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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory: a catalyst for reminiscence
theory development
SUSAN BLUCK and LINDA J. LEVINE
Ageing and Society / Volume 18 / Issue 02 / March 1998, pp 185 - 208
DOI: null, Published online: 08 September 2000
Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0144686X98006862
How to cite this article:
SUSAN BLUCK and LINDA J. LEVINE (1998). Reminiscence as autobiographical memory: a catalyst for reminiscence theory
development. Ageing and Society, 18, pp 185-208
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Ageing and Society ,,–. Printed in the United Kingdom
# Cambridge University Press
Reminiscence as autobiographical
memory: a catalyst for reminiscence
theory development
SUSAN BLUCK* and LINDA J. LEVINE*
ABSTRACT
Research on the psychological outcomes of reminiscence techniques has led to
equivocal findings. The goal of this paper is to advance current theory guiding
research on reminiscence by examining the implications of viewing remi-
niscence as a type of autobiographical memory. Butler’s classic paper on
reminiscence as ‘life review’ () is examined, and revisions to this approach
are proposed based on research and theory concerning autobiographical
memory. Specifically, the process of reminiscence is delineated through a
discussion of the partially reconstructive nature of autobiographical memory
and the relation of memory to the self. These developments are then used to
predict the types of psychological outcomes that can be expected to result from
reminiscence, and the types of reminiscence techniques that can be expected
to lead to the distinct outcomes of self-acceptance and self-change. Linking the
literatures on reminiscence techniques and autobiographical memory also
provides a catalyst for future theoretical and empirical work.
KEY WORDS – Reminiscence, autobiographical memory, theory, review.
In keeping with the growth of gerontological literature generally, the
number of published studies on reminiscence has grown rapidly over
the last twenty-five years. Haight () documents the number of
articles on reminiscence published in American journals over the last
three decades as three in the s, twenty in the s, and seventy-
one in the s. This increased interest in reminiscence is not just a
reflection of the general surge of interest in gerontology. The claims of
psychologists concerning the outcomes of reminiscence have changed
dramatically. Early research approached reminiscence as a sign of
cognitive deterioration (Buhler ). Reminiscence and reminiscence
techniques"are now embraced as potential tools for addressing many
late-life ills; from alleviating depression (Magee ) to encouraging
the development of integrity (Havighurst and Glaser ).
Studies of reminiscence and of reminiscence techniques vary widely.
* Department of Psychology and Social Behavior, University of California.
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
They document a variety of creative methods for stimulating
reminiscence, including the use of sensitizing questions (Birren and
Deutchman ; Haight et al.), historical materials (Hughston
and Merriam ) and music (McCloskey ). The methods used
in reminiscence studies include case reports and empirical studies
reporting on both individuals and groups. Similarly, the outcomes
measured in studies of reminiscence vary considerably, including
acceptance of death (Georgemiller and Maloney ), cognitive
functioning (Hughston and Merriam ), depression (Magee ),
ego integrity (Havighurst and Glaser ), intergenerational con-
nectedness (Greene ), meaning in life (Birren and Hedlund ),
self-esteem (Ebersole ; Haight et al.) and spiritual well-being
(Hately ).
Given this diversity, it is not surprising that research evaluating the
beneficial outcomes of reminiscence has led to equivocal findings. For
example, some researchers (for example, Perrotta and Meacham )
find that reminiscing has no effect on depression while others report
beneficial effects using the same outcome variable (Lappe ).
Indeed, the literature does not clearly support the relation of
reminiscence to any outcome.#Critical reviews of this literature point
out that the field lacks a standard methodology for evaluating
reminiscence techniques as well as an accepted definition of remi-
niscence. Most reviewers also agree that there is a lack of cohesion
between reminiscence theory and both research and practice. One
reason may be that there has been very little theoretical work on
reminiscence.
The bridge between theory and most current research and practice
in this area has been the concepts of life review and reminiscence as
proposed by Butler (). He did not develop an actual theory but
outlined some critical points concerning the prevalence and process of
life review and, thus, reminiscence. His work stimulated a more positive
view of reminiscence which encouraged further research and the
development of reminiscence techniques. Although most researchers
cite Butler () as providing the underpinnings for reminiscence
work,$studies of the techniques are rarely closely guided by his
thinking. The current lack of connection between research and theory
may be due to the fact that Butler’s view of reminiscence stemmed from
a psychodynamic perspective that is currently less popular, and that is
not easily amenable to empirical testing (Romaniuk ; Thornton
and Brotchie ).
Unlike Butler’s account, recent work on autobiographical memory
has strong empirical foundations and focuses on the processes involved
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
in the storage and retrieval of memories. The theoretical ideas that are
emerging from this literature resemble those presented by Butler ()
in that they focus on the search for meaning and the integration of the
self as goals of the organism (Brewer ; Conway , ;
Markus and Nurius ). That Butler’s intervention-oriented,
psychodynamic approach and the empirically-based literature on
autobiographical memory have evolved such similar conceptualizations
provides an indication of the convergent validity of this view of
reminiscence. Delineating the relation between psychological processes
and outcomes is crucial however, if research is to inform practice
(Goldfriend and Wolfe ). A more detailed understanding of the
process of reminiscence (i.e., the mental events that occur when an
individual reminisces) is needed in order to identify potential outcomes
that can be linked empirically to reminiscence (i.e., what is expected to
change as a result of this process). This paper is thus an attempt to
begin dialogue and theory-building by delineating our view of the
relation of reminiscence to autobiographical memory and the self. It is
expected that a ‘renovation’, in which some of Butler’s original
framework is kept and additions are made where necessary, will yield
the soundest theory for facilitating future research and practice.
