This essay is both a reinterpretation of the place of the French West African railway strike in labor history and part of an exploration of its effects on politics and political memory. This vast strike needs to be studied in railway depots from Senegal to the Ivory Coast. Historians need both to engage the fictional version of the strike in Ousmanne Sembene's God's Bits of Wood and avoid being caught up in it. Interviews in the key railway and union town of Thiès, Senegal, suggest that strike veterans want to distinguish an experience they regard as their own from the novelist's portrayal. They accept the heroic vision of the strike, but offer different interpretations of its relationship to family and community and suggest that its political implications include co-optation and betrayal as much as anticolonial solidarity. Interviews complement the reports of police spies as sources for the historian. The central irony of the strike is that it was sustained on the basis of railwaymen's integration into local communities but that its central demand took railwaymen into a professionally defined, nonracial category of railwayman. The strike thus needs to be situated in relation to French efforts to define a new imperialism for the post-war era and the government's inability to control the implications of its own actions and rhetoric. Negotiating with a new, young, politically aware railway union leadership in 1946 and 1947, officials were unwilling to defend the old racial wage scales, accepted in principle the cadre unique demanded by the union, but fought over the question of power – who was to decide the details that would give such a cadre meaning? The article analyzes the tension between the principles of nonracial equality and African community among the railwaymen and that between colonial power and notions of assimilation and development within the government. It examines the extent to which the strike remained a railway strike or spilled over into a wider and longer term question of proletarian solidarity and anticolonial mobilization.
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"Strikes, riots, peasant insurrections, labor movements, and rebellions defy the spatial and temporal boundaries that otherwise circumscribe particularistic historical studies. Historians have chronicled " labor strikes, " for example, among both Brazilian porters in the mid-nineteenth century (Reis 1997) and West African railway workers just after World War II (Cooper 1996); similarly, they have examined " riots " directed toward suburban railways in Brazil in the mid-1970s (Moises and Martinez-Alier 1980) and Muslims in Sri Lanka a half century earlier (Kannangra 1984). But for a few exceptions, concern with the general ends at the conceptual level; historians tend to employ general concepts only insofar as they facilitate the organization and construction of narratives that are context specific. "
[Show abstract][Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: In reflecting on the distinctive way in which historians have approached the study of social movements and collective action,
we call attention to a number of issues that have been addressed in the literature on history as a discipline. A distinction
that has often been made between the disciplines of history and the social sciences concerns the general and the particular.
Historians are purportedly more concerned with context-dependent generalizations, offering findings that are relevant only
to the particular context they are studying and overly cautious in making inadequately contextualized generalizations based
on evidence from a particular time and place. However, historians cannot avoid the use of general concepts, such as revolution
or social movement; hence they necessarily generalize. Such concepts select certain instances as “facts” and make their descriptions
more meaningful by suggesting causal analogies to phenomena in other times and places that may also be labeled revolutions
or social movements. Nevertheless, the types of generalizations and levels of generality with which historians are typically
comfortable are those that apply to a relatively limited number of cases delimited in time and space, rather than the decontextualized
general laws to which social scientists sometimes aspire. As a discipline, historians are organized along the lines of time
and space, and most historians focus their research on a particular place during a delimited period of time. Philip Abrams
(1982:194) contrasts the historians’ “rhetoric of close presentation (seeking to persuade in terms of a dense texture of detail)”
with the sociologists’ “rhetoric of perspective (seeking to persuade in terms of the elegant patterning of connections seen
from a distance).”
[Show abstract][Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: The history of a complex social movement is probably unknowable. Eyewitnesses provide the most vivid impressions, but they lack the broad perspective that places individual events in a wider context. Scholars who examine history “after the fact” benefit from a broader perspective, but are forced to select from the “facts” that eyewitnesses choose to record or remember. Neither approach combines first-hand knowledge of events with a complete understanding of how those events are interconnected. With that in mind, this article examines various accounts of the 194748 railroad strike in French West Africa. The 1947-48 strike was a watershed event in colonial history that ended in victory over the colonial administration. The struggle furthered the formation of mass movements to fight for independence, and the settlement consolidated social changes that rendered colonialism unstable. The events of the strike have been preserved in colonial archives that contain French administrative records on legal and economic aspects of the strike, by eyewitnesses who provided their own recollections to interviewers in the early 1990s, and in the form of a historical novel by Ousmane Sembene entitled God’s Bits of Wood. God’s Bits of Wood is not only a staple of world literature classes in the West, but it is also widely read in Senegal and Mali where the strike occurred. Its popularity in those countries creates problems for oral historians who wish to study the strike (Cooper, “Our Strike” 81). This article compares the two versions of the strike presented by Sembene and the French colonial authorities using archival documents, interviews with Sembene and strike participants, and new scholarship by historians of French West Africa. The purpose of this comparison is to describe points of convergence and divergence between the two accounts, and to evaluate discrepancies in light of events that occurred at the time Sembene’s book was published. In order to present a complete narrative of the struggle from oppression to equality, Sembene condenses fourteen years of labor history into a single year (see Bouta-Guèye). Nevertheless, Sembene’s narrative conforms to the official record in most important aspects. There has been a railway linking Dakar to the Niger River at Koulikoro and the Senegal River at Saint Louis through a junction at Thiès since 1923. The Chemin de Fer Dakar-Niger became the centerpiece of French development efforts in the interwar period (Jones 230-35). Although the steam locomotives are gone and some of the smaller stations are closed, the arrival of a train in Bamako, at Thiès, or in any of the lesser stations is still an important event. A 1944 administrative reform combined the Dakar-Niger with the Conakry-Niger, the Abidjan-Niger and the Benin-Niger (Lakroum 300-01) into the Chemins de Fer de l’Afrique Occidentale Française, which employed more than 17,000 African workers, making it the largest industrial enterprise in French West Africa (Suret-Canale 21). The work force is not as large as it once was, but
No preview · Article · Jun 2000 · Research in African Literatures
[Show abstract][Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: In the 19th and 20th centuries, France engaged in a second wave of colonisation, by the end of which she controlled a huge empire which included territories in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and the Pacific. At the same time as possessing this empire, however, France was also a Republic with a constitutional commitment to values such as freedom, equality and fraternity. The harsh realities of imperial rule were, of course, hard to reconcile with the lofty ideals of the French Revolution. Yet Paris was largely successful in 'justifying' her colonial exploits by portraying them as part of a mission civilisatrice, that is, a civilising project to assimilate (mainly African) colonial subjects and 'elevate' them to the ranks of French citizenship. This survey will begin by showing how this civilising mission helped to limit and disguise the self-serving nature of French African policy during the colonial and early post-colonial eras. It will then focus on the domestic, European and global pressures which France is currently facing in her quest to maintain her unique African project. It will argue that, while French governments have had to make changes, they have nonetheless managed to preserve the basic thrust of their 'universal republican message'. Finally, it will assess the future threats and opportunities facing Paris' African vocation.
No preview · Article · May 2005 · Journal of Contemporary African Studies