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The agent's logics of action: Defining and mapping political judgement

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Abstract

How do individual actors figure out what to do? This article advocates a departure from carving up research on this key question about political agency into narrow scholarly categories. Such categories, especially what has to become framed as incompatible logics of action in International Relations Theory, may make for neat and tidy scholarly boxes. But they miss the winding roads through which actors come to embark on a course of action. In order to overcome this shortcoming, I start with uncovering an important clue on which authors adhering to different logics of action converge; political agency has a lot to do with making judgements. I proceed with conceptualizing political judgement broadly in terms of subsuming particulars and universals. I follow-up with outlining a map for empirical research on judgement that helps us follow the actors in how they figure out what to do (the agent's logics of action) rather than superimposing our narrow scholarly categories on their reasoning (a scholarly logic of action). Scrutinizing the usefulness of this map, finally, I analyse McNamara's exercise of political agency during the Cuban Missile Crisis. The findings underline my overall argument: the inclusive conceptualization of political judgement, coupled with the balance of theoretical and empirical inquiry that the research map facilitates, improves on our understandings of how actors figure out what to do.

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... Therefore, man cannot know with any certainty both where he stands in a particular domain and where he is going. He may either strive for clarity regarding the value that others inscribe upon him and thus his meaning as value or he may seek to persuade others to perceive him as embodying a particular value and thus gain meaning that he feels is lacking, whether that is a correct sentiment or not (Kornprobst 2011). ...
... To cultivate and hold onto an identity requires that an individual form a relationship and then persuade others to ascribe to that particular vision of reality, that particular form of social organization. As Kornprobst suggests, there is a continuous (re)negotiation of social relationships predicated on experience and engagement wherein individuals seek to be as persuasive as possible and seek for others to be as receptive as possible to them (Kornprobst 2011). Herein lies the contestation of Nietzsche's blonde beasts, each seeking to shape the world in their image, trying to will their ideal reality into power (Nietzsche 1968(Nietzsche , 1989Petersen 1999). ...
Chapter
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... [15] This movement is exemplified by Markus Kornprobst's subsuming multiple logics of action (consequences, appropriateness, argument, and habit) under that of judgment wherein he focuses on the dialog premised on reception and persuasion between individual human actors. [16] The injection of constructivist and feminist thought traditions into realist-dominated IR theory has led to a deeper integration with philosophy in general and ontology specifically. Sergei Prozorov has been pain-stakingly developing a hopeful neo-nihilistic ontology, extending from Badiouian set-theory, premised on the world-as-nothing (2012) in order to unveil the emergent generic universalism of humanity (2009) by focusing not on structure, but on the freedom that exists outside of it (2007). ...
... 8. I deal with this concept in more depth elsewhere (Kornprobst, 2011). 9. ...
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... Therefore, man cannot know with any certainty both where he stands in a particular domain and where he is going. He may either strive for clarity regarding the value that others inscribe upon him and thus his meaning as value or he may seek to persuade others to perceive him as embodying a particular value and thus gain meaning that he feels is lacking, whether that is a correct sentiment or not (Kornprobst 2011). Zizek argues that Heidegger's greatest achievement is " the full elaboration of fi nitude as a positive constituent of being-human . . . ...
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... 9 This question of how such a contextual approach to ethics may be developed is further explored by Bjola (2013). Bjola draws on many others in developing this line of thinking, including: Putnam (2004); Dworkin (1995); Kornprobst (2011). 10 See, for example, the webpages cited in footnote 3. ...
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... Yet the social dynamics of judgement are of importance to the functioning of democracy. Kornprobst (2011) refers to Elster (1983 who states: 'If people are agents in a substantive sense, and not just the passive supports of their preference structures and belief systems, then I need to understand how judgment and autonomy are possible.' ...
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The global expansion of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in recent decades has been spectacular. Although much debate continues on the content and efficacy of CSR, the notion that corporations are accountable for the social and environmental consequences of their activities has become widely accepted in the worlds of business, government, and civil society. Global CSR frameworks such as the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC) and the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) include thousands of business participants across multiple countries and industries and attract wide support from governments and civil society organizations. Corresponding to the rising global profile of CSR, scholarly attention to CSR has grown tremendously (Haufler 2001; Hoffman 2001; Hoffman and Ventresca 2002; Vogel 2005; Prakash and Potoski 2006; May, Cheney, and Roper 2007; Potoski and Prakash 2009; Soule 2009; Smith et al. 2010; Utting and Marques 2010; Crouch and Maclean 2011; Lindgreen et al. 2012). Building on this literature, this volume examines two key issues in contemporary CSR activities. The first is the global nature of contemporary CSR efforts. Many CSR debates and activities today assume that CSR entails global problems that require global solutions. Through what historical and institutional processes have we come to accept this global approach to CSR? How did different actors engage in the politics of legitimation and contestation in the evolution of CSR in international society? How have global and national forces combined to construct specific fields of CSR, such as cross-national supply chains, sustainability, and conflict minerals? Second, the global expansion of CSR ideas and practices exerts considerable pressure on corporations to take a position. What factors shape their reaction to this growing call for CSR action? Why have some corporations joined the global CSR movement while others have resisted or rejected it? If corporations participate in this CSR movement, do they gain anything from their efforts, or do they become targets of further criticism? What impact do these global pressures ultimately have on actual CSR outcomes? This volume addresses these questions using rich historical data, innovative discourse analysis, in-depth interviews, and sophisticated quantitative methods.
