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In this paper a theoretical definition that helps to explain how the logical structure of legal presumptions is constructed by applying the Carneades model of argumentation developed in artificial intelligence. Using this model, it is shown how presumptions work as devices used in evidentiary reasoning in law in the event of a lack of evidence to assist a chain of reasoning to move forward to prove or disprove a claim. It is shown how presumptions work as practical devices that may be useful in cases in which there is insufficient evidence to prove the claim to an appropriate standard of proof.
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Presumptions
in Legal Argumentationraju_514 271..300
FABRIZIO MACAGNO* AND DOUGLAS WALTON**
Abstract. In this paper a theoretical definition that helps to explain how the logical
structure of legal presumptions is constructed by applying the Carneades model of
argumentation developed in artificial intelligence. Using this model, it is shown
how presumptions work as devices used in evidentiary reasoning in law in the
event of a lack of evidence to assist a chain of reasoning to move forward to prove
or disprove a claim. It is shown how presumptions work as practical devices that
may be useful in cases in which there is insufficient evidence to prove the claim to
an appropriate standard of proof.
Recent work in the interdisciplinary area between artificial intelligence and
law has advanced logical models of presumption and the burden of proof
using an argumentation approach (Gordon and Walton 2009; Prakken and
Sartor 2009). However, presumption and its companion notion of burden
of proof have been said to be two of the slipperiest concepts in law (Strong
1992, 449). After surveying the various notions of presumption in the law
of evidence, and showing how disparate they are, Allen (1981, 865)
commented, “the ambiguity and confusion surrounding presumptions
continued unabated.” However, Allen (1980) has argued that presumption
can be understood in law as a device for shifting the burden of persuasion
in a trial setting. This view represents the approach we take in this paper,
basing our analysis on the theory that, in addition to the burden of
persuasion and the burden of producing evidence, there is a third kind of
burden in legal reasoning, called the tactical burden of proof (Prakken and
* Fabrizio Macagno would like to thank the Fundação para a Ciência ea Tecnologia for the
research grant on Argumentation, Communication and Context (PTDC/FIL-FIL/110117/2009)
and the international law firm Martinez & Novebaci for providing materials and consultancy
that proved to be extremely helpful for the research in this paper.
** Douglas Walton would like to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council
of Canada for a research grant that supported the work in this paper.
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Ratio Juris. Vol. 25 No. 3 September 2012 (271–300)
© 2012 The Authors. Ratio Juris © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main
Street, Malden 02148, USA.
Sartor, 2009). Both in law and in the argumentation literature generally, it
is often said that a presumption is a device that shifts the burden of proof
back and forth from one party to the other in a dialogue. Recent work in
artificial intelligence and law has produced precise models of burden of
proof that not only draw the traditional distinction between two kinds of
burden of proof, the burden of persuasion and the burden of producing
evidence (burden of production), but also introduce a third type of burden
called the tactical burden of proof.
In the theory outlined in this paper, a presumption in evidential rea-
soning is an assumption that a fact obtains, an assumption that can be
made without proof in some situations. Thus it will be shown by examples
that a characteristic of presumption is that it is a proposition accepted as
factual in law, even though it has not been proved. This characteristic links
it to another one: a presumption is a statement that is accepted in law even
though it does not meet the burden of proof that would normally be
required for the statement to be acceptable to a standard of proof appro-
priate in a framework of legal evidence. It will be shown how presump-
tions are useful in situations where there is a lack of evidence.
Much recent work in artificial intelligence and law, and in the related
field of argumentation studies generally, has now adopted a dialogical
model of argumentation. In this paper we show how this dialogical model
can be used to draw a much clearer distinction than was possible in the
past between presumption and related notions in legal argumentation. We
see our paper as a contribution to the new evidence scholarship, an
interdisciplinary field of research that uses formal models of reasoning and
computational tools for representing legal argumentation to move forward
with the intention of supporting Wigmore’s claim that there is a science of
proof underlying the law of evidence (Park and Saks 2006). We begin with
an outline of recent work on the burden of proof in artificial intelligence
and law that briefly shows how this approach is based on an argumenta-
tion model. In this model an argument is seen not only as an inference
from premises to a conclusion, but also as presupposing a context of
dialogue in which two or more parties take turns, making moves in the
form of speech acts.