After reviewing Butler’s ideas concerning the process of reminiscence
and life review, findings from the autobiographical memory literature
will be presented and integrated with Butler’s conceptions. Specifically,
research on autobiographical memory demonstrates that memory for
personal experience is not a direct and unalterable copy of past
experience, but rather is partially ‘reconstructed’ (Barclay ;
Levine ; Neisser a). An individual’s ‘ self-schema ’ and his
or her current memories guide this process of reconstructing memories
in a dynamic fashion: the self-schema guides and constrains the
reconstruction of memories, and autobiographical memories in turn
play a central role in defining the self (Greenwald ; Markus ).
An integration of these findings with reminiscence theory allows one to
predict the types of outcome that might be expected to result from
reminiscence, and the types of reminiscence technique that might be
expected to lead to the two distinct outcomes of self-acceptance versus
self-change.
In summary, current researchers studying potential psychological
outcomes of reminiscing base their work very loosely on Butler’s
conception of life review. This literature has shown equivocal evidence
for the beneficial outcomes of reminiscence. The current paper
examines reminiscence as a type of autobiographical memory in order
to: (a) elucidate the process of reminiscence and thereby to more
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
soundly predict outcomes (Bluck ,; Webster and Cappeliez
) and (b) stimulate further theoretical work on reminiscence.
Definitional issues
The term ‘life review’ is defined by Butler as : ‘ a naturally occurring,
universal mental process characterized by the progressive return to
consciousness of past experiences, and, particularly, the resurgence of
unresolved conflicts’ ( :). Reminiscence has no standard
definition in the literature. After examining other definitions (Ballard
; Brewer ; Butler ; Coleman ; Merriam ;
Wong and Watt ) and taxonomies of reminiscence (LoGerfo ;
Watt and Wong ), we have constructed the following definition
which, despite its limitations, has the advantages of specificity and
completeness (Bluck ; for a discussion of the problems involved in
defining reminiscence, see Fitzgerald ).
Reminiscence is the volitional or nonvolitional act or process of recollecting memories of
one’s self in the past.It may involve the recall of particular or generic episodes that may
or may not have been previously forgotten,and that are accompanied by the sense that the
remembered episodes are veridical accounts of the original experiences.This recollection
from autobiographical memory may be private or shared with others.
Based on this definition, life review is a particularly structured form
of reminiscence. Life review might be thought of as ‘integrative
reminiscence’ (Watt and Wong ) in which people use past
experience to resolve current conflicts and to lend meaning and
coherence to current experience. Just as life review is a subset of
reminiscence, reminiscence is a subset of autobiographical memory.
‘Autobiographical memory’ also lacks a standard definition among
those who study it (for definitions, see Brewer ; Nelson ).
Our view is that while autobiographical memory is a system that
encodes, stores and guides retrieval of all episodic information related
to our personal experiences, reminiscence is one way in which we access
this information for our use. That is, reminiscence is the act or process
of recalling particular or generic episodes.
Examining process
In his seminal work, Butler () argued that reminiscence was
mistakenly being viewed as a symptom of psychological dysfunction
because data had been collected primarily from clinical samples.
According to Butler, the life review encompasses both unbidden and
volitional reminiscing that occurs largely as a result of the loosening of
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
defence mechanisms. His explicit hypothesis was that life review
was prompted by the psychological imminence of death, making
it especially common in old age. He pointed out, however, that
individuals of any age who are faced with death will engage in
reminiscence, as may those faced with psychological isolation or
loneliness, which Butler considered a type of death. Butler also noted
that people of all ages may question their identity and use their past as
a source of guidance from time to time.
The process of the life review, according to Butler, is to make
unconscious material conscious through reminiscence so that it can be
integrated into the current conscious life story. This return to
consciousness of past events may be guided or occur spontaneously. Life
review may begin with memories that are fleeting thoughts, images, or
dreams of the past, but gradually defence mechanisms loosen to allow
an unfolding (not necessarily an orderly one) of life’s events. Unresolved
conflicts must be reintegrated into the life story to provide a more
meaningful picture of life, and effect a reorganization of personality.
Butler’s ideas concerning life review provide an important starting-
point for the current view of reminiscence as beneficial and possibly
necessary to mental health. Two important issues arise, however, when
we view reminiscence as a form of autobiographical memory. These are
the veridicality of memory and the relation of memories to the self.
Taking a stand on memory veridicality is crucial to any theory of
reminiscence, yet the issue of veridicality has rarely been considered
within the reminiscence literature. These theoretical concerns are also
important for the implementation of reminiscence techniques. Recent
theory and research on autobiographical memory suggest that a
partially reconstructive view of reminiscence is warranted.