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The discourse and practice of corporate social responsibility (CSR) have become standard features of consumer products industries in affluent countries. Mega-retailers and brands from Apple to Ikea to Zara have developed voluntary standards, ethical sourcing guidelines, and benchmarking systems for the social and environmental impacts of their supply chains. New forms of auditing have been developed to provide assurances that can be included in “sustainability reports” or communicated through certification and labeling. Numerous voluntary programs seek to oversee and guide the CSR practices of firms and add credibility to their assurances. Many of these initiatives first gained traction in the apparel and footwear industry, where responses to anti-sweatshop activism in the 1990s made “codes of conduct” and factory monitoring nearly ubiquitous among large, branded firms. As these activities have expanded and spread to other industries (e.g., electronics, home furnishings), their limitations have also become clearer: labor-related CSR initiatives have failed to transform “low road” models of global production or even to greatly reduce allegations of sweatshops and labor rights abuses. The list of reasons for this is long and, by now, well-known: auditing is often done poorly and falls prey to falsification by resistant factory managers and coached responses from workers (Pun 2005; Ethical Trading Initiative 2006; Frank 2008; China Labor Watch 2009). Even when imperfect auditing turns up significant problems, business often goes on as usual, since compliance ratings are only loosely coupled with sourcing decisions (Egels-Zanden 2007; Locke, Amengual, and Mangla 2009). Improvements tend to be marginal and fail to shift fundamental power dynamics within firms or within the industry (Esbenshade 2004; Mamic 2004; Barrientos and Smith 2007). More broadly, voluntary CSR commitments and programs lack the capacity – and often the willingness – to force change upon recalcitrant actors. Many CSR programs are little more than “fairwash,” and this problem is made worse by the proliferation of programs and subsequent confusion among consumers (Seidman 2007).
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Over the past years, we have witnessed the development of a variety of voluntary transnational corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives at various levels. As other chapters in this volume have documented, many companies have joined these initiatives. This chapter focuses on the following question: why do companies decide to join them? To answer this question, we take up the case of the largest initiative among them, the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC), and investigate its corporate signatories in Japan. Spearheaded by then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the UNGC was launched in July 2000. It can be depicted as a mechanism to disseminate an idea of global corporate citizenship and to encourage companies to voluntarily implement principles in the fields of human rights, labor, environment, and anticorruption through learning processes. The UNGC is based on the "leadership model," which means that only the signature of top management and support from the corporate board are required for a company to become a signatory. The number of UNGC participants has increased steadily over the past years from about fifty to more than 10,000, including more than 7,000 companies. There have been discussions on why companies join the UNGC and what impacts, if any, its membership might have on them. Earlier critics of the UNGC, for example, argued that its signatories were merely "bluewashing" (i.e., wrapping their wrongdoings with the UN blue flag and enhancing their reputation) and that, lacking the necessary "teeth" to punish noncompliance, UNGC membership would not affect their behavior in any way (Bruno and Karliner 2000; for a summary of arguments against the UNGC, see Rasche 2012). Proponents of the UNGC, on the other hand, have argued that the UNGC is "a necessary supplement" to legal regulations and that its membership will encourage learning and collective action (Rasche 2009; see also Kell 2013). Despite the heated discussion by both practitioners and academics on this topic, they have mostly based their arguments on assumed motives of companies.
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Introducing the special issue, this introduction sketches a broad frame for studying public justification. Addressing the relevance of studying this phenomenon, we contend that justificatory processes are very much at the core today’s politics. Defining the concept inclusively, we highlight the relevance of communicative agency and, at the same time, the salience of communicative contexts that enable this agency. Casting our net widely, we show how public justification is related to other, more thoroughly studied concepts, such as legitimacy, authority and power. Encouraging students of public justification to add to our understanding of justificatory processes, we highlight multiple fruitful methodological avenues for studying the concept.
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Fifteen years ago the concept of “conflict commodities” did not exist, and no one demanded that corporations prevent the resources they produced or used from financing war and corruption. Precious commodities – gems, gold, drugs – had long been used by both rebels and governments to hire soldiers, buy weapons, and fund Swiss bank accounts. But, until recently, no one saw this trade as a significant contributor to conflict, and no one linked it to corporate social responsibility (CSR) or sought to regulate it as a way to promote peace and good governance. After the end of the Cold War, however, transnational activists launched successful campaigns that publicized the connection between resource wealth and civil war and promoted a regulatory agenda that spawned multiple governance initiatives in the past fifteen years that seek to ensure that the exploitation of natural resource wealth does not finance conflict. These initiatives are some of the latest in the evolution of global CSR, reaching into areas that had previously been considered the sole responsibility of states. Issues of war and peace are the very stuff of traditional "high politics," in which powerful states establish the rules of the game. Until recently, few contemporary scholars of international relations focused their attention on corporate behavior as an independent factor in war, and still fewer identified firms as a potential instrument of peace. As Meyer, Pope, and Isaacson demonstrate (this volume), transnational corporations have become subject to increased pressure over time for legitimation and accountability across a wide range of issues and problems. The perception that corporations are complicit in violence and bloodshed in areas of the world remote from their main markets has energized activists, consumers, and citizens; pushed firms to adopt new practices; and led governments to offer new regulations that respond to these demands. The regulation of conflict minerals is part of a broader effort by activists and policy makers to address conflict both as a matter for corporate responsibility and as a regulatory issue, and not one that is restricted to traditional international diplomacy among sovereign states.
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This article explores how the role of religion is evaluated in global health institutions, focusing on policy debates in the World Health Organization (WHO) and the World Bank. Drawing on Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot’s pragmatist approach to justification, I suggest that religious values are creative and worldly performances. The public value of religion is established through a two-pronged justification process, combining generalizing arguments with particularizing empirical tests. To substantiate the claim that abstraction alone does not suffice to create religious values in global public health, I compare the futile attempts of the 1980s to add ‘spiritual health’ to the WHO’s mandate with the more recent creation of a ‘faith factor’ in public health. While the vague reference to some ‘Factor X’ inhibited the acceptance of spiritual health in the first case, in the second case, ‘compassion’ became a measurable and recognized religious value.
