervening between the members of the relationship: its projection must dominate one member, and cannot dominate the others. When combined with principles of extended projection, this leads to the restriction that, in marking a subordination, or Head-Dependent, relationship, such linkers can only appear as the highest head in the extended projection of the Dependent. This prediction is tested empirically by determining the possible distribution and constituency of linkers predominantly in the complex noun phrase. We next consider how the structural distribution of linkers is mapped onto linear order. It is proposed that there are two types of word order constraints available in natural language: those relating to harmony, which are universal and obey a fixed ranking; and those referring to specific features of a head – either lexical category or features referring to semantics. Given their status as semantically vacuous functional heads, only the first type of word order constraint, relating to harmony, applies to linkers. It is shown using Optimality Theory that this theory successfully accounts for the absence of certain disharmonic word orders cross-linguistically. Finally, we consider the implications of the restrictions on the structural and linear distribution of linkers for linkers marking the coordination relationship (that is, syntactically independent coordinators). It is argued that coordination is a symmetric structure, headed by a potentially infinite number of coordinands. It is shown that any difference in the distribution of coordinating and subordinating linkers should be attributed to the unique syntax of the coordinate structure.
... Solo podemos dar cuenta de esta jerarquía si asumimos que cada verbo auxiliar se da en posiciones diferentes. Cann (1993: 49), aunque sigue la estela de Chomsky (1986) (Spencer 1992(Spencer , 1997. En este contexto, las categorías que expresan tiempo, aspecto gramatical, modalidad, etc. poseen su propia proyección (Cinque y Rizzi 2008 Por estas razones, no puede asumirse que los verbos auxiliares posean rasgos formales no interpretables. ...
... If morphology is merely the syntax of words, one also wonders why compounds should display a different order than basic syntax, why morphologists need the concept of paradigms, and how to treat non-affixal inflection, just to mention a few classic issues (see e.g. Anderson (1992), Beard (1995), Stump (2001), Spencer (1992Spencer ( , 1997Spencer ( , 2001Spencer ( , 2006, and Wurzel (1989) for further discussion). ...
In this paper, we try to see how insights from morphology and grammaticalisation can be combined. Two approaches to the semantics of inflectional affixes are contrasted. According to one, affixes have no meaning, according to another, affixes have meaning just like lexical items. Given insights from grammaticalisation, a middle way, associated with the No Blur Principle, seems more appealing than either of these extremes. The No Blur Principle is illustrated, and its predictions are shown to be tenable, also in apparent counterexamples from Scandinavian inflection classes. Inflection classes are sometimes assigned on ‘strange’ bases. This is because there are ‘local’ generalisations in inflection class assignment (as in gender, where such generalisations have been called ‘crazy’). Our view of grammaticalisation also supports the idea of a language as a ‘system’ of low-level regularities, even if this picture seems unusual.
... This might also explain why case suffixes on Finnish nouns appear inside possessor morphology(Spencer 1992). Finnish provides a minimal contrast with Hungarian, in which case morphology is outside the possessor and there is no case concord on attributive adjectives, more or less as would be expected if the cases there were enclitic postpositions. ...
... The point that the order of inflectional morphemes cannot be completely reduced to principles of syntactic struc-lure is also made by Speas ( 1991 ) on the basis of an analysis of' the inflectional system of Navajo ("morpheme order is conxiraincd by head-to-head movement, but is not completely determined by principles of syntax", Speas 1991:414). and by Spencer (1992). ...
This paper discusses the question to what extent morphology is an autonomous module of the grammar. After a general survey and discussion of the issues involved, a detailed analysis is given of allomorphy phenomena. It is argued that these phenomena support the relative autonomy of morphology since the formal regularities involved cannot be deduced from phonological or syntactic principles. In addition, a proper account of these formal regularities requires reference to the form of paradigmatically related words. That is, paradigmatic relations play a crucial role, which is another characteristic property of the morphological module
Cette thèse examine diverses questions afférant à la structure interne du groupe nominal avec un focus particulier a l'analise des syntagmes nominaux d'une langue sans determinants (articles): le serbocroate.