Memory veridicality
The study of autobiographical memory has only begun to receive
serious, enthusiastic attention in the last years. One reason for its
avoidance by those in the mainstream of memory research was that the
accuracy of personal memories is difficult to verify, and the veridicality
of memory has been central to development of memory theory (Rubin
). Can a researcher be said to be studying memory if the episodes
being studied may not have occurred, or may have occurred quite
differently than remembered? For mainstream memory research this
was a problem. The small but growing field of autobiographical
memory has begun to tackle such issues and to conduct systematic
studies of the degree of veridicality and reconstruction that occur in
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
normal autobiographical memory. In this field, the possibility that
memories may not be objectively true makes them more, rather than
less, interesting (Robinson ). The way that memories have been
embellished or distorted may be found to be a function of an
individual’s personality, cumulative life history, present life satisfaction,
or life circumstances. Our ability to understand the way a single
individual selects and reconstructs memories may prove to be diagnostic
of the individual’s central concerns, or of problematic characteristics of
the individual.
Bartlett () was among the first to discuss the possibility that
memory was fundamentally reconstructive. He argued that in order to
cope with a vast and ever-changing array of stimuli, people encode and
retrieve information according to schemata consisting of general
impressions and attitudes. Although people may have actual memory
traces or fragments, these traces are typically combined into more
general structures. This not only allows the large amounts of
information encountered daily to be summarized, but also permits the
organisation of memories into a resource for current and future
cognitions.
When initially proposed in the s, Bartlett’s highly constructivist
view of memory was not popular. With the emergence of interest in
autobiographical memory it is being reconsidered, though few advocate
the degree of reconstruction suggested by Bartlett (but see Loftus,
). Indeed, the degree of reconstruction in memory is a controversial
issue. Copy theories (e.g., Brown and Kulik ; Livingston ) and
reconstructive theories (e.g., Barclay and De Cooke ; Loftus )
mark the ends of this continuum, and there are data to support both
positions. For example, analyses of individuals’ memories for surprising
and consequential events have revealed evidence of people’s ability to
retain certain events with detailed clarity (e.g., Brown and Kulik ),
as well as evidence of a tendency to ‘ fill in the gaps ’ as needed (e.g.,
Loftus ; Neisser a; Neisser and Harsch ).
Brewer () takes an intermediate position by arguing for a
partially reconstructive view of memory. He suggests that our encoding
is reasonably accurate (given the inherent inaccuracies of perception
and selective attention), but that memories are reworked the more we
retrieve them, and are also under the influence of strong schema-based
processes. Other researchers (e.g., Conway and Rubin ; Conway
; Schacter ) have argued that the self is involved in the
dynamic reconstruction that occurs at encoding and retrieval.
Some evidence for the view of memory as partially reconstructive
comes from Nigro and Neisser () who examined the conditions
under which people remember their own past experiences from both
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
first-person and third-person perspectives. High school and college
students were asked to recall and date memories characterized by
emotionality or self-awareness. Students generally recalled recent
events from a first-person perspective. When recalling personal
experiences from long ago, however, the visual image that students
retrieved was more likely to be from a third-person perspective, as if
they were watching, rather than participating in, the event that was
being recalled. This suggests that, over time, and possibly with
repeated retrieval, memories are reworked from the original in which
the individual was an actor, to a memory in which the individual is an
observer.
Neisser’s findings (b) also support a partially reconstructive,
though more revisionist, view of autobiographical memory. He
conducted a case study of John Dean’s memory for his meetings with
former United States President, Richard Nixon, as reported in
testimony during the ‘Watergate’ hearings. Following the hearings,
taped recordings of the meetings were discovered, enabling Neisser to
compare Dean’s recollections with the actual conversations that had
taken place. The results suggested that individuals may add or delete
details, ‘cut and paste’ several memories to create a single memory,
and distort the gist of the memory, but that important themes of events
tend to be remembered veridically.
Also supporting a partially reconstructive view of memory is research
demonstrating people’s tendency to falsely identify memories as their
own when presented with accounts that retain meanings similar to
their original memories (Barclay ; Barclay and De Cooke ;
but see McAuley ). For example, Barclay and Wellman ()
had college students keep diaries of memorable events over a four-
month period. These events were then used, along with ‘foils’ or false
items that they had constructed, to test the students’ ability to
distinguish real from false autobiographical memories. Foils consisted
of reported events in which either the students’ original factual
description or their evaluative reactions had been altered by the
researcher, as well as some completely new events that had not
occurred. Students judged % of altered foils and % of new foils to
be actual personal events. Despite this, their confidence ratings of the
accuracy of memories was consistently high across categories. A follow-
up study conducted two and a half years later showed an increase in the
likelihood of confusing actual events with semantically similar foils.
The closer a foil was in meaning to the original event, the greater the
likelihood that it would be accepted as having occurred. These findings
suggest that personal memories become more schematized over time,
increasing the likelihood that plausible events, that are compatible
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
with the self schema, will be erroneously accepted as real. Barclay
() argues that this type of schema-based reconstruction, which he
calls ‘improvisation,’ in autobiographical memory is functional in
maintaining a sense of personal coherence. He claims that one of the
purposes of reconstruction is to allow the individual to adapt to the
present by using memory to impart new meaning to old events, not just
to preserve accurate accounts (see also Levine ).