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Constructivism has a problem in accounting for agent-led change and for what motivates agents to make up their minds about how to put their agency to use. I show that constructivism’s problem of change is related to tensions between constructivism’s own key assumptions about the mutually constitutive relationship between structure and agency, understanding of change and to an essentialist conception of identity. I argue that agency is constituted through processes of ‘identification’ involving identity and narrative constructions and performance through practice and action. I make the perhaps controversial move to regard ontological security as a precondition for agent-led change and to identify ontological security maximisation as functionally equivalent to rationalist theories’ agent assumption of utility maximisation. I identify two strategies for maximising ontological security: a ‘strategy of being’ to secure a stable and esteem-enhancing identity and a strong narrative; and a ‘strategy of doing’ to ensure cognitive consistency through routinised practice whilst also undertaking action contributing to a sense of integrity and pride. The article concludes that although humans are endowed with agency, their actual ability to utilise their agency is severely constrained by their need for maintaining ontological security, which may explain why change appears so difficult to achieve.
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The study of political legitimacy is divided between prescriptive and descriptive approaches. Political philosophy regards legitimacy as principled justification, sociology regards legitimacy as public support. However, all people can, and occasionally do engage in morally reasoning their political life. This paper thus submits that in studying socio-political legitimation - the legitimacy-making process - the philosophical ought and the sociological is can be bridged. I call this construct 'public political thought' (PPT), signifying the public's principled moral reasoning of politics, which need not be democratic or liberal. The paper lays PPT's foundations and identifies its 'builders' and 'building blocks'. I propose that the edifice of PPT is built by moral agents constructing and construing socio-moral order (nomization). PPT's building blocks are justificatory common beliefs (doxa) and the deliberative language of legitimation. I illustrate the merits of this groundwork through two empirical puzzles: the end of apartheid and the emergence of Québécois identity.
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In this chapter we show how a new type of political knowledge can be harnessed from everyday communication flows between citizens to support community and policy development processes. The emergence of this new knowledge will be enabled by an e-supported deliberation process (SOWIT) that aims to improve political communication and deliberation between citizens, civil society organisations, local councils and councillors. To explain the SOWIT project and its innovative approach to political engagement we first outline its motivation with respect to political reform in Ireland. We then discuss the model's framework and features in functional terms. The core innovations are rooted in SOWIT's foundation in the fields of Q-methodology, discursive representation and meta-consensus theory. Finally, we explain how the model departs from the epistemic norms of current political paradigms particularly with respect to public opinion and random selection as a basis for representativeness in deliberative fora. SOWIT is currently being developed as a pilot in collaboration with Fingal County Council in Dublin. Keywords: political innovation, e-supported deliberation, SOWIT, public opinion.
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This study deals with the evolution of different interpretations of nuclear restraint in the midst of a changing technological, strategic and normative environment. I differentiate between three degrees of nuclear restraint, i. e. taboo, categorical restraint and contingent restraint, and embed these in their material and intersubjective context. Empirical evidence strongly suggests that the overwhelming number of non-nuclear weapons states reproduces and even further strengthens the strongest form of nuclear restraint, i. e. the taboo. When it comes to nuclear weapons states, however, there are worrying indications that categorical and even contingent forms of restraint are weakening.
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On December 14, 2010, twenty-nine people perished in a factory fire in Dhaka, Bangladesh. At the time of the fire, the factory, “That's It Sportswear,” was subcontracting for several well-known brands and retailers, including Gap, J.C. Penney, and Abercrombie & Fitch. In the aftermath of the tragedy, activists called on these and other leading American and European companies to address the high incidence of fire-related workplace deaths occurring annually in Bangladesh. On March 21, 2012, one of the brands that had been placing orders with the factory at the time of the fire, Philips Van Heusen (PVH), signed a contractual, two-year landmark fire safety agreement. Under this agreement, which had been negotiated with local and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) and trade unions, Philips Van Heusen committed to spending at least $1 million on improving worker safety via independent inspection of its Bangladeshi suppliers, disclosure and remediation of inspection results, and the creation of worker-led health and safety committees in all supplier factories. Given the lack of an equity relationship between PVH and its subcontractors, and in the absence of any legal obligation on the part of PVH toward the workers employed by its suppliers, how do we explain PVH's voluntary decision to make these commitments? The Bangladesh fire safety agreement is an outgrowth of the phenomenon analyzed in this chapter, which we call “supply chain corporate social responsibility (CSR)”: the discourses and practices by which firms voluntarily pledge to guarantee labor standards in the production facilities of independent suppliers. At one level, this phenomenon is not new; since the 1960s, there have been numerous initiatives to develop voluntary schemes addressing the social and developmental implications of multinational corporations and their overseas subsidiaries, particularly in the Global South. These include the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (1976), the International Labour Organization (ILO) Tripartite Declaration of Principles concerning Multinational Enterprises and Social Policy (1977), and the United Nations' decade-long project to draft a code of conduct for multinational corporations.
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Effective argumentation in international politics is widely conceived as a matter of persuasion. In particular, the ‘logic of arguing’ ascribes explanatory power to the ‘better argument’ and promises to illuminate the conditions of legitimate normative change. This article exposes the self-defeating implications of the Habermasian symbiosis between the normative and the empirical force of arguments. Since genuine persuasion is neither observable nor knowable, its analysis critically depends on what scholars consider to be the better argument. Seemingly, objective criteria such as universality only camouflage such moral reification. The paradoxical consequence of an explanatory concept of arguing is that moral discourse is no longer conceptualized as an open-ended process of contestation and normative change, but has recently been recast as a governance mechanism ensuring the compliance of international actors with pre-defined norms. This dilemma can be avoided through a positivist reification of valid norms, as in socialization research, or by adopting a critical and emancipatory focus on the obstacles to true persuasion. Still, both solutions remain dependent on the ‘persuasion vs. coercion’ problem that forestalls an insight into successful justificatory practices other than rational communication. The conclusion therefore pleas for a pragmatic abstention from better arguments and points to the insights to be gained from pragmatist norms research in sociology.