1. The Dialogical Framework
Prakken and Sartor (2009, 228) have built a logical model of the burden of
proof in law. The burden of persuasion specifies which party has to prove
an ultimate probandum in the case, and also the standard of proof that has
to be met. The burden of production specifies which party has to offer
evidence on some specific issue at some stage during the argumentation in
the trial. Both the burden of persuasion and the burden of production are
assigned by law, whereas the tactical burden of proof is decided by the
272 Fabrizio Macagno and Douglas Walton
© 2012 The Authors. Ratio Juris © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Ratio Juris, Vol. 25, No. 3
party putting forward an argument during a move. The judge is supposed
to instruct the jury on the standard of proof to be met at the beginning of
the trial. The burden of production may in many instances only have to
meet a low standard of proof. If the evidence produced does not meet the
standard, the issue can be decided as a matter of law against the relevant
party, or decided in the final stage by the judge. Both the burden of
persuasion and the burden of production are assigned by law. The tactical
burden of proof, on the other hand, is decided by the party putting
forward an argument at some stage during the proceedings. The arguer
must judge the risk of ultimately losing on the particular issue under
discussion at that point if he or she fails to put forward further evidence
concerning that issue.
The relationship between the burden of persuasion and the burden of
production works differently in criminal and civil cases (Prakken and
Sartor 2009, 225–6). In civil cases the general rule is that the burden of
persuasion is on the party making the claim, as well as the burden of
production for any claim made, while both burdens are on the other
party for an exception. For example, in the case of a dispute over a
contract, the party claiming that a contract exists has to prove that there
was an offer that was accepted. These are the two elements of proving
a contract. However, there can be exceptions to this rule: for example,
one party might claim that the other party deceived him. In such a case,
both the burden of production and the burden of persuasion that there
is a contract are on the party making the claim, but then the burden of
production shifts to the party claiming an exception. In criminal cases,
on the other hand, the burden of production and the burden of persua-
sion may be on different parties. In criminal cases, the prosecution has
to meet the beyond reasonable doubt standard to prove that the defen-
dant is guilty. This principle also covers the nonexistence of exceptions.
No weakness in its argument can be left by the prosecution, or proof
beyond reasonable doubt will not be established.
For example, in a murder case, the burden of persuasion is on the
prosecution not only to prove the two elements that there was a killing
and that it was done with intent, but also to prove the nonexistence of
an exception, such as the claim that the killing was in self-defense.
However, the burden of production for proving an exception is on the
defense. For example, a defendant who has pleaded self-defense will
have to produce evidence to support this claim. Once this burden of
production has been met, even by means of a small amount of evidence,
not large enough to meet the requirements of the beyond reasonable
doubt standard, the burden of persuasion that there was no self-defense
is then on the prosecution. It is in this kind of case that the language of
shifting the burden of proof is often used to describe the logical mecha-
nism of what has happened.
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According to Prakken and Sartor (2009, 227), the distinction between the
burden of production and tactical burden of proof is usually not clearly
made in common law, nor explicitly considered in civil law countries.
However, they add that the distinction is relevant for both systems of law,
because it is induced by the logic of the reasoning process. Certainly it is not
easy at first to clearly grasp the distinction between the burden of production
and the tactical burden of proof, but from the point of view of understanding
the burden of proof as a concept of logical reasoning, both in law and in
everyday conversational argumentation, it is important to attempt to do so.
The distinction can be clarified by going back to the example of a murder
trial in which the prosecution has provided evidence to establish killing and
intent, and the defense has produced evidence in favor of a plea of
self-defense. In such a case, if the prosecution does not rebut the claim of
self-defense by putting forward a counterargument, they stand a good
chance of losing the case. In such an event, we can say that not only is the
burden of persuasion on the prosecution, but also the tactical burden of
proof with respect to the plea of self-defense (Prakken and Sartor 2009, 227).
What is especially interesting is the observation that such a tactical burden
can shift back and forth between the parties any number of times during the
trial, depending on “who would be likely to win if no more evidence were
provided” (Prakken and Sartor 2009, 227). To revert to the example, suppose
that the prosecution has now produced evidence that goes against the
previous argument for self-defense, and the defendant has not rebutted that
argument. It is now the defendant who stands to lose. The tactical burden of
proof, it can be said, has now shifted to the defendant. However, it is
important to note that according to Prakken and Sartor (2009, 227) the
burden of production never shifts. Once it has been fulfilled, it is disregarded
for the rest of the trial. In their view, the tactical burden is the only one of the
three burdens that can properly be said to shift.
The Carneades Argumentation System is an extremely useful instrument
for analyzing the burden of proof. This is a mathematical model consisting
of definitions of mathematical structures and functions based on these
structures (Gordon, Prakken and Walton 2007). It is also a computational
model, meaning that all the functions of the model are computable. It
defines the mathematical properties of arguments that are used to identify,
analyze and visualize real arguments. Carneades models the structure and
applicability of arguments, the acceptability of statements, and proof
standards. It has been implemented using a functional programming
language, adopting a graphical user interface.1Carneades models argu-
mentation as a dialogue in which two parties (in the simplest case) take
turns to perform moves in the form of speech acts, such as asking a
question or putting forward an argument (Table 1).