The studies reviewed thus far support a partially reconstructive view
of memory. The emotional and social significance of memories must
also be considered in understanding the reconstructive memory process.
Highly emotional events are more likely to be recalled than neutral
events (e.g., Bohannon ; Brown and Kulik ), but such events
may be both highly memorable and subject to confabulation (Heuer
and Reisberg ). Easterbrook () hypothesized that high arousal
(emotionality) causes a narrowing of attention to the central aspects of
events. These central aspects (but not peripheral details) may also
receive greater elaboration in memory (Christianson and Safer ;
Levine and Burgess ). If this is the case, then when an event is
later recalled, a person may ‘flesh out ’ the vague or missing detail
information in accordance with his or her own values and biases
(Loftus and Kaufman ).
The social and psychological functions served by emotional memories
may also facilitate their reconstruction. Loftus and Kaufman ()
suggest that people benefit in a variety of ways from being able to
recount exciting stories about themselves. To this end, they may build
on actual memories, filling in details in order to appear more credible,
and in order to present themselves in a positive light. These authors
suggest that through sharing intimate stories with others we build
closer relationships, and that retelling and reworking memories may
also serve to lessen psychological tension. Hirst and Manier ()
have also studied the ways in which social forces affect how memories
are reconstructed in their work on ‘ conversational remembering ’.
They emphasize that memory does not only occur in one’s head but as
a result of the social dynamics of the situation in which events are being
recalled. Thus, how we remember events may depend partly on how
we or others talked about those events in past conversations. Similarly,
in his Personal Construct Theory, Kelly () suggested that stories
enable people to establish meaning through linking together the events
of the past, using personal constructs. Memories may be seen as a basic
building block of the ‘stories’ that individuals, groups and even
societies, come to construct and reconstruct about themselves (Viney
).
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
In sum, research on reconstructive processes in autobiographical
memory indicates that several factors may affect the extent to which
our memories represent actual life events veridically; these include the
passage of time, the amount of rehearsal, the need for consistency with
the self-concept, the intensity of emotion or arousal at the time of the
event, and the social dynamics of the context in which the memory is
recalled. Moreover, people are able to rework memories and still feel
confident about the accuracy of those memories. These findings
indicate that the memories retrieved in the process of reminiscing are
subject to reconstruction and may not be objectively veridical.
Research on the relation of memory to the self suggests goals that may
guide the reconstruction of personal memories.
The role of the self in reconstructing memories
The claim that people’s reminiscences are reconstructed does not
preclude the possibility that people have encoded complete and
accurate records of their past. Selective recall from the set of available
autobiographical memories may also be seen as a type of reconstruction
of a person’s history. For example, individuals are highly likely to
remember recent events, but are also unusually good at recalling events
from the period when they were adolescents to about twenty-five years
of age (possibly due to the importance of these years in the development
of personal identity) (Rubin et al.; Fitzgerald ,). People
are more likely to remember positive than negative events (Thompson
; Wagenaar ) and events that are somehow unique (as
opposed to frequent) or emotional (Brewer ). Despite these
uniformities in memory selection, it is not known what the universal set
of any individual’s autobiographical memories consists of, or why at
any given moment a certain subset of those memories becomes subject
to conscious awareness (for a discussion of this issue, see Salaman ;
Spence ). Thus, at least two levels exist on which individuals may
be ‘editing’ their life stories: the events they remember at any given
time, and the veridicality with which they remember them. The
reconstruction of past events, and selection of events from memory,
may be partially a function of the organization of autobiographical
memory. Several researchers have begun to identify factors that may
structure autobiographical memory. Examples of such factors include
chronology, life themes, repeated versus individual events, ‘scripts’,
and moods (e.g., Barclay ; Brewer ; Conway ; Linton
; Neisser ). Common to these is an understanding that the self
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
may play an important organizational role in memory, determining
the information that is attended to, how that information is encoded,
and how it is recalled.
The conception of the self as a central processor of incoming
information is evident in constructs such as the self-schema (Barclay
; Markus ), self theories (Epstein ) and self as cognitive
prototype (Rogers et al.). Barclay () describes the self-schema
as arising through schematization of both the significant and the
routine personal episodes of life. Schematization is the process through
which memories for events are transformed for easy storage into their
most generic, while still useful, form. These serve to summarize similar
or repeated personal events. Once created, the self-schema helps
individuals to interpret events as they occur and helps to supplement
details of remembered experience. It thus acts as a filter for memory-
encoding and guides memory reconstruction. Information that is
most likely to be encoded and recalled is that which matches the
expectations generated by the self-schema. Moderate deviations of
incoming information from the current self-schema tend to be ignored
or re-interpreted. The story that an individual comes to tell of any
specific personal event, then, would typically be consistent with the
self-schema, but not necessarily objectively accurate.