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This article calls for the accommodation of eclectic modes of scholarship in international relations that trespass deliberately and liberally across competing research traditions with the intention of defining and exploring substantive problems in original, creative ways. The article first outlines a pragmatist view of social knowledge in which intellectual progress is understood as expanding the possibilities for dialogue and creative experimentation. It elaborates on the definition of analytic eclecticism, identifying its distinctive characteristics and payoffs vis-à-vis those of preexisting research traditions. It then considers a small sample of scholarship in international relations that illustrates the meaning and value of analytical eclecticism with specific reference to issues of international security and political economy. It concludes that alongside, and in dialogue with scholarship produced in specific research traditions, analytic eclecticism is a necessary and valuable asset in enabling the discipline of international relations to evolve beyond recurrent metatheoretical debates and to hold forth some promise for having meaningful practical significance beyond the academe.
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This book deals with the questions of how global governance can and ought to effectively address serious global problems, such as financial instability, military conflicts, distributive injustice and increasing concerns of ecological disasters. Providing a unified theoretical framework, the contributors to this volume utilise argumentation research, broadening the concept by identifying the concerns about agency, lifeworld and shared reasoning that different strands of argumentation research have in common. Furthermore, they develop the concept of argumentative deontology in order to make sense of the processes through which argumentation comes to shape global governance. Empirically, the book demonstrates how ideas define actors' interests, shape their interactions with each other, and ground intentions for collective action. Normatively, it provides an excellent theoretical platform for unveiling less visible manifestations of power in global politics and thereby improves our understandings of the ethical implications of global ordering. Addressing topical issues such as conflict and inter-civilizational dialogue, decision-making in international regimes and organizations, the World Social Forum, the Women's Environment and Development Organization and Tobin Tax, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of argumentation theory, globalization and global governance. © 2011 Corneliu Bjola and Markus Kornprobst for selection and editorial matter. All rights reserved.
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The debate between a moderate version of constructivist theory and rationalist theory centres primarily on the rationality of individual action. The article consists of an in-depth analysis of the `logic of appropriateness' (LoA) invoked in constructivist theory. The analysis reveals that the LoA is a structural explanation and understanding of individual action. As such, it is untenable as a theory of individual action. The implications of this structural bias are discussed in relation to three core claims of constructivist theory. Moderate constructivist theory claims, first, that norms are constitutive for actors' identities. Second, it claims that agents and structures are mutually constitutive. Third, it claims that changes in ideational structures do occur and lead to changes in political practice. I conclude that the LoA is able to account for the first of these claims, but that by virtue of being able to account for this claim, it is, at the level of a theory of individual action, inconsistent with the second, and unable to effectively account for the third.
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The international relations of the `new Europe' are shaped by a process of international socialization in which the Western community transmits its constitutive liberal norms to Central and Eastern Europe. This process neither fits rationalist assumptions about international politics in a technical environment nor sociological theories of action. Rather, international socialization in the new Europe is best explained as a process of rational action in a normatively institutionalized international environment. Under these conditions, rational state behaviour is constrained by value-based norms of legitimate statehood and proper conduct. Selfish political actors conform to these norms in order to reap the benefits of international legitimacy, but as instrumental actors they also calculate whether these benefits are worth the costs of conformity and how they can be reaped efficiently. An empirical analysis of the behaviour of the Western socialization agencies and the CEE countries supports this perspective on international socialization.
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Rational choice theory, especially game theory, should be seen as complementary to interpretivist approaches rather than as their rivals. Rational choice analysis is most useful when applied to political mechanisms, yet has limited application to belief structures that originate outside the political system. Strategic manipulation of beliefs is best understood through interpretivist means.
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The Blackwell Handbook of Judgment and Decision Making is a state-of-the art overview of current topics and research in the study of how people make evaluations, draw inferences, and make decisions under conditions of uncertainty and conflict. Contains contributions by experts from various disciplines that reflect current trends and controversies on judgment and decision making. Provides a glimpse at the many approaches that have been taken in the study of judgment and decision making and portrays the major findings in the field. Presents examinations of the broader roles of social, emotional, and cultural influences on decision making. Explores applications of judgment and decision making research to important problems in a variety of professional contexts, including finance, accounting, medicine, public policy, and the law.
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Acknowledgements 1. Four sociologies of international politics Part I. Social Theory: 2. Scientific realism and social kinds 3. 'Ideas all the way down?': on the constitution of power and interest 4. Structure, agency and culture Part II. International Politics: 5. The state and the problem of corporate agency 6. Three cultures of anarchy 7. Process and structural change 8. Conclusion Bibliography Index.
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Recent advances in the neurosciences offer a wealth of new information about how the brain works, and how the body and mind interact. These findings offer important and surprising implications for work in political science. Specifically, emotion exerts an impact on political decisions in decisive and significant ways. While its importance in political science has frequently been either dismissed or ignored in favor of theories that privilege rational reasoning, emotion can provide an alternate basis for explaining and predicting political choice and action. In this article, I posit a view of decision making that rests on an integrated notion of emotional rationality. a
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This article proposes a framework for empirical research on contested meaning of norms in international politics. The goal is to identify a design for empirical research to examine associative connotations of norms that come to the fore when norms are contested in situations of governance beyond-the-state and especially in crises. If cultural practices shape experience and expectations, they need to be identified and made ‘accountable’ based on empirical research. To that end, the proposed qualitative approach centres on individually enacted meaning-in-use. The framework comprises norm-types, conditions of contestation, types of divergence and opposition-deriving as a specific interview evaluation technique. Section one situates the problem of contestation in the field of constructivist research on norms. Section two introduces distinctive conditions of contestation and types of norms. Section three details the methodology of conducting and evaluating interviews and presents the technique of opposition-deriving with a view to reconstructing the structure of meaning-in-use. Section four concludes with an outlook to follow-up research.