1http://carneades.github.com
274 Fabrizio Macagno and Douglas Walton
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A dialogue is formally defined as an ordered 3-tuple O, A, Cwhere O
is the opening stage, Ais the argumentation stage, and Cis the closing
stage (Gordon and Walton 2009, 5). Dialogue rules (protocols) define what
types of speech acts are allowed in moves by the parties during the
argumentation stage (Walton and Krabbe 1995). The initial situation is
framed at the opening stage, and the dialogue moves through the opening
stage toward the closing stage. The burden of persuasion is established at
the opening stage of a dialogue, while burdens of production and tactical
burdens are brought into play at the argumentation stage. The shifting
back and forth of the tactical burden during the argumentation stage has
an effect on whether the burden of persuasion specified at the opening
stage is met or not. This effect is calculated and summed up at the closing
stage, determining which side has won the case by producing evidence
sufficient to meet the standard of proof that has been set for it.
Carneades uses this dialogue structure to model standards of proof that
can be met by arguments. For an argument to meet the scintilla of evidence
(SE) standard, there must be at least one applicable argument2for a claim
made. For an argument to meet the preponderance of evidence (PE)
standard, SE should be satisfied and the maximum weight assigned to an
applicable pro argument (for the claim) needs to be greater than the
maximum weight of an applicable con argument (against the claim). For an
argument to meet the clear and convincing evidence standard (CCE), PE
should be satisfied, the maximum weight of applicable pro arguments
should exceed some threshold a, and the difference between the maximum
weight of the applicable pro arguments and the maximum weight of the
applicable con arguments should exceed some threshold b. Finally, for an
argument to meet the beyond reasonable doubt (BRD) standard, CCE must
be satisfied and the maximum weight of the applicable con arguments
must be less than some threshold g. The thresholds a,band gare left open,
and not given fixed numerical values.
2An argument is considered to be applicable if its premises are not defeated and there is no
exception to the inference.
Table 1 Some Types of Speech Act in a Dialogical Format
Speech act Dialogue form Function
Question (yes-no type) S? Speaker asks whether S is the case.
Assertion (claim) Assert S Speaker asserts that S is the case.
Concession (acceptance) Accept S Speaker incurs commitment to S.
Retraction (withdrawal) No commitment S Speaker removes commitment to S.
Challenge (demand for
proof of claim)
Why S? Speaker requests that hearer give an
argument to support S.
Put Argument Forward P1,P
2,...,P
ntherefore S. P1,P
2,...,P
nis a set of premises that
give a reason to support S.
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It is highly questionable whether a precise definition of the beyond
reasonable doubt standard suitable for use in the courts can be given. Courts
have often held that the legal concept of reasonable doubt cannot be defined
precisely, for example by citing numerical probability values (Tillers and
Gottfried 2006). However, presumptions have been analyzed in argumen-
tation theory considering their dialogical function of shifting the burden of
proof (Pinto 1984; Walton 1993, 2008b). Thus, by formulating standards of
proof in a dialogue model of argumentation like Carneades, part of the work
is done to gain a better understanding of how presumptions work by
shifting the burden of proof in dialectical settings. It is precisely this sort of
dialectical model that can be used to analyze how presumption functions in
reasoned argumentation.
2. The Two Dimensions of Presumption: Defeasible
Inference Structures
Godden and Walton (2007) summarized several different theories of pre-
sumption in argumentation studies from Whately onwards. However, the
approach taken in this paper defines presumption in terms of an inference
with three components (Ullmann-Margalit 1983, 147): (1) the presumption-
raising fact in a particular case at issue, (2) the presumption formula, i.e.,
a defeasible rule that sanctions the passage from the presumed fact to the
conclusion, (3) the conclusion, a proposition that is presumed to be true on
the basis of (1) and (2). Rescher (2006, 33) helpfully outlined the structure
of this type of inference as follows.
Premise 1: P(the proposition representing the presumption) obtains
whenever the condition Cobtains unless and until the standard default
proviso D(to the effect that countervailing evidence is at hand) obtains
(Rule).
Premise 2: Condition Cobtains (Fact).
Premise 3: Proviso Ddoes not obtain (Exception).
Conclusion: Pobtains.
