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Buss, David M. 1989. “Sex Differences in Human Mate Preferences: Evolutionary Hypotheses Tested in 37 Cultures.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences

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Abstract

Contemporary mate preferences can provide important clues to human reproductive history. Little is known about which characteristics people value in potential mates. Five predictions were made about sex differences in human mate preferences based on evolutionary conceptions of parental investment, sexual selection, human reproductive capacity, and sexual asymmetries regarding certainty of paternity versus maternity. The predictions centered on how each sex valued earning capacity, ambition— industriousness, youth, physical attractiveness, and chastity. Predictions were tested in data from 37 samples drawn from 33 countries located on six continents and five islands (total N = 10,047). For 27 countries, demographic data on actual age at marriage provided a validity check on questionnaire data. Females were found to value cues to resource acquisition in potential mates more highly than males. Characteristics signaling reproductive capacity were valued more by males than by females. These sex differences may reflect different evolutionary selection pressures on human males and females; they provide powerful cross-cultural evidence of current sex differences in reproductive strategies. Discussion focuses on proximate mechanisms underlying mate preferences, consequences for human intrasexual competition, and the limitations of this study.
... LMS is so central to the incel worldview that it even warrants an entire section of the incel wiki site (Incel Wiki, 2023). LMS denies personality and intelligence as significant factors, despite the robust evidence for the importance of these traits that is consistently found in the evolutionary psychology literature (Buss, 1989;Walter et al., 2020). ...
... Adapted from the mate preferences questionnaire in Buss (1989), participants indicated the minimum score from 0 to 10 that a person would need to meet across 15 traits for them to consider this person as a potential long-term romantic partner. Some sample traits included facial attractiveness, sense of humor, and intelligence. ...
... Another significant finding in our study is that incels particularly underestimated women's minimum preferences for loyalty and dependability, kindness, and emotional maturity and stability, which there is robust evidence for in the evolutionary psychology mate preference literature (Buss, 1989;Walter et al., 2020). Interventions which help incels to overcome their belief in female sexual deceptiveness (Sparks et al., 2022), and acknowledge the importance of these traits, could help with their mating prospects. ...
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Mating represents a suite of fundamental adaptive problems for humans. Yet a community of men, called incels (involuntary celibates), forge their identity around their perceived inability to solve these problems. Many incels engage in misogynistic online hostility, and there are concerns about violence stemming from the community. Despite significant media speculation about the potential mating psychology of incels, this has yet to be formally investigated in the scientific literature. In the first formal investigation of incel mating psychology, we compared a sample (n = 151) of self-identified male incels with non-incel single males (n = 149). Findings revealed that incels have a lower sense of self-perceived mate-value and a greater external locus of control regarding their singlehood. Contrary to mainstream media narratives, incels also reported lower minimum standards for mate preferences than non-incels. Incels (and non-incel single men) significantly overestimated the importance of physical attractiveness and financial prospects to women, and underestimated the importance of intelligence, kindness, and humor. Furthermore, incels underestimated women's overall minimum mate preference standards. Our findings suggest that incels should be targeted for interventions to challenge cognitive distortions around female mate preferences. Implications for incels' mental health and misogynistic attitudes are discussed, as well as directions for future research. "Women seem wicked when you're unwanted."-Jim Morrison (The Doors)
... In fact, in the literature on evolutionary psychology a great many sociologically relevant psychological mechanisms are under consideration. This encompasses, for example, a mechanism for the detection of cheaters in situations of social exchange (Cosmides et al. 2010), a mechanism to detect coalitional alliances (Kurzban et al. 2001) as well as several mechanisms regulating mate preferences and mating behavior (Buss 1989). Although the study of mechanisms like these is without doubt a productive research program, it does, nevertheless, raise the actiontheoretical question of how these diverse mechanisms can be integrated into a coherent model of human behavior, i.e., into a full-blown action theory in the sense of Sect. 2. Put differently, describing human nature as a collection of functions, each of K Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. ...
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It is explored if and to what extent two approaches in behavioral sciences, which are promising with respect to an evolutionary grounded, integrative action theory, are actually compatible. These two approaches are, on the one hand, evolutionary psychology, which conceptualizes human nature as a collection of evolved psychological mechanisms, each being functionally specialized with respect to a specific problem of adaptation. And on the other hand, the dual-process perspective, which holds that human behavior is driven by the interplay of two qualitatively distinct types of cognitive processes: Autonomous, fast, and associative Type 1 processes, which operate outside of the consciousness of the actor, on the one hand, and controlled, slow, and rule-based Type 2 processes of which the actor is aware. Notably, both of these approaches have descendants in modern sociological action theory, i.e., goal-framing theory (Lindenberg 2008, 2009) and the model of frame-selection (Esser 2001; Kroneberg 2011). It is argued that evolutionary psychology and the dual-process perspective are largely compatible, thereby giving rise to an evolutionary grounded, integrative action theory. Accordingly, Type 1 processes can be traced back to evolutionary old cognitive modules, which humans share with other species and which are highly efficient at solving specific problems of adaptation in a stable environment. In contrast, Type 2 processes of higher cognition are distinctly developed in humans and highly effective at dealing with a rapidly changing life space.