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To deal with the relationship between freedom and political government in the space of a single, short treatise is not possible. Indeed, a whole book would hardly suffice to deal adequately with the subject. For freedom, which is only very seldom — in times of crisis or revolution — the direct aim of political action, is, in reality, the reason why such a thing as politics exists at all in human affairs. In this connection, by freedom I do not mean that heritage of humanity which philosophers define in a variety of ways and isolate, to their own satisfaction, as one of the inherent attributes of man. Still less do I mean that so-called inner freedom, in which man seeks refuge when under external pressure; it is historically a later, and objectively a secondary, phenomenon. It has its origins in a withdrawal from the world, whereby certain experiences and aspirations are transferred to the inner, sub-conscious self, which originally were part and parcel of the outer world, and of which we should have known nothing, had we not previously encountered them as tangible, mundane realities. Basically, whether I enjoy freedom or suffer the reverse depends upon my intercourse with my fellow men and not on my intercourse with myself.
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This article discusses the concept of methodological individualism and rational choice (MIRC). MIRC strives to explain international events by positing individuals, states, or substate actors, with fixed preferences and identities, who rationally adjust their beliefs and strategies in response to the information they receive and the strategies pursued by other actors. MIRC derives tremendous legitimacy from its relationship to the two strongest belief structures in the world today, liberalism in the normative sphere and science in the positive sphere. It draws further strength because it presents a unified (at the level of assumptions) body of theory that can be generalized and extended to new issue areas with relative ease. Ironically, for a scientific movement, it is on weakest grounds empirically; confirmation of its findings has been difficult. However, nontrivial empirical regularities have proved very difficult to find for any theory in international relations; typically the more precise and falsifiable the theory, the more resoundingly falsified it is. Given the difficulty in establishing robust law-like findings in international relations, strong theoretical frameworks such as MIRC will continue to be useful in the discipline.
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Wayne Martin traces attempts to develop theories of judgment in British Empiricism, the logical tradition stemming from Kant, nineteenth-century psychologism, recent experimental neuropsychology, and the phenomenological tradition associated with Brentano, Husserl and Heidegger. His reconstruction of vibrant but largely forgotten nineteenth-century debates links Kantian approaches to judgment with twentieth-century phenomenological accounts. He also shows that the psychological, logical and phenomenological dimensions of judgment are not only equally important, but fundamentally interlinked.
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The intelligence failures surrounding the invasion of Iraq dramatically illustrate the necessity of developing standards for evaluating expert opinion. This book fills that need. Here, Philip E. Tetlock explores what constitutes good judgment in predicting future events, and looks at why experts are often wrong in their forecasts. Tetlock first discusses arguments about whether the world is too complex for people to find the tools to understand political phenomena, let alone predict the future. He evaluates predictions from experts in different fields, comparing them to predictions by well-informed laity or those based on simple extrapolation from current trends. He goes on to analyze which styles of thinking are more successful in forecasting. Classifying thinking styles using Isaiah Berlin's prototypes of the fox and the hedgehog, Tetlock contends that the fox--the thinker who knows many little things, draws from an eclectic array of traditions, and is better able to improvise in response to changing events--is more successful in predicting the future than the hedgehog, who knows one big thing, toils devotedly within one tradition, and imposes formulaic solutions on ill-defined problems. He notes a perversely inverse relationship between the best scientific indicators of good judgement and the qualities that the media most prizes in pundits--the single-minded determination required to prevail in ideological combat. Clearly written and impeccably researched, the book fills a huge void in the literature on evaluating expert opinion. It will appeal across many academic disciplines as well as to corporations seeking to develop standards for judging expert decision-making.
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Journal of the History of Ideas 59.1 (1998) 173-182 Michael Albrecht, Eklektik. Eine Begriffsgeschichte mit Hinweisen auf die Philosophie- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1994 (Quaestiones 5), 771p. Patrice Vermeren, Victor Cousin. Le Jeu de la Philosophie et de l'Etat, Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1995 (Collection "La philosophie en commun"), 390p. Not so long ago eclecticism was held to be little more than a non-systematic form of thinking or constructing, and still today that is the generally accepted meaning of the term. Moreover, eclecticism has lost its traditional bad reputation and seems increasingly attractive to late twentieth-century thought in search of non-dogmatic and non-systematic forms of philosophizing. At the same time, however, historians of philosophy are discovering that eclecticism was a distinct and important feature of European intellectual history. In particular eclecticism can be recognized within early modern thinking especially at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century, and in France the philosophy of the nineteenth century can be seen as essentially eclectic until the revolution of 1848. Whatever the significance of the postmodern state of mind, recent views concerning philosophical eclecticism are largely the product of researches into the history of philosophy. There is an obvious inclination of today's intellectual historians to investigate background figures of European modernity. The increasing willingness of historians to enlarge the notion of philosophy in both its disciplinary and historical definition seems to be in agreement with a similar disposition of contemporary philosophers. As we can learn from Michael Albrecht's and Patrice Vermeren's books, a critical appreciation of eclecticism throws light both on the conditions of contemporary philosophizing and on the politics of philosophy in the modern age. What Albrecht does in his encyclopedic examination of eclectic ideas is very different in scope and method from Vermeren's study of Cousin. However, both authors address philosophy as a university discipline, and both suggest that eclecticism resonates in certain strategic ways with contemporary lines of thinking. Although the eclecticism of early modern Germany and that of nineteenth-century France arose in different contexts, here, too, there are important similarities. Both varieties wanted to distance themselves from the mainstream philosophy of their time -- German eclectics fighting the influence of Cartesianism, while France's foremost eclectic, Cousin, was trying to supersede Hegel and Schelling. The first to point out the importance of eclecticism in early modern European philosophy was Helmut Holzhey, and the most condensed account of the whole "syndrome" was given by Horst Dreitzel. We know now that eclecticism was unjustly removed from the history of philosophy. In its past articulation, mainly in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, eclectic thinking combined the claim for freedom of thought with the rejection of dogmatism and sectarianism. Michael Albrecht shows with great diligence and with more than abundant evidence that eclecticism is a genuine part of modern scientific and philosophical thought, and any reader of Albrecht's long list of eclectic thinkers can have no doubt about the importance of the idea. Over more than six hundred pages Albrecht divides his findings into forty-eight chronological chapters. He tries not to comment on his subject, although eclecticism quickly reveals itself as a tricky thing. Albrecht talks loosely about "the idea of eclecticism," the "eclectic thought," the "eclectic claim" because he wants to keep the idea of eclecticism close to the literal sense of the word: in Greek ek-legere means selecting, or choosing. Broadly speaking, philosophical eclecticism turns out to be in general just a claim. It was used by those who did not want to be regarded as dogmatic, sectarian, or systematic thinkers. Albrecht reports that claiming to be eclectic did in practice not amount to very much, and indeed he notes (457) that no philosopher ever wrote an eclectic work. Around 1600 Justus Lipsius and Jacopo Manzoni were among the very first to advocate eclecticism openly, and here already Albrecht draws his general conclusion: "Practically no author embracing eclecticism ... has made the idea work" (382). This is especially true for philosophers. In medicine and in physics we know of Daniel Sennert and Johann Christoph Sturm...