A view of autobiographical memory as influenced by the self or self-
schema challenges us to define the self. Brewer, Conway, Rubin and
Greenwald have made relevant contributions to this view, and to
an understanding of the relationship between the self and autobio-
graphical memory. Brewer (,) defines autobiographical
memory as memory for four types of information relating to the self:
personal (or recollective) memories (e.g., I remember the time I found
that beautiful orange shell at the beach); generic personal memories
(e.g., I remember the summers we spent at the cabin); autobio-
graphical facts (e.g., I remember that I grew up in Vancouver,
Canada); and the self-schema or cognitive structure that contains
knowledge of the self. The self-schema, which Brewer describes as one
of the richer knowledge structures in long-term memory, contains
unconscious material that interacts with incoming information. Once
developed, it is thought to change slowly, providing the sense of
consistency of the self over time. Ego, which Brewer differentiates from
the self-schema, is described as the conscious experiencing entity that is
the focus of phenomenological experience. Finally, the self is described
as a complex mental structure consisting of the self-schema, the ego,
and autobiographical knowledge stored in long-term memory. Brewer’s
framework provides a structure for conceptualizing the role of the self
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
in reconstructive processes in autobiographical memory. The ego’s
experience of life is filtered through the self-schema as material enters,
and is retrieved from, long-term memory.
Conway’s view (Conway ; Conway and Rubin ) differs
from Brewer’s with regard to the structure and process of auto-
biographical memory but still emphasizes the interrelations between
memory and the self. He and his colleagues argue that life’s events are
encoded selectively depending on the current themes and goals of the
self. This information does not reside as a specific memory but is part
of a larger general purpose knowledge base. At retrieval, we construct
a transitory memory as demanded by the current self or environmental
context, by searching through general abstract lifetime periods (e.g.,
when I lived at the beach house), general events (e.g., times that I have
had a glass of wine with a friend), and event-specific knowledge such
as sensory or affective information, vivid images, or very specific facts
(e.g., I was wearing the blue shirt with the big white daisies on it).
Afterwards the memory dissipates. This view allows for autobio-
graphical memory being unstable, because every time a particular
memory is recalled it is constructed according to the current self and
context. It also allows for autobiographical memory to be constant
because each memory is always embedded within the same hierarchical
retrieval structure (i.e., lifetime period, general event, event-specific
knowledge). The extent of change or constancy found in repeated
recall of the same event can be regarded as an index of the discrepancies
between the current and past self’s themes and goals.
Brewer’s and Conway’s views differ but both present a picture, not
only of the structure, but of the processes involved in the relation of the
self to autobiographical memory. While Brewer’s work presents a larger
picture of the system by delineating various types of autobiographical
memory and by differentiating the self from self-schema and ego,
Conway presents a much more detailed view of the process by which
the self affects the construction and reconstruction of memory at
encoding and retrieval. Both agree that the self and memory work in
tandem to allow us the ability to use our own past as a present resource.
If reconstruction of memories is guided by the self (Barclay ;
Brewer ; Conway ; Markus ), what goals guide this
process? It is here that Greenwald’s () conception of the self as
totalitarian may be informative: he defines the self as an organization
of knowledge, similar to other organizations such as totalitarian states
and scientific paradigms, in which biases exist that serve to maintain
organization (in this case, a unified sense of self) and encourage
behavioral perseverance toward goals. Based upon numerous empirical
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
studies of memory, Greenwald posits what he has termed an
‘egocentric’ bias toward attending to and remembering information
related to self; a ‘beneffectance ’ bias, that is a tendency toward
perceiving responsibility for desired, but not undesired, outcomes ; and
a ‘conservatism’ bias toward resisting cognitive change.
Research by Brenner () exemplifies the bias that Greenwald
() refers to as ‘egocentricity’. In a study in which participants read
words aloud in a group and then were asked to recall as many words
as possible, subjects were best able to recall words that they themselves
had read, followed by words that their dating partner had read. They
performed most poorly at recalling words that had been read by
strangers. An example of the ‘beneffectance’ bias was demonstrated in
a study in which subjects performed a skilled tracking task and received
‘team feedback’ believing that they were a member of a team of two
(Johnston ). Subjects took most of the credit for good scores and
assigned most of the blame to their partners for below average scores.
Finally, Greenwald’s ‘cognitive conservatism’, the predisposition to
preserve that which is already established, is demonstrated in a study
of autobiographical memory (Barclay and Subramanian ). Indi-
viduals who had been classified as viewing themselves as either
dependent or independent, kept diaries of personal events for several
weeks. They were later asked to recall as many events as possible from
their diaries. In free recall, participants tended to remember events
that were consistent with their view of self as dependent or independent.
According to Greenwald then, the goal of the self, with its biases as
tools, is to revise or fabricate personal history through selective
attention and memory reconstruction, in order to facilitate its own
organization and existence. As a consequence of these biases, the
individual must sometimes function with outdated or inaccurate
information. While Greenwald’s view of the self is adopted here, it may
be that future development of reminiscence theory will necessitate a
more complex view of self that includes future ‘ possible selves ’ (Markus
and Nurius ), the self as ‘dialogical ’ (Hermans et al.) and
cross-cultural differences in the nature of self (Markus and Kitayama
).