... Beginning with Hill (1945), psychologists, and evolutionary psychologists in particular, have investigated adults' preferences for an ideal partner, especially with regard to possible sex differences in such preferences (e.g., Buss, 1989;Buss et al., 1990Buss et al., , 2001Feingold, 1992;Walter et al., 2020). 1 In contrast, the possible effect of age on partner preferences has received much less attention. ...
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Women’s capacity to reproduce varies over the life span, and developmental goals such as family formation are age-graded and shaped by social norms about the appropriate age for completing specific developmental tasks. Thus, a woman’s age may be linked to her ideas about what an ideal partner should be like. With the goals of replicating and extending prior research, in this study we examined the role of age in women’s partner preferences across the globe. We investigated associations of age with ideal long-term partner preferences in a cross-cultural sample of 17,254 single (i.e., unpartnered) heterosexual women, ages 18 to 67, from 147 countries. Data were collected via an online questionnaire, the Ideal Partner Survey. Confirming our preregistered hypotheses, we found no or only negligible age effects on preferences for kindness-supportiveness, attractiveness, financial security-successfulness, or education-intelligence. Age was, however, positively associated with preferences for confidence-assertiveness. Consistent with family formation goals, age was associated with an ideal partner’s parenting intentions (high until approximately age 30, then decreasing afterward). Age range deemed acceptable (and in particular, the discrepancy between one’s own age and the minimum ideal age of a partner) increased with age. This latter pattern also replicated in exploratory analyses based on subsamples of lesbian and bisexual women. In summary, age has a limited impact on partner preferences. Of the attributes investigated, only preference for confidence-assertiveness was linked with age. However, age range deemed acceptable and an ideal partner’s parenting intention, a dimension mostly neglected in earlier research, substantially vary with age.
... As women are obligated to invest in pregnancy and nursing, being unavailable to generate more children during, at least, the gestational period, men tend to compete to have access to women. Buss (1989) found that men prioritize physical attractiveness more than women when selecting potential partners. This gender difference is influenced by evolutionary factors and societal norms surrounding beauty standards. ...
... El primer caso que exponemos, que tuvo una alta prevalencia de pensamiento masculino, fue el estudio de la elección de pareja. En éste se describía que los hombres eran elegidos por las mujeres con base en los recursos que ellos poseían o podían tener (estatus social, nivel de estudios, asunción de riesgos, etcétera) (Buss, 1989;Wilke et al., 2006). La idea tiene como base los estudios de Trivers (1972), quien observa que la inversión parental es un factor determinante en la selección sexual (basado en Darwin) y que cada sexo optará por una estrategia distinta de reproducción en concordancia con el costo que les genera. ...
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... People's thirst for money can be viewed as a modern derivative of their desire for bioenergetic resources (e.g., food) (Briers et al., 2006;Wang & Dvorak, 2010). Also, money brings about material advantages, earning potentials, and socioeconomic benefits to offspring (Buss, 1989), thus fitness promoting. Therefore, monetary rewards that are large enough and crucial for survival and reproduction should follow a U-shaped function, as was supported by our results that the U-shaped function was typical for medium-to-large amounts of money. ...
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This historical anthropology of the family represents a new departure in family studies. Over the past ten years or so, the social scientific sociological analysis of the family has undergone a change, and has been obliged to reconsider its traditional view that industrialisation triggered a shift within society from the 'large family', which fulfilled all social functions from socialising the children to caring for the sick and the old, to the modern nuclear family, which was regarded solely as being the locus for emotional relationships. Historians have shown that in the past there was in fact a great variety of different family structures within a wide range of varying demographic, economic and cultural frameworks, distinctive for each society. At the same time, the interaction between sociology and social anthropology has led to a clearer conceptual analysis of that vague, polysemic term 'family'; and notions of dwelling-place, descent, marriage, the relative roles of husband and wife and parent-child relations, as well as the more general relations between generations, have in a variety of past and present social contexts been taken apart and analysed. In this book, Martine Segalen reviews and synthesises a rich wealth of often little-known European and North American historical and social anthropological material on the family. This results in a reversal of the frequently held view of the family as an institution in decline, showing it instead to be both dynamic and resistant.
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In most sociological treatments of crime and delinquency, genetic explanations are either ignored or ridiculed. While the belief that single genetic defects produce delinquent behavior is untenable, modern genetic theory is concerned with the influence of many genes on normal human behavioral variation. This analysis of genetic variation can be united with sociological theory. In particular, a twin study of the covariation between delinquent behavior and association with delinquent peers is used to demonstrate the value of a behavioral genetic analysis for developing social theory. The phenotypic correlation between self-reported "delinquency" and the "delinquency of friends" is apportioned to three theoretical sources: genetic variation; common environmental influences that affect family members equally; and specific environmental influences that affect each individual uniquely. Of the three component sources, genetic factors contributed most to the phenotypic covariation in this study. Although genetic factors are implicated, this result does not mean that delinquency is either a direct result of biological differences or that it is inevitable. Rather, it shows that causal sequences leading to delinquency are traceable to individual differences in genes, so any social causation entails either individual differences in reactions to social processes or differential social reactions to already differing individuals. Implications of behavioral genetic analyses of covariation for theories of delinquency are discussed.