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1. Argument, belief and culture 2. Ethical argument and argument analysis 3. Colonial arguments 4. Decolonizing bodies: ending slavery and denormalizing forced labour 5. Faces of humanitarianism, rivers of blood 6. Sacred trust 7. Self-determination 8. Alternative explanations, counterfactuals and causation 9. Poesis and praxis: toward ethical world politics.
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The Cuban missile crisis of 1962 has been accorded unique status in the history of the Cold War, generally supposed to represent the occasion on which the superpowers came closest to nuclear war and also to demonstrate the benefits of firmness and control in crisis management. Drawing on evidence made available only recently, through a series of conferences involving both scholars of and participants in the crisis, and through newly accessible archive material, the authors of this article call the received wisdom about the crisis into question, highlighting very different implications for current and future policy. They further challenge the very possibility of arriving at any one definitive version of the events of the crisis period.
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To understand international cooperation and discord, it is necessary to develop a knowledge of how international institutions work, and how they change. The assumption of substantive rationality has proved a valuable tool in pursuing such knowledge. Recently, the intellectual predominance of the rationalistic approach has been challenged by a "reflective" approach, which stresses the impact of human subjectivity and the embeddedness of contemporary international institutions in pre-existing practices. Confronting these approaches with one another helps to clarify the strengths and weaknesses of each. Advocates of the reflective approach make telling points about rationalistic theory, but have so far failed to develop a coherent research program of their own. A critical comparison of rationalistic and reflective views suggests hypotheses and directions for the development of better-formulated rationalist and reflective research programs, which could form the basis for historically and theoretically grounded empirical research, and perhaps even for an eventual synthesis of the two perspectives.
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Culture influences action not by providing the ultimate values toward which action is oriented, but by shaping a repertoire or "tool kit" of habits, skills, and styles from which people construct "strategies of action." Two models of cultural influence are developed, for settled and unsettled cultural periods. In settled periods, culture independently influences action, but only by providing resources from which people can construct diverse lines of action. In unsettled cultural periods, explicit ideologies directly govern action, but structural opportunities for action determine which among competing ideologies survive in the long run. This alternative view of culture offers new opportunities for systematic, differentiated arguments about culture's causal role in shaping action.
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Recent enthusiasm for the social schema concept has been accompanied by a wave of criticism. Skeptics argue that the concept is imprecise and nonfalsifiable, irrelevant to real social phenomena, and simply old wine in a new bottle. While finding elements of truth in each criticism, this article concludes that the strengths of the schema framework more than outweigh the liabilities associated with these criticisms.
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How can abstract symbols provide the basis for organizational cohesion? In the early 1890s, the general strike provided such a symbol for French trade unions. In rallying around this symbol, the unions broke free from competing political loyalties and brought about a fundamental realignment of the French labor movement. The article argues that organizational cohesion emerges through the interplay between powerful symbols, political discourse, and social or interorganizational networks. Using archival records and a statistical analysis of the watershed vote for the general strike, the author demonstrates how the organizing power of this symbol was embedded in local multitrade union federations known as bourses du travail and in the corporatist discourse they evoked.