This analysis is on the right track, in our view, because it defines a
presumption using a defeasible rule. The problem is that it does not go far
enough to enable us to tell what the difference is between a defeasible rule
and a presumption. In our view a presumption is a special type of
defeasible rule. In contrast, the Prakken-Sartor (2006) model represents
presumption as equated with the rule that is part of a defeasible inference,
and that takes the form of a defeasible generalization. As an example, they
use a case where the plaintiff demands compensation on the ground that
the defendant damaged his bicycle. The burdens of production and per-
suasion that the bicycle was damaged and that he owned it are on the
276 Fabrizio Macagno and Douglas Walton
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plaintiff. One way he can prove that he owns the bicycle is to demonstrate
that he possesses it. According to Dutch law in such a case, given
possession, ownership of the bicycle can be presumed. The presumption in
such a case can be expressed by the proposition that possession of an object
can be taken as grounds for concluding that the person who possesses the
object owns it. According to the Prakken-Sartor theory, this proposition has
the form of a defeasible rule, and generally speaking, any legal presump-
tion can be cast in the form of such a defeasible rule. The defeasible rule
is this proposition: normally if a person possesses something, it can be
taken for granted that he owns it, unless there is evidence to the contrary.
It is held to be a defeasible rule in the Prakken-Sartor theory in the same
way as the following proposition: if Tweety is a bird, then normally, but
subject to exceptions, Tweety can fly. Such a proposition is a defeasible rule
in that it holds generally, but can default in the case of an exception, for
example in the case that Tweety is a penguin. The argument map shown
in Figure 1 can be used to give the reader an initial idea of how presump-
tion works as an argumentation device in the Carneades model. In
Figure 1, the text boxes are nodes of the graph that represent propositions
(statements) that can be premises or conclusions in a chain of argumen-
tation. The ultimate proposition to be proved in a case is displayed on the
left. It is called the ultimate probandum. The lines and arrows represent
arguments from premises to a conclusion. Arguments are represented by
the circles shown in Figure 1. An argument can be pro or contra with
respect to the conclusion that the premises are supposed to support. All
three arguments shown in Figure 1 are pro arguments, that is, they are
arguments that present evidence that supports the conclusion. Figure 1 is
intended to represent the typical kind of case in which the bringing
forward of a presumption is part of a chain of argumentation representing
a body of evidence supporting or attacking a designated conclusion.
In the situation in Figure 1, there is insufficient evidence to prove the
claim. This implies that there is some evidence, and that this evidence is
insufficient to prove the claim that is the ultimate probandum in the case. It
is shown in the middle of Figure 1 that the reason why there is a lack of
sufficient evidence to prove the conclusion is that the argument fails to
meet its required standard of proof. The role of a presumption in such a
Figure 1: The function of a presumption in a mass of evidence in a typical case.
277Presumptions in Legal Argumentation
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case is to act as an additional premise in the argument (in some instances
it could be a separate argument) that can overcome this lack of evidence,
by appeal to a legal rule that functions as a generalization that can be
combined with a fact in the case to make an inference. What this shows is
that a presumption is made up from premises of a fact and a legal rule that
join together in a defeasible inference to generate a conclusion that can fill
a gap in an argument caused by lack of sufficient evidence to meet a
standard of proof.
3. Presumptions in a Dialectical Perspective
Presumptions can be distinguished from assumptions or ordinary state-
ments because the respondent in a dialogue cannot simply reject them; in
order not to make a commitment to a presumption, the interlocutor needs to
provide a rebuttal (Walton 1993, 139–40). If we consider presumption from
a dialectical point of view, we can notice that the dialectical move of
presumption consists of three essential elements. (1) It must be based on a
generally accepted principle of inference (otherwise it would be an assump-
tion). (2) It is used in conditions of lack of evidence to meet a standard of
proof (otherwise it would be an ordinary defeasible inference of any kind).
(3) It is used to shift a burden of proof in types of dialogue characterized by
an opposition of viewpoints and argumentation, such as persuasion dia-
logue (Walton 2010).3The rationale behind this kind of definition of the
notion of a presumption was shown in Figure 1 using the graphical interface
of the Carneades system. In this model, in order to establish a judicial proof
of a claim, there has to be an assumption that enough evidence has been
collected so that this conclusion can be established for meeting an appro-
priate standard of proof. The four standards of proof used in Carneades’
definition (Gordon and Walton 2009) can be used to give the reader an idea
of how appropriate proof standards can be set in an orderly procedure of
argumentation in a model of evidential reasoning.
Figure 2 shows the paradigm case in which a presumption is brought
forward within a mass of evidence that has been presented to support a
claim to be proved on one side of the case. In the Carneades graphical user
interface, when a proposition appears in the shaded text box with a
checkmark in front of the proposition, it means that this proposition has
been accepted. When a proposition appears in the text box where the
background is white, and a question mark appears in front of the propo-
sition, it means that the proposition is questionable. To say it has been
stated means that it has not been accepted. The shaded boxes in the middle
column show the three elements that make bringing forward a presump-
3It is used in a different way in deliberation dialogue (McBurney et al. 2007) where the aim
is to decide what to do in a situation with changing circumstances.