Renovating the bridge between theory and practice
As expressed earlier, our aim is to renovate the seminal work of
Butler, that has been the bridge to reminiscence research and practice,
using the materials found in the literature on autobiographical
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
memory. Many of Butler’s ideas remain. His view of reminiscence as
occurring across the lifespan, as related to identity development and
maintenance, and as a source of guidance for future plans and
behaviour, are all in keeping with theory and research on auto-
biographical memory. The notion that reminiscence (as part of life
review) may occur spontaneously or be guided, and that it may involve
a gradual unfolding of remembered images of the past, is also consistent
with this literature. The weakness in Butler’s work concerns the process
of reminiscence. Butler claimed that self-awareness, even if painful, was
necessary for mental health. Through reminiscing, the unconscious
could be made conscious and personality reorganization could occur.
Butler saw this reorganization as producing a wide array of potential
outcomes. He believed individuals could develop candour, serenity and
wisdom and also predicted that life review could result in mild
nostalgia, or even despair. It is in this area of predicting outcomes that
the reviewed work on autobiographical memory offers a conceptual
development. Butler did not delineate the process through which
reminiscence occurs and, hence, was not able to make specific
predictions concerning the expected outcomes of reminiscing. The
empirical literature on reminiscence and reminiscence techniques has
continued to suffer from this shortcoming.
The current review of theory and research on autobiographical
memory highlights the psychological processes (particularly recon-
structive processes) involved in reminiscence. We have introduced a
model of memory as partially reconstructive, and a view of the self
as central to the organization of autobiographical memory. Autobio-
graphical memory and self are related symbiotically: our personal
memories and the entire autobiographical memory system are integral
parts of the self (Brewer ) while, simultaneously, the self guides
what is attended to and remembered through cognitive biases and
reconstruction (Greenwald ; Markus ). This implies that
‘cognitive editing’ occurs throughout life, and that the self we end up
with may have been formed through our own self-protective cognitive
biases. Reminiscence thus can be regarded as a cognitive function that,
at any age (Coleman ; Webster ), is both guided by the self
and is important in the development, maintenance and potential
change of the self.
This dynamic link between autobiographical memory and the self is
only apparent when memory is conceptualized as at least partially
reconstructive. If one accepts a view of memory as a complete and
accurate copy of the past, there is no mechanism to explain how
remembering past events could affect other parts of the self system
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
thereby resulting in psychological outcomes. As such, there is no reason
to believe that any particular outcome (e.g., serenity) is more likely
to result from reminiscing than any other outcome (e.g., despair). On
the other hand, if we accept a radically reconstructive view of
autobiographical memory, it becomes difficult to understand how the
self maintains any constancy over time. Accepting a partially
reconstructive view results in regarding the self as largely constant over
time but subject to ‘revision’ through selectively accessing and
modifying memories.
Predicting outcomes
Before proceeding to predict potential outcomes of reminiscence, a few
clarifications are in order. The use of the word ‘therapy’ to refer to
reminiscence techniques has been intentionally avoided. Remi-
niscence techniques may have therapeutic or healing qualities but are
not the same, either in terms of process or outcomes, as the various
methods of psychotherapy (Birren and Deutchman ). Moreover,
the participants in reminiscence groups do not come usually from
clinical populations. The majority are older adult volunteers from
community samples or residential facilities who are interested in what
might popularly be called ‘self-growth’. Self-growth and self-change
are also the goals of many psychotherapeutic techniques. The role of
memory in psychotherapy, and the efficacy of psychotherapy, however,
are large and complicated issues of which measuring outcomes is just
one element (Mahrer ; Ogles et al. ; VandenBos ). While
some of the ideas expressed in this paper may be of interest to
psychotherapists, the focus of the current work is to identify how self-
acceptance and self-change may occur in non-clinical samples through
reminiscence techniques.
Having broadened Butler’s approach to reminiscence through a
discussion of the veridicality of autobiographical memories and their
relation to the self, the prediction of outcomes using this new theoretical
perspective is possible. Because memory and the self are symbiotically
related and are both part of the same organic system, it makes sense
that changes in one part of this system should affect change in other
parts. Therefore, the psychological outcomes most subject to change
through reminiscing are self-related outcomes (e.g., self-esteem, the
content and complexity of the self-concept). Other outcomes of interest
(e.g., meaning in life, preparation for death) may also be affected, but
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
they should be mediated by more direct effects on the self. The set of
memories available for a person to recall, reflects the life a person has
lived and is of course unique to each individual. Across individuals,
however, the specific outcomes of reminiscence for the self should
depend on the type of memories that are recalled, and the type of
memories recalled may depend on the processes used to elicit recall
(i.e., the specific reminiscence technique used). While accessing some
memories may lead to greater self-acceptance, accessing other memories
may actually stimulate self-change.
In designing reminiscence techniques, researchers have followed
Butler’s original conception of reminiscence as part of life review, which
suggests that the goal of these techniques is to encourage personality
reorganization or self-change. Some of the techniques currently in use,
however, may be better suited to fostering self-acceptance. Self-
acceptance is largely evaluative, having to do with how individuals
view or feel about themselves. People can change how they feel about
themselves and become more accepting without changing the self.
Self-change refers, not to how one evaluates the self, but to changes in
the actual composition or structure of the self.