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Ted Hopf is Visiting Professor of Peace Research, The Mershon Center, Ohio State University. He is the author of Peripheral Visions: Deterrence Theory and American Foreign Policy in the Third World, 1965-1990 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994) and is at work on Constructing Foreign Policy at Home: Moscow 1955-1999, in which a theory of identity and international relations is developed and tested. He can be reached by e-mail at «hopf.2@osu.edu». I am most grateful to Matt Evangelista and Peter Katzenstein who both read and commented on many less-than-inspiring drafts of this work, and, more important, supported my overall research agenda. I am also thankful to Peter Kowert and Nicholas Onuf for inviting me to Miami in the winter of 1997 to a conference at Florida International University at which I was compelled to come to grips with the difference between critical and conventional constructivisms. I also benefited from especially incisive and critical comments from Henrikki Heikka, Badredine Arfi, Robert Keohane, James Richter, Maria Fanis, Ned Lebow, Pradeep Chhibber, Richard Herrmann, David Dessler, and one anonymous reviewer. I would also like to salute the members of my graduate seminar in international relations theory at the University of Michigan, in particular, Irfan Nooruddin, Frank Penirian, Todd Allee, and Jonathan Canedo helped me figure out the relationship between the mainstream and its critics. 1. The canonical neorealist work remains Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1979). The debate between neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism is presented and summarized in David A. Baldwin, ed., Neorealism and Neoliberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993). Constructivist challenges can be found in Nicholas Greenwood Onuf, World of Our Making: Rules and Rule in Social Theory and International Relations (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1989); Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); and Yosef Lapid and Friedrich V. Kratochwil, eds., The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1996). 2. Most important for this article, this is the neorealist conceptualization of international structure. All references to neorealism, unless otherwise noted, are from Waltz, Theory of International Politics. 3. Friedrich Kratochwil suggests that this difference in the understanding of structure is because structuralism entered international relations theory not through sociolinguistics, but through microeconomics. Friedrich V. Kratochwil, "Is the Ship of Culture at Sea or Returning?" in Lapid and Kratochwil, The Return of Culture and Identity, p. 211. 4. The critical distinction between action and behavior is made by Charles Taylor, "Interpretation and the Sciences of Man," in Paul Rabinow and William M. Sullivan, eds., Interpretive Social Science: A Second Look (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 33-81. 5. Ronald L. Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. Katzenstein, "Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security," in Katzenstein, The Culture of National Security, p. 54. 6. David Dessler, "What's At Stake in the Agent-Structure Debate?" International Organization, Vol. 43, No. 3 (Summer 1989), pp. 459-460. 7. Arnold Wolters, Discord and Collaboration (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1962). 8. Alexander Wendt, "Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics," International Organization, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Spring 1992), 391-25. 9. Elizabeth Kier, for example, shows how the same "objective" external structural arrangement of power cannot account for French military strategy between the two world wars. Elizabeth Kier, "Culture and French Military Doctrine before World War II," in Katzenstein, The Culture of National Security, pp. 186-215. 10. The focus on identity does not reflect a lack of appreciation for other elements in the constructivist approach, such as norms, culture, and institutions. Insofar as identities are the most proximate causes of choices, preferences, and action, I concentrate on them, but with the full recognition that identities cannot be understood without a simultaneous account of normative, cultural, and institutional context. 11. Henri Tajfel, Human Groups and Social Categories: Studies in Social Psychology (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 255. Although there are many accounts of the origin of identity, I offer a cognitive explanation...
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Pragmatism and critical theory share a practical and pluralist orientation to social inquiry. On this account, social inquiry is practical not simply by being instrumentally useful but by being oriented toward the realisation of normative ideals, most especially those of democracy. Central to such an enterprise is the relationship between social facts and norms, where facts are understood in the Deweyean sense of a `problematic situation' that contains factors that both inhibit and enable the realisation of normative ideals. Social facts in this sense can best be analysed by `multiperspectival theories' that take into account all the dimensions of the problem as well as the perspectives of all relevant actors. When understood as practical social inquiry, a multiperspectival International Relations theory could contribute to the task of realising new democratic possibilities, especially now given the `fact' of uneven globalisation.
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Bruce J. Allyn is Director of the Kennedy School-Soviet Project on Crisis Prevention at the Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, with primary responsibility in the preparation of this article for Soviet conferences and interviews, and for the translation and analysis of Soviet transcripts and other documents. James G. Blight is Director of the Nuclear Crisis Project and Assistant Director, Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, with primary responsibility for the acquisition and analysis of Cuban materials. David A. Welch is Research Fellow, Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University; in addition to conducting interviews in Moscow and Havana, he was primarily responsible for the analysis and integration of new Soviet and Cuban data, and for the preparation of the manuscript. The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Graham T. Allison, Jr., Jorge Domínguez, Alexander L. George, Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Scott D. Sagan, Georgy Shakhnazarov, and the staffs of the Center for the Study of the Americas (Havana), the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (Moscow), and the National Security Archive (Washington, D.C.). The authors also thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York, George Keros, The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Ploughshares Fund, and Carl Sloane. 1. The main pre-glasnost Soviet treatments of the crisis include Anatoly Gromyko, "The Caribbean Crisis," Voprosy istorii, Nos. 7 and 8 (1971), trans. William Mandel reprinted in Ronald R. Pope, ed., Soviet Views on the Cuban Missile Crisis: Myth and Reality in Foreign Policy Analysis (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1982), pp. 161-226; Anatoly Gromyko, 1036 dnei prezidenta Kennedi (Moscow: Politizdat, 1971), reprinted in the United States as Through Russian Eyes: Kennedy's 1036 Days, trans. Philip Gavon (Washington, D.C.: International Library, 1973); Anatoly Gromyko and Andrei Kokoshin, Brat'ia kennedi (The Kennedy brothers) (Moscow: Mysl, 1985), ch. 11, "Karibskii krizis," pp. 188-221; Khrushchev's speech to the Supreme Soviet, December 12, 1962, reported in Pravda and Izvestia, December 13, 1962, and translated in The Current Digest of the Soviet Press, January 16 and 23, 1963; and the memoirs of Chairman Nikita S. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers, trans. and ed. Strobe Talbott (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), and Khrushchev Remembers: The Last Testament, trans. and ed. Strobe Talbott (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974). For a compilation of excerpts from these various sources through 1980, extensively annotated, see Pope, Soviet Views on the Cuban Missile Crisis. Useful and revealing treatments stimulated by the Cambridge and Moscow conferences include Aleksandr I. Alekseev, "Karibskii krizis: kak eto bylo" (The Caribbean crisis: as it really was), Ekho planety, No. 33 (November 1988), pp. 27-37; A.I. Alekseev, "Karibskii, Kubinskii, Oktiabr'skii krizis" (The Caribbean-Cuban-October crisis), Ekho planety, No. 7 (February 1989), pp. 16-18; A.I. Alekseev, "Uroki karibskogo krizisa" (Lessons of the Caribbean crisis), Argumenty i fakty, No. 10 (1989), p. 5; Georgy Bolshakov, "Goriachaia liniia: kak diestvoval sekretnyi kanal sviazi Dzhon Kennedi-Nikita Khrushchev" (The Hot-Line: the secret communication channel between John Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev), New Times, Nos. 4-6 (1989); Georgy Bolshakov, "Karibskii krizis: kak eto bylo" (The Caribbean crisis: as it really was), Komsomolskaya pravda, February 4, 1989, p. 3; F.M. Burlatsky, "Karibskii krizis i ego uroki" (The Caribbean crisis and its lessons), Literaturnaya gazeta, November 11, 1987, p. 14; Fyodor Burlatsky, Sergo Mikoyan, and Georgy Shakhnazarov, "New Thinking about an Old Crisis: Soviet Reflections on the Cuban Missile Crisis," in Graham T. Allison and William L. Ury, with Bruce J. Allyn, eds., Windows of Opportunity: From Cold War to Peaceful Competition in U.S.-Soviet Relations (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1989); S. Chugrov, "Politicheskie rify karibskogo krizisa" (Political reefs of the Caribbean crisis), Mirovaia ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia, No. 5 (1989), pp. 19-32; Andrei A. Gromyko, "Karibskii krizis: o glasnosti teper' i skrytosti togda" (The Caribbean crisis: on openness now and secrecy then), Izvestia, April 15, 1989, p. 5; Stanislav Kondrashov, "Eshche o karibskom krizise: v kriticheskom svete glasnosti" (More on the Caribbean crisis: in the critical light of glasnost), Izvestia, February 28, 1989, p. 5; S.A. Mikoyan, "A War That...