278 Fabrizio Macagno and Douglas Walton
© 2012 The Authors. Ratio Juris © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Ratio Juris, Vol. 25, No. 3
tion a useful move. First, there is some evidence to prove the claim; second,
there is lack of sufficient evidence to prove the claim; third, there is no
evidence to disprove the claim.
If we look at all the shaded boxes in Figure 2, we can see that the
evidence is insufficient to prove the claim on the left of the figure.
However, let us say that in this situation, a presumption could be brought
forward that would fill the evidential gap. This kind of situation is shown
in Figure 3.
The transition between the evidential situation represented in Figure 2
and that represented in Figure 3 shows how Carneades works as a model
that can be used to represent argument evaluation. As shown in Figure 3,
once the law stating the presumption has been brought in and joined to an
appropriate fact in the case (not shown in the diagram), the presumption
is accepted. Once the presumption is shown as accepted, provided the
presumption along with the other arguments in the case is sufficient to
prove the claim shown on the far left, Carneades automatically shows the
claim to be proved as accepted. In other words, Carneades displays the
claim to be proven with a checkmark in front of it in a shaded box. When
the system is used on a computer, it shows all such boxes colored in green,
to contrast them with the text boxes that are shown with no color.
Figure 2: Evidential situation before a presumption has been accepted.
Figure 3: Evidential situation after the presumption has been accepted.
279Presumptions in Legal Argumentation
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The dialectical effects of presumption can therefore be modeled by using
computing systems that can describe the possible dialectical scenarios.
However, the analysis of presumptions needs to take argument evaluation
into consideration. As seen above, presumptions are rebuttable. But how?
Why do they shift the burden of proof? Why do they operate only in the case
of a lack of evidence? To answer these questions we need to take a step
further and analyse their inferential structure and dialectical foundation.
4. Structure of Presumptions: Dialectical Effects and
Epistemic Foundation
Presumptions, as mentioned above, can be described considering their
inferential structure, their dialogical effect, and their epistemic foundation.
The three elements are strictly connected, and will be shown to determine
each other.
4.1. The Rational Principle
The first essential element is that the conclusion, or the presumption, needs
to be supported by a rational principle (Ullmann-Margalit 1983, 147), that
“may be grounded on general experience, or probability of any kind; or
merely on policy and convenience” (Thayer 1898, 314). Nowadays pre-
sumptions in law are distinguished in three categories: 1. presumptions of
fact, or presumptio hominis (conclusions drawn from principles from every-
day experience and past facts, see Berger 1953, 646), 2. presumptions of law
(inferences grounded on legal rules), and 3. irrebuttable presumptions, or
praesumptio iuris et de iure (conclusions from principles of law that cannot
be refuted) (see Park, Leonard and Goldberg 1998). The difference between
the three types of presumption can be explained by the following rules of
inference:
1. Things once proved to have existed in a particular state continue to
exist in that state (Reynolds 1897, 118);
2. A person not heard from in five years is presumed to be dead
(California Evidence Code, section 667; 663);
3. No child under the age of 10 can be guilty of an offence. (Children and
Young Persons Act 1933, s. 50; California Family Code 1994, s. 7540)
In the first case, the court may draw a conclusion from certain facts
previously established (Keane 2008, 656); depending on the nature of such
regularities of events, the presumption of fact may shift the burden of
proof or not (Best et al. 1875, 571). In (2) the nature of the presumption is
different, as it is a rule of law, setting forth that the court must draw the
inference that if five years have elapsed since a person was heard of, that
280 Fabrizio Macagno and Douglas Walton
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person is presumed to be dead unless the contrary is proved. In this case,
the burden of proof always shifts. On the contrary, in (3) the burden never
shifts, as the contrary proof is excluded. In this case, the notion of
responsibility is defined by setting an age (see also Park, Leonard and
Goldberg 1998, 106). To be right, following Wigmore, such presumptions
should not be considered as such, but on the contrary as principles of law
(Wigmore 1940, sec. 2491). The crucial distinction therefore rests on the
presumptions of law and presumptions of fact. They are both grounded on
the same probabilistic nature, but while presumptions of law are rules,
presumptions of fact are mere connections grounded on experience or
probability of any kind (Thayer 1898, 314). As Greenleaf put it (Greenleaf
1866, 49; see McBaine 1938, 525):
[Presumptions of fact] are, in truth, but mere arguments, of which the major
premise is not a rule of law; they belong equally to any and every subject-matter;
and are to be judged by the common and received tests of the truth of propositions,
and the validity of arguments. They depend upon their own natural force and
efficacy in generating belief or conviction in the mind, as derived from those
connections, which are shown by experience, irrespective of any legal relations.
The rule of law distinguishes the two types of reasoning essentially equal
as to their epistemic grounding. The dialogical effect is different: While
presumptions of law command an inference in lack of evidence, avoiding
any assessment of the rule of presumption, presumptions of fact need to be
evaluated by the jury before drawing a conclusion.