Currently, it is not at all clear how facilitators choose themes or
methods for stimulating reminiscence, and a rationale is seldom given
in published studies (Burnside ). The following discussion is
presented in order to encourage individuals who use reminiscence
techniques to take into account the processes through which different
outcomes might be affected when choosing themes or methods for
eliciting reminiscence. It has been argued here that autobiographical
memory plays a central role in the development and maintenance of
the self across time. In terms of memory processes, facilitating self-
acceptance may require quite different conditions or techniques than
facilitating self-change.
Self-acceptance through telling the life story
Self-acceptance refers to how an individual views himself or herself in
entirety. To be self-accepting one must be able to accept not only the
‘good’ aspects of self and memories of positive experiences, but also
those aspects of self or experiences that are less positive. Individuals
who already have a moderate level of self-acceptance may reaffirm this
sense, or increase their level of self-acceptance, through the use of
reminiscence techniques. If the primary goal of a reminiscence
technique is to affirm, reinforce or increase self-acceptance, it may be
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
adequate for individuals to reminisce and tell their life story without
much probing. In this way, the story told represents a description of the
current self and the memories are ones that have been practised or oft
repeated. That is, they are memories that are highly accessible because
of the current organization of the self schema.
Memories retrieved with little probing may be veridical or
reconstructed. Veridicality is less important than psychological comfort
with the life story that is recalled. The role of the facilitator, or the
group, is to encourage the telling of positive, self-bolstering memories
and to validate the individual’s experience, thus allowing him or her to
accept any memories that may bring discomfort. Through this process,
individuals can reframe their life story in order to accept the good and
bad as all part of life. The recalled elements of the life story remain the
same, but the individual is encouraged to interpret them in a more
resourceful manner. While the memories themselves stay the same,
their meanings may change in light of the participants’ current
perspective (Robinson ). One may expect this type of technique to
be a pleasurable experience for participants who are basically satisfied
with their life story. These types of supportive, positive social
interactions seem likely to produce increased positive mood and tension
reduction and result in a reaffirmation of, or increase in, self-esteem.
Self-change through accessing non-central memories
Most techniques described in the current literature involve remi-
niscence techniques that are not dynamic. They are not likely to
stimulate memory of forgotten episodes or to challenge the ways in
which memories have been reconstructed, nor are they likely to allow
the resolution of unresolved negative events, thereby promoting
personality reorganization, as Butler advocated (Butler ; Lewis and
Butler ). It is unnecessary for all reminiscence techniques to take
a dynamic approach, but if participants are seeking self-change then a
more dynamic approach may be warranted. When the goal is self-
change, the memories used to maintain the current self may not be the
memories of primary interest. Instead, it may be necessary for the
individual to access memories that are not central to the current self-
schema in order to begin to broaden or redefine the view of self.
Review of the autobiographical memory literature demonstrates
that our memories are not a videotape of our lives, but are subject to
biases during encoding and retrieval. If recall is selective and memory
is partially reconstructive, it would be theoretically possible for an
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
individual to have a different set of memories than the one that he or
she currently embraces. As an extreme example, our sense of self might
be quite different if our autobiographical memories had been
remembered and reconstructed in such a way as to be drawn
exclusively from the set of memories that the current self has forgotten.
If one accepts this idea, the role of the facilitator may be to provide
conditions in which the individual is able to access or reconstruct
memories that are not central to the current self schema (i.e., not part
of the standard script of self).
This may be a difficult task. The current self has been constructed,
through selective attention and schema-based reconstruction, in order
to maintain self-organization (Greenwald ). Yet this organization
could be designed to ensure the survival, rather than the optimization,
of the self. The self system may function much like other parts of the
body: a bone that is left to set naturally will heal to allow future
functioning, but not necessarily to maximize future functioning. Is it
possible, then, through accessing non-central memories and becoming
aware of how original memories have been reconstructed, to go back
and ‘reset the bone ’ ? Though Butler () spoke in the language of
psychodynamics rather than memory research, he believed that one
could ‘reset the bone’, and that old age was a particularly good time
for this type of personality reorganization. He argued that the
rolelessness of this life phase made it a time for the ‘loosening of
defenses’. It is no longer clear that late life offers a particular
opportunity for self-change. Other life situations or potentially
therapeutic techniques may create conditions for accessing non-central
or long forgotten memories at any age.
If Greenwald’s theory of the totalitarian self is correct, however, the
windows of opportunity for self-change should be fairly infrequent.
Even in the case of trauma or life transition, the function of reminiscing
will be to reaffirm the current view of self. Under threat, the
organization of the self-schema will be maintained while the traumatic
or unexpected information is processed. Only if this is impossible will
self-change occur (Greenwald ; Janoff-Bulman and Thomas
). Greenwald suggested that the maintenance of a coherent sense
of self, even a negative self, may outweigh the potential advantages of
change. On the other hand, he also noted that this tendency toward
what he calls conservatism or resistance to cognitive change can
interfere with adoption of new material or its integration with existing
knowledge, and result in the self operating on the basis of out-of-date
information. Butler may have been aware of the conservatism of
the current self when he acknowledged that attempts at personality
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
reorganization through life review may sometimes end in anxiety. He
held that individuals with flexible, resilient and self-aware personalities
were most likely to benefit from reviewing their past through
reminiscence. The goal of dynamic reminiscence techniques may be to
ameliorate this inherent tendency toward conservatism such that the
overall organization of the self is maintained but revision of the self is
made possible.