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review the 11 lessons propounded by Robert McNamara in the film The Fog of War and to consider them in the context of theories of strategic management, particularly the formulation of strategy. Design/methodology/approach The film is taken as a case study and the evidence is considered against the background of Mr McNamara's career and contemporary events, triangulated wherever possible by additional accounts so that bias is avoided as much as possible. Findings The paper finds that, despite a lifelong rational, empirical approach, Mr McNamara has discovered that there are limits to these methods. The importance of values, morals and ethics emerges. The importance of these messages is that the business strategist should acknowledge the limits of rationality and the importance of intangible factors, not least the vagaries of human nature. Originality/value The paper is a part of a continuing study by the author of the parallels between military/grand strategy formulation and the similar activity in business.
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The realist, liberal institutionalist, social capital, ‘tit-for-tat’and ‘thin’ constructivist explanations for cooperation rely on the same explanatory mechanisms imported from micro-economics. They further assume that international cooperation should be studied from the perspective of egoistic, individual actors responding primarily to external stimuli. These several explanations assume much of the cooperation they purport to explain. They also rest on questionable ontological assumptions, as their unit of analysis, the autonomous, egoistic individual is a fiction of the Enlightenment. Most actors, states included, have social commitments that lead them to frame their identities and interests at least in part in collective terms. Collective identities lead to a general propensity to cooperate with another group of actors. They explain why actors may cooperate in instances that may not appear to be in their interest if cooperation is studied on a case-by-case basis — as it is by the approaches I critique —. To understand how a propensity to cooperate develops, we must look at the ways in which reason and emotions interact to create and sustain common identities.International Politics (2005) 42, 283–313. doi:10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800113
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Provides an overview of the history of heuristics and visions of rationality and discusses a new revolution under the premise that much of human reasoning and decision making can be modeled by fast and frugal heuristics that make inferences with limited time and knowledge. The authors discuss a research program that is designed to elucidate 3 distinct but interconnected aspects of rationality: bounded rationality, ecological rationality, and social rationality. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This article outlines a “sobjectivist” methodology that is specifically geared toward the constructivist style of reasoning. The main argument is that constructivist inquiries need to develop not only objectified (or experience-distant) but also subjective (experience-near) knowledge about social and international life. This requirement derives from the fact that constructivism is a postfoundationalist style of reasoning which emphasizes the mutually constitutive dialectics between the social construction of knowledge and the construction of social reality. By implication, a constructivist methodology should be inductive, interpretive, and historical. The methodical practice of sobjectivism follows a three-step logic from the recovery of subjective meanings to their objectification thanks to contextualization and historicization. A brief discussion of the security-community research program illustrates what sobjectivism looks like in practice. Overall, not only does the development of a consistent methodology systematize the practice of constructivist research, it also fosters engagement and dialog with other international relations approaches. By clarifying where constructivism falls on issues of validity, falsifiability, and generalizability, this article intends to enhance mutual legibility among competing methodologies.
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International Relations takes it all too often for granted that different scholarly sub-communities in the field are incommensurable and, therefore, that the erosion of the community of International Relations scholars is inevitable. I present a three-fold argument against this inevitability: First, International Relations is much better understood as a field of overlapping horizons than a discipline of incommensurable paradigms. Second, the most consequential overlap is epistemological. This overlap is constituted by very specific rhetorical understandings of epistemology that come remarkably close to the Aristotelian Rhetoric and Philosophical Sophistic. International Relations is a rhetorical discipline. Third, dialogue is able to seize the opportunities for communication across different horizons within and beyond International Relations—making it a lively and open discipline instead of a constellation of hermetically sealed and self-referential sub-communities.
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This chapter contains section titled:
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The Inside/Outside DistinctionInside ModelsOutside ModelsConclusions
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IntroductionCalibration Curves: Graphical Displays of Calibration and MiscalibrationThe Roots and Stylized Facts of Calibration ResearchTheoretical Perspectives on CalibrationApplication and Example
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IntroductionWhy Cross-cultural Differences in JDM Have Been OverlookedChapter OverviewSurprises in Cross-cultural Research in JDMAnalytic versus Holistic Modes of ThinkingImplications of Analytic versus Holistic Thinking for Information SearchFuture Direction: A Dynamic Approach to Culture and JDMConcluding Remarks