4.2. Burden Shifting
The second element is the shifting of the burden of proof. Presumptions are
rebuttable in nature (see Hall 1961, 10) and provide only a tentative
conclusion which needs to be relied upon until the contrary is “proved”
(Blackstone 1769, 371), in the sense that the interlocutor fulfils the onus
probandi that has been shifted onto him by using the presumption (Best
et al. 1875, 571). This characteristic of presumption can be better described
by the definition given by Wigmore (1940, sec. 2491):
A presumption, as already noticed, is in its characteristic feature a rule of law laid
down by the judge, and attaching to one evidentiary fact certain procedural
consequences as to the duty of production of other evidence by the opponent. It is
based, in policy, upon the probative strength, as a matter of reasoning and inference,
of the evidentiary fact; but the presumption is not the fact itself, nor the inference
itself, but the legal consequence attached to it. But, the legal consequence being
removed, the inference, as a matter of reasoning, may still remain; and a “presump-
tion of fact,” in the loose sense, is merely an improper term for the rational potency,
or probative value, of the evidentiary fact, regarded as not having this necessary legal
consequence. “They are, in truth, but mere arguments,” and “depend upon their own
natural force and efficacy in generating belief or conviction in the mind.”
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Presumptions, however, are not actual proofs (W. R. R. 1915, 505). Their
only role is the shifting of the burden of proof, as they cannot bring any
evidentiary weight on the conclusion. How and why they shift the burden
of proof, and the nature of the burden, will be examined in detail below.
4.3. Reasoning in Conditions of Lack of Sufficient Evidence
Presumptions cannot be considered as evidence as they are forms of
reasoning that operate when proof is not available, that is, an inference in
conditions of lack of evidence (Louisell 1977, 290). They are not a form of
evidence (Rescher 1977, 1):
To presume in the presently relevant sense of the term is to accept something in the
absence of the further relevant information that would ordinarily be deemed
necessary to establish it. The term derives from the Latin praesumere: To take before
or to take for granted.
As Rescher (1977, 2–3) puts it, presumption is a reasoning in ignorance,asa
lack of evidence is “a circumstance in which one reasons as best one can,
faute de mieux to the resolution of an issue that needs to be settled” (cf. Dascal
2001). Presumptions cannot prove a conclusion: on the contrary, they
intervene when it is not possible to demonstrate a conclusion (Blackstone
1769, 371). A clear example of such a characteristic of presumption comes
from the interpretation of intentions in matters of gifts. In Turchin v. Turchin,
I So.3d, WL 2871564, (2009), the spouses entered into a prenuptial agreement
and, after the marriage, Leslie Turchin acquired two properties with his
premarital assets and took title to each in his and his wife’s name. The
problem was the ownership of the assets after the death of the purchaser. The
presumption is that “a gift is presumed under Florida law when property is
purchased by one spouse but placed in both names.” However, such a
presumption could support the conclusion only if there was a lack of
evidence. As the spouses entered a prenuptial agreement, the situation was
not of lack of evidence and the presumption could not be used.
The relationship between evidence and presumption can be understood
from the legal discussion on the relationship between a presumption and
contrary evidence. The controversial question is whether presumptions
disappear when evidence to the contrary is brought in, or whether they
should be weighed as evidence. A simple case can explain this dialectical
effect. The most classical presumption is the presumption of death: in a
situation in which there is no evidence warranting the conclusion that a
person is dead, he can be presumed to be dead if he has not been heard
from for five years. However, if the other party in a trial produces some
testimony that the person is actually alive, positive evidence conflicts with
the presumption and the court needs to establish whether the testimony or
the presumption prevails. According to the most widely accepted view
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(McBaine 1938, 534), such a case needs to be sent to a jury and be evaluated
according to the reliability of the witness. The jury needs to decide whether
they can trust the witness, and only in this case can the testimony be
counted as real proof, as evidence dispelling the presumption. The jury, in
other words, should not weigh a presumption against positive evidence,
but they need to establish whether the evidence produced is real evidence
supporting the opposite conclusion. Presumptions are therefore forms of
reasoning in the case of a lack of evidence: the only way to rebut a
presumption is to produce evidence, namely positive facts that the jury
considers to be relevant and supporting the opposite conclusion (McBaine
1938, 545):
A rebuttable legal presumption is only a rule of law that a fact is judicially decreed
to exist absent evidence to the contrary. In the first place then, it should be
constantly borne in mind that the fact is only presumed to exist; that is not a thing
established as final, by judicial command. Nor is it something established by
evidence. If it were an established fact, there would be no need to have further
evidence. No problem of weighing would exist.