In cases where the individual is dissatisfied with life or is seeking self-
growth, reminiscence techniques may offer an opportunity for self-
change through a broadening of available memories with which to
redefine the self. Individuals cannot necessarily write any new story of
self; we cannot pretend that we lived a different life. The stories people
can tell of their lives are limited, but there is not only one. If it is
possible to access forgotten memories, or to become aware of distortions
that have occurred, individuals may be able to create a self that is not
formed to support a theory in which they have long been invested, but
a self that best fits the data. Future research may discover when, or if,
this type of self-change occurs spontaneously, and how it might be
encouraged through reminiscence.
It is clear that this dynamic type of reminiscence technique, although
psychologically much more complex,#is potentially a more insight-
provoking process than the type of technique that might facilitate self-
acceptance. Potentially, researchers who have used music (McCloskey
) and antique objects (Wylie ) to stimulate reminiscence are
heading in this direction. That is, using auditory, visual, olfactory, or
tactile senses to stimulate memory, may be one way in which less
frequently remembered material may be accessed. Lewis and Butler
() also describe several ways of stimulating reminiscence such as
encouraging genealogical research, attending reunions, and trips to
one’s birthplace.
Until the function of autobiographical memory reconstruction is
understood more fully, the use of dynamic techniques should be
pursued cautiously. If the driving force behind the reconstruction of
memories about the self is to protect and preserve the self (Greenwald
), or to maintain positive illusions (Taylor ) or unrealistic
optimism (Weinstein ), there is a danger that a dynamic
reminiscence technique will drive the individual to enlightened despair.
Indeed, Erikson () talked about the crisis of late life being the
potential for integrity or despair, and Butler () noted the potential
for terror and suicide as well as wisdom and candour as outcomes of life
review. Both the dangers (breakdown of potentially self-protective
mechanisms) and the potential for positive self-change (broadening of
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Reminiscence as autobiographical memory
self-concept) must be considered in designing new dynamic remi-
niscence techniques that go beyond facilitating self-acceptance. By
understanding the memory processes underlying reminiscence, it
becomes clear that memory can be a powerful tool in self-change.
Current reminiscence techniques, having been designed without this
theoretical framework, have not taken full advantage of the potential
of autobiographical memory for facilitating change.
The current analysis is not intended as an endpoint but as a catalyst
for the development of reminiscence theory that will provide a sound
basis for future research and practice. Other issues being examined
through autobiographical memory research (e.g., the characteristics of
memorable memories, the effects of mood, environmental cues, and
specific search strategies on what is remembered at a given time) have
implications that may be relevant in the design of reminiscence
techniques (Webster and Cappeliez ). Outside of the autobio-
graphical memory literature, work on ruminations following negative
life events (Janoff-Bulman and Thomas ), conceptualization of the
self (Hermans et al.; Markus and Kitayama ), and the
relation of affect to cognition (Eich ; Levine ; Levine and
Bluck ; Levine and Burgess ) are all likely avenues for
expanding our current understanding of reminiscence. Those studying
autobiographical memory are already recognizing the need for
researchers from various areas of psychology (e.g., cognitive, social,
developmental, personality) to combine their perspectives and methods
and to venture beyond disciplinary boundaries (Brewer ;
Fitzgerald ). Linking reminiscence with autobiographical memory
is seen as a first step in tying together several approaches that can help
us to understand the significance of the tendency of human beings to
contemplate their past.
NOTES
The term ‘technique’, as opposed to ‘therapy’, is used here in accordance with
the thinking of Birren and Deutchman (). They wrote that their technique,
Guided Autobiography,
… is not designed to be used as formal therapy since it is not actively directed
toward the cure of amelioration of a disease or social or emotional problem.
… The term therapeutic is defined as ‘ having healing powers ’ (Webster’s
Third New World Dictionary, ). Many things are therapeutic without
being therapy per se. They are distinguished from therapy in that they do not
directly or actively pursue change in behavior or emotions, although positive
changes may result (p. ).
For reviews of the literature on reminiscence and outcomes, see Haight (),
Kovach (), Merriam (), Romaniuk (), Thornton and Brotchie
(), Webster and Cappeliez (), Webster and Haight ().
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Susan Bluck and Linda J.Levine
See, for example, Burnside (), Fitzgerald (), Hughston and Merriam
(), Viney, Benjamin and Preston ().
There is currently a great deal of controversy concerning the possibility that
therapists might ‘implant’ memories of sexual abuse in their clients’ minds (for
reviews, see Lindsay and Read ; Loftus ). The type of technique
described here, while it is not psychotherapy, would also need to incorporate
safeguards against facilitators suggesting memories to participants.
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by a fellowship from the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada to Susan Bluck. We are grateful to
Karen Rook for her helpful comments on previous versions of the manuscript.
We would also like to thank Martin Conway and two anonymous reviewers.
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Accepted October
Address for correspondence:
Department of Psychology and Social Behavior, University of
California, Irvine, Social Ecology II, Irvine, CA -,
USA, llevine!uci.edu