Deux types de propriétés sont examinées : référentielles (définitude et spécificité) et
formelles : la syntaxe des adjectifs, l’origine de la flexion longue ou courte des adjectives epithetes du serbocroate, les propriétés morpho-syntaxiques du numéral et l’assignation du génitif de quantité, la syntaxe des nominalisations et les contraintes aspectuelles. Les solutions
envisagées font appel à l’analyse de la structure du groupe nominal connue sous le nom
d’Hypothèse DP.
The paper presents the approach referred to as the «No Blur Principle» (NBP), aka «Vocabular Clarity». This approach can account for an otherwise unexpected case of diachronic productivity in Faroese verb conjugation, viz. the spreading of the suffix -i in the present tense 3rd sg., not associated with the largest class. Even if the NBP is meant as a synchronic restriction, the paper shows some consequences for diachrony - yielding the right «predictions» (in a weak sense of the word). Given the NBP analysis of Old Norse, there is a good reason why the suffix -a, at first sight a much better candidate for productivity (as it is associated with a more type-frequent class than -i), could not spread - at least not without extensive «reshuffling» of the affixes first; no such reshuffling was necessary for the spreading of -i, which was the «class-default» affix anyway. The traditional account of the spreading of Faroese -i,which goes back to Rask (1811, p. 279), has it that this spreading is due to influence from the subjunctive. This is problematic, because one would not normally expect affixes to spread from the subjunctive to the indicative, and because a similar development in some few dialects of Norwegian cannot plausibly be accounted for along such lines. While the NBP account does not exclude Rask's hypothesis, it can help us overcome these problems. The fact that the NBP helps us answer questions of productivity must count in its favour, and some other arguments in its favour are also marshalled. The Faroese development also shows that productivity for affixes and words need not behave in identical fashion; thus supporting a theoretical distinction.1.
This book examines the history of adnominal genitive phrases from Old to Early Modern English, focusing on the evidence provided by a systematic corpus study and the role of linguistic typology in diachronic syntax. It is argued that arguments based on typology should not outweigh the evidence presented by the texts. Particular attention is paid to the nature of the possessive marker in Middle English, since previous studies, which have concluded that the marker was a clitic at an early stage, suffer from an inadequate empirical base. Two chapters are devoted to establishing that the 'his genitive' found in many early texts is not to be equated with the possessor doubling construction found in many Germanic languages. The relationship between possessives and determiners in earlier English is also examined.
The Oxford Handbook of Case provides a comprehensive account of research on case and the morphological and syntactic phenomena associated with it. The semantic roles and grammatical relations indicated by case are fundamental to the whole system of language and have long been a central concern of descriptive and theoretical linguistics. The book opens with an synoptic overview of the main lines of research in the field, which sets out the main issues, challenges, and debates. Articles then report on the state of play in theoretical, typological, diachronic, and psycholinguistic research. They assess cross-linguistic work on case and case systems and evaluate a variety of theoretical approaches. They also examine current issues and debates from historical, areal, socio-linguistic, and psycholinguistic perspectives. The final part of the book consists of a set of overview articles of case systems representative of some of the world's major language families. © editorial matter and organization Andrej Malchukov and Andrew Spencer 2009, chapters their several authors 2009. All rights reserved.
This article presents a view of the syntax-morphology interface, arguing that the notion of word is an epiphenomenon. It shows show that the distributional properties are compatible with a number of syntactic configurations. The article also covers the agreement markers, and the apparent counterexample to the idea that morpheme order is always determined by the syntax, namely, the Scandinavian -s(t) suffix which is used to form passives, among other things. It demonstrates that given the right syntactic analysis, -s(t) is not necessarily a counter-example after all. The fact that the verbal morphology of the languages under consideration can get a syntactic explanation is no proof that syntax is the basis of all word formation. There seems to be no doubt that words do somehow exist. The psychological reality of words is probably a consequence of their distributional properties. © 2007 editorial matter and organization Gillian Ramchand and Charles Reiss the chapters their various authors. All rights reserved.
The English possessive marker displays properties of both clitic and affix. I argue that synchronically it is, in fact, both, rather than only one or the other or something halfway between. I show that it is possible to model the dual clitic/affix status of the possessive in the framework of Lexical-Functional Grammar, and that this model is capable of accounting for the full range of constructions in which the possessive marker appears. This also has consequences for questions of English noun phrase syntax, and issues of categoriality and degrammaticalization.
This article investigates the morphosyntactic realisation of definiteness in Xhosa and Northern Sotho, representative of African languages, characterised respectively by the presence and absence of a noun class preprefix (i.e. initial vowel). The Minimalist theory (Chomsky, 1995) is employed as theoretical framework for the study. It is argued that definiteness in these African languages is realised morphosyntactically by the definite morpheme (l)a- which typically occurs as stem of the demonstrative, and which also appears in the inflectional morphology of nominal modifiers such as the adjective, nominal relative and verbal (clausal) relative. It is proposed that the definite morpheme -a- is a functional category Det(erminer) that heads argument Determiner phrases (DPs) dominating an NP. Evidence for this view is invoked from a range of definiteness phenomena in Xhosa, where the absence of the noun preprefix correlates with the non-occurrence of the definite morpheme -a- in the inflectional morphology of nominal modifiers, and from phenomena relating to the omissibility of the complementiser in relative clause constructions in Northern Sotho.
The paper investigates the general validity of an economy requirement that precludes redundant affixation in inflection. This requirement is known as “Non-Redundancy” in Minimalist Morphology (Wunderlich & Fabri 1996), the framework used here, but also has equivalents in other current approaches to inflection. In various case studies from different languages I inspect constructions that involve several occurrences of an inflectional affix within a word-form - informally referred to as “affix repetition” - and therefore apparently give rise to violations of Non-Redundancy. I argue that each token of these affixes is informative in the strict sense of positive feature specification: either, two homophonous affixes cooccurring in the same word have in fact different formal specifications (Chichewa, Icelandic, Avar), or affix repetition results from languagespecific interactions of word formation and inflection (Breton, Archi). The most extensive part is concerned with the phenomenon of pre-prefixed adjectives of Chichewa, where the two affix tokens involved belong to different sets of prefixes. I show that the outer qualifying prefixes derive the category of adjectives and therefore provide information not contained in the inner affixation. The overall implication of the individual analyses proposed is that a strong assumption of Minimalist Morphology can be maintained: the status of Non-Redundancy is not that of a violable constraint, but rather that of an inviolable principle of inflection, thus crucially restricting the generative capacity of morphology.
This paper presents a case study in the positional properties of a complex set of clitics: the mood, pronominal, and clausal-aspect clitics in the Austronesian language Kambera. The clitics of this language may form a cluster of maximally Mine clitics. The positional properties of the clitics can be distinguished into two distinct categories. (a) the position of the clitic cluster as a whole with respect to its host, and (b) the position of the clitics within the cluster with reference to each other. The aim of this paper is to present an account of both these aspects of Kambera clitic placement. The placement of the cluster as a whole will be characterized syntactically, while the ordering of the clitics within the cluster has the characteristics of inflectional morphology. I argue that the placement of the Kambera clitics with respect to each other is the result neither of the syntactic manipulation of terminal elements of functional categories, nor of lexical word-formation rules or position-class morphology, nor is it determined by the phonological properties of the language alone. Instead, it is the result of the morphological spell-out of morphosyntactic feature bundles (Anderson 1992) at the end of the syntactic derivation, at the interface between syntax and prosody: the postlexical level.
We present a direct measurement of the Kirkwood-Rihaczek (KR) distribution for spatial properties of a coherent light beam in terms of position and momentum (angle) coordinates. We employ a two-local oscillator (LO) balanced heterodyne detection (BHD) to simultaneously extract the distribution of the transverse position and momentum of a light beam. The two-LO BHD can measure the KR distribution for any complex wave field (including quantum mechanical wave function) without applying tomography methods (inverse Radon transformation). The transformation of the KR distribution to the Wigner, Glauber-Sudarshan P, and Husimi or Q distributions in spatial coordinates are illustrated through experimental data. The KR distribution can provide the local information of a wave field, which is suitable for studying particle properties of a quantum system. Meanwhile, the Wigner function is suitable for studying wave properties such as interference, and hence provides nonlocal information of the wave field. The method developed here can be used for exploring the spatial quantum state for information processing and optical phase-space imaging for biomedical applications.
This dissertation is a synchronic description of adnominal person in the highly synthetic morphological system of Erzya as attested in extensive Erzya-language written-text corpora consisting of nearly 140 publications with over 4.5 million words and over 285,000 unique lexical items. Insight for this description have been obtained from several source grammars in German, Russian, Erzya, Finnish, Estonian and Hungarian, as well as bounteous discussions in the understanding of the language with native speakers and grammarians 1993 2010. Introductory information includes the discussion of the status of Erzya as a lan- guage, the enumeration of phonemes generally used in the transliteration of texts and an in-depth description of adnominal morphology. The reader is then made aware of typological and Erzya-specifc work in the study of adnominal-type person. Methods of description draw upon the prerequisite information required in the development of a two-level morphological analyzer, as can be obtained in the typological description of allomorphic variation in the target language. Indication of original author or dialect background is considered important in the attestation of linguistic phenomena, such that variation might be plotted for a synchronic description of the language. The phonological description includes the establishment of a 6-vowel, 29-consonant phoneme system for use in the transliteration of annotated texts, i.e. two phonemes more than are generally recognized, and numerous rules governing allophonic variation in the language. Erzya adnominal morphology is demonstrated to have a three-way split in stem types and a three-layer system of non-derivative affixation. The adnominal-affixation layers are broken into (a) declension (the categories of case, number and deictic marking); (b) nominal conjugation (non-verb grammatical and oblique-case items can be conjugated), and (c) clitic marking. Each layer is given statistical detail with regard to concatenability. Finally, individual subsections are dedicated to the matters of: possessive declension compatibility in the distinction of sublexica; genitive and dative-case paradigmatic defectivity in the possessive declension, where it is demonstrated to be parametrically diverse, and secondary declension, a proposed typology modifiers without nouns , as compatible with adnominal person. Väitöskirjatyöni on synkroninen kuvaus ersän kielen monipuolisesta omistusliitteiden käytöstä. Tutkimusaineistona on käytetty ersänkielisiä tekstikorpuksia, jotka koostuvat lähes 140 julkaisusta, yli 4,5 miljoonasta sanasta ja yli 285000 erillisestä sanamuodosta. Kuvauksen pohjana ovat erikieliset ersän kieliopit. Keskusteluilla niin ersää äidinkielenään puhuvien kuin muiden kielioppien kirjoittajien kanssa vuosina 1993 2010 on ollut tärkeä merkitys sille, miten työ kokonaisuudessaan on muotoutunut. Väitöskirjan alkuosassa pohditaan ersän kielen asemaa ja sen tulevaisuutta. Myös ersän äännejärjestelmän kuvaus sekä perusteellinen ja monipuolinen ersän nominaalilausekkeiden rakenteiden kuvaus sisältyy väitöskirjan alkuosaan. Luvussa 1.3. käsitellään persoonatutkimuksen taustaa ja tutkimuksia, jotka koskevat typologiaa ja eri kieliopeissa käsiteltyjä ersän persoonarakenteita. Kuvauksen menetelmissä (luku 2.) on hyödynnetty kielen morfologisen tason kuvausta varten kehitettyä kaksitasomallia, jota voidaan käyttää sanamuotojen morfologisessa analyysissa. Tätä analyysia voidaan taas hyödyntää ersän allomorfisen variaation typologisesta kuvauksesta. Hypoteesina on, että tekstin alkuperäisen kirjoittajan taustaa ja myös murretaustaa koskeva tieto on tärkeä kielellisten ilmiöiden kuvauksissa; näiden tietojen käyttäminen mahdollistaa kielen variaation synkronisen kuvauksen. Fonologiseen kuvaukseen (luku 3.) kuuluu 6-vokaalinen ja 29-konsonanttinen foneemijärjestelmä (2 uutta), jota on käytetty automaattisesti jäsennettyjen tekstien tarkekirjoituksessa. Lisäksi tarjotaan lukuisia sääntöjä, joiden avulla kuvataan allofonista vaihtelua. Ersän nominaalilausekkeiden taivutus esitetään kolmena kerrostumana. Nämä kerrostumat jaetaan (luku 4.2.1.-3.) substiivityyppiseen, johon sisältyy sijan, luvun ja deiksiksen merkintä, (luku 4.2.4.) nominaalikonjugaatioon: tämä koskee ersän nominatiivi- ja oblikvisijaisia nomineja, postpositioita, adverbeja ja infinitiivejä, ja (luku 4.2.5.) partikkelien merkintään. Jokaisen kerrostuman kuvauksessa esitetään tilastollista tietoa siitä, miten eri elementit voidaan liittää toisiinsa. Erikseen käsitellään luvussa 4.3. possessiivitaivutuksessa esiintyviä sijamuotoja suhteessa semanttisiin alileksikoihin, luvussa 4.4. possessiivitaivutuksen genetiivin ja datiivin vajaaparadigmaisuutta ja parametrista eroavaisuutta, ja luvussa 4.5 laajennettua modifioija ilman pääsanoja typologiaa, ja sen yhteen sopivuus adnominaalisen persoonan kanssa.
Some recent analyses of the Passive place this Voice morpheme under Infl (Baker (1988, chap. 6), Baker, Johnson, and Roberts (1989)). Based on Modern Greek (MG) and Albanian (A), I argue instead that Voice heads its own maximal projection, in line with current proposals for other inflectional phrases such as Tense and Agr (Pollock (1989), Chomsky (1988)). In addition, Voice must be structurally adjacent to the VP/V that has ar-gument structure, not necessarily next to Agr and/or Tense, and this condition must be met by S-Structure. It seems rea-sonable that such a locality requirement derives from the fact that Voice affects argument structure; that is, if V assigns Case and/or 0-role to Voice, as suggested in the recent literature, such an assignment applies under adjacency and sisterhood, an area I do not explore. Modern Greek and Albanian have parallel syntactic struc-tures for their tenses. In this respect, consider the Future Per-fect and Future Pluperfect in (I)-(2). Both languages use in-variable modal particles similar to English will: A do te, MG Research for this squib was partially supported by Grant 410-88-0101 from the SSHRCC. I thank Erato Kostopoulou for help with Mod-ern Greek, and Noreen Atkins for discussion and for sharing her (stan-dard) Albanian field notes. Modern Greek examples are transliterated.
The relationship of morphological structure to syntactic functions has received much recent attention (e.g. Anderson 1982, McCloskey & Hale 1984, Stump 1984, Sadock 1985, Bresnan & Mchombo 1987). The behavior of possessive suffixes (Px's) in Finnish sheds light on this issue. These are important syntactically; yet phonological, morphological, and semantic evidence shows them to be suffixes rather than clitics (i.e. elements found on words but not placed there exclusively by the morphology). They stand in striking contrast to the Finnish clitics, which by similar evidence must be word-external. The contrast is interpreted as a consequence of the integrity of the morphological word. To violate this integrity in analysing elements like the Finnish possessive suffixes would gravely weaken linguistic theory.
1. Morphology and Morpho-Phonemics 2. Toward explanation in Morphology 3. Semantic Determinants of Inflectional Expression 4. The Organization of Paradigms 5. The Lexical/ Derivational/ Inflectional Continuum 6. Two Principles in a Dynamic Model of Lexical Representation 7. Aspect, Tense and Mood Inflections in the Languages of the world 8. Aspect 9. Tense 10. Mood 11. Aspect, Tense and Mood as Grammatical Categories 12. Conclusion 13. Appendix:Languages of Perkins' sample 14. References 15. Index
This chapter discusses the principles underlying the economy of derivation and representation. It begins by considering a range of assumptions concerning language design, with particular emphasis on the Extended Standard Theory (EST) framework, understood in the sense of the principles-and-parameters model. It distinguishes the lexicon from the language's computational system, the syntax in a broad sense (including phonology). It assumes that the syntax provides three fundamental levels of representation, each constituting an “interface” of the grammatical system with some other system of the mind/brain: D-Structure, Phonetic Form, and Logical Form. In accordance with the general EST framework, the three levels are assumed to be related to one another not directly, but only through the intermediary level of S-Structure. The chapter also examines some of the properties of verbal inflection, the separate syntactic status of Tense and Agreement, and whether both derivations and representations are subject to a certain form of “least effort” condition.
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