Presumptions therefore simply assign the jury the task of establishing
whether a proof is a real proof, or rather, of accepting some evidence or not
based on their reasoning.
From these distinctions it may be seen how the nature of the presump-
tion affects the shifting of the burden of proof. While presumptions of law
provide for the burden to shift, presumptions of fact may trigger such a
dialectical effect or not, depending on their strength. How strong an
argument needs to be to prove a conclusion depends on its burden of
proof, which in turn depends on the standard of proof required.
5. The Nature of Presumptions
The relationship between probability and presumption has been acknowl-
edged in several judgments, highlighting how the premise and the con-
clusion in such cases need to be connected by co-occurrence. As set out in
Leary v. United States, “the presumed fact needs to be more likely than not
to flow from the proved fact supporting it” (Leary v. United States, 395 U.S.
6, 36, 1969). This likeliness opens up a crucial question about evaluating
presumptions. If we look back at the history of presumptive evidence, we
notice that presumptions were first classified by Gilbert according to their
strength and their grounds (McBaine 1938, 522–4). The definition of pre-
sumption he proposes shows a crucial epistemic difference with the other
types of argument or proof (Gilbert 1756, 159–60):
[presumption] is Conjectura ex certo signo proveniens quae alio adducto pro veritate
habetur. When the Fact itself cannot be proved, that which comes nearest to the
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Proof of the Fact is, the Proof of the Circumstances that necessarily and usually
attend such Facts, and these are called Presumptions and not Proofs for they stand
instead of the Proofs of the Fact till the contrary be proved.
This rational connection between events which cannot be considered as a
proof, but simply as a matter of experience, sign and probability, can be
evaluated according to how shared and how probable such a relation is
(Greenleaf 1866, 21):
Presumptions of Law consist of those rules, which, in certain cases, either forbid or
dispense with any ulterior inquiry. They are founded, either upon the first prin-
ciples of justice; or the laws of nature; or the experienced course of human conduct
and affairs, and the connection usually found to exist between certain things. The
general doctrines of presumptive evidence are not therefore peculiar to municipal
law, but are shared by it in common with other departments of science. Thus, the
presumption of a malicious intent to kill, from the deliberate use of a deadly
weapon, and the presumption of aquatic habits in an animal found with webbed
feet, belong to the same philosophy, differing only in the instance, and not in the
principle, of its application. The one fact being proved or ascertained, the other, its
uniform concomitant, is universally and safely presumed. It is this uniformly
experienced connection, which leads to its recognition by the law without other
proof; the presumption, however, having more or less force, in proportion to the
universality of the experience.
Presumptions can therefore be evaluated according to the universality of
the experience. However, as the elements of such experience are different
from normal proofs, as presumptions intervene in conditions of lack of
evidence, the factors constituting such probability need to be assessed. In
Gilbert’s view (1756, 159), presumptions can be more or less stringent, or
rather “violent,” “according as the several Circumstances sworn to more or
less usually accompany the Fact to be proved.” In this perspective, pre-
sumptions are inferences from circumstances, and the strength of a pre-
sumption depends on the co-occurrence of the circumstance with the fact.
The strength of a presumption can be classified as violent, probable and
light. Violent presumptions can be considered as inferences from circum-
stances that necessarily accompany the fact (Gilbert 1756, 160), namely signs.
For instance, if a man is seen running away with a bloody sword from a place
where somebody has been found suddenly dead, he is presumed to be the
murderer, as usually hasty flight accompanies crimes, and the sword and the
blood are signs of a violent action. This type of reasoning was referred to
in the medieval tradition as Undoubted Indicia4(Sarat, Douglas, Merrill
4The roots of the dialogical effect of violent presumption can be traced back to William of
Ockham, who underscored how the presumption that a person remembers what he has
previously learnt strongly supports a conclusion: “Some say [fifth way] that he should be
judged immediately as pertinacious and a heretic of whom there is a violent presumption that
he denies some assertion which he knows is contained in divine scripture or in a determi-
nation of the church. If it can be proved, for example, that he has previously read and
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Umphrey, 2007, 32). Such presumptions have their roots in causal connec-
tions. On the contrary, probable presumptions refer only to concomitant
factors. For instance, we can consider the following account distinguishing
the three kinds of presumption (Archbold 1831, 114):
So, upon an indictment for stealing in a dwelling house, if the defendant were
apprehended a few yards from the outer door, with the stolen goods in his
possession, it would be a violent presumption of his having stolen them; but if they
were found at his lodgings, some time after the larceny, and he refused to account
for his possession of them, this, together with proof that they were actually stolen,
would amount, not to a violent, but to a probable presumption merely; but if the
property were not found recently after the loss, as, for instance, not until sixteen
months after, if would be but a light or rash presumption and entitle to no weight.
Plausible presumptions are not signs, but only possible explanations that
can be drawn from how things usually are. While a man who has stolen
some goods needs to have them in his possession just after the theft, only
probability can account for the relation between possession of stolen goods
after a theft and the theft itself.
The older model of strength of presumption is echoed in some codes of
evidence, in which presumptions are distinguished on the basis of their
effect. As Mason (2000–2001, 748–50) puts it, presumptions can be classified
in three categories (Table 2):
understood in divine scripture or a determination of the church the assertion he denies, or if
it can be proved that previously he had purposefully taught or, even, publicly or secretly
affirmed the assertion he denies. For if it is not probable that such a person has forgotten what he
had previously learnt there is a violent presumption that he knowingly denies catholic truth.
And he should, as a consequence, be considered pertinacious and a heretic” (Dialogus IV, 13).
Table 2 Strengths of Presumptions
Name Effect Example
Weak or Ordinary
Presumptions
Shifting the burden of
presenting evidence
A person is presumed to intend to do what
he does.
Strong presumptions Shifting both the burden of
presenting evidence, and
the burden of persuasion
Where the parties had a ceremonial
marriage it is presumed that they gave
consent and that all essentials existed for
a valid marriage
Very Strong
Presumptions
Shifting both burdens;
enhancing or increasing
the burden to disprove the
presumed fact by a higher
level of persuasion.
Election returns are presumed to be valid
and proper, requiring clear and
convincing evidence to rebut them.
A child born or conceived during a
marriage is presumed to be the legitimate
child of the husband and wife; proof
beyond reasonable doubt is required to
rebut this presumption.
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On this view, the epistemic foundation of the presumption is connected
with its dialogical effects. However, this relationship is not reflected in
modern theories on presumption holding the distinction between pre-
sumptions of fact and presumptions of law. As noted above, presumptions
of law can stem either from dialogical policies or from factual reasons (see
also Mueller and Kirkpatrick 1999, 176; Brodin and Avery 2007, 81). In the
first case, presumptions are placed on a party in order to facilitate the
production of evidence, while in the second case, presumptions are forms
of inference. A common principle, however, underlies both cases, namely
that the fact presumed or the dialogical condition of having access to
evidence is more likely to be fulfilled than the contrary. If we consider the
nature of presumptions of fact and presumptions of law, we can recognize
a common pattern. Presumptions are indirect proof, not testimony or
documents, and stem from the circumstances of a fact, connected to the fact
itself either by an effect-to-cause relation (violent presumptions), or simply
by concomitance (probable presumptions).5We can refer to such types of
presumptions as signs (or causal relations) and concomitances. The two
types of presumptions can be rebutted in different fashions and place a
different burden of proof on the other party.
6. Epistemic Grounds and Dialectical Effects: Rebutting a Presumption
As noted above, presumptions of law and presumptions of fact belong to
the same domain of indirect proof, and the difference between them
consists of the fact that their dialectical effects are governed by a legal
provision. However, the origin of such effects needs to be found in the
nature of presumptions, emerging from the strategies and the conditions of
their rebuttal.
Presumptions admit two different types of rebuttal strategies (Park,
Leonard and Goldberg 1998, 107), that is, challenging the presumed facts
or the foundational fact. For instance, considering the presumption of
death, the other party can either prove that the presumed deceased was
5See Phillipps (1815, 111): “The proof is positive, when a witness speaks directly to a fact
from his own immediate knowledge; and presumptive, when the fact itself is not proved by
direct testimony, but is to be inferred from the circumstances, which either necessarily or
usually attend such facts. It is obvious therefore, that a presumption is more or less likely to
be true, according as it is more or less probable, that the circumstances would not have
existed, unless the fact, which is inferred from them, had also existed; and that a presumption
can only be relied on, until the contrary is actually proved. In order to raise a presumption,
it cannot be necessary to confine the evidence to such circumstances alone, as could not have
happened, unless they had been also attended by the alleged fact,—for that in effect would
be to require in all cases evidence amounting to positive proof;—but it will be sufficient to
prove those circumstances, which usually attend the fact.”
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actually heard of during the five-year period, or produce evidence
that the person is actually alive. The crucial problem is to assess the
effect of the presumption, and the standard of proof needed to rebut the
presumption. According to several legal scholars (for a review, see
Andersen 2003, 112), presumptions are distinguished according to their
strength:
1. mandatory burden-of-pleading-shifting presumptions: If the party proves
A, then the factfinder must find B, unless the opposing party claims
B is not true;
2. mandatory burden-of-production-shifting presumptions: If the party proves
A, then the factfinder must find B, unless the opposing party intro-
duces evidence sufficient to prove B is not true. Sufficient evidence
may be defined as any evidence, reasonable evidence, or substantial
evidence.
3. mandatory burden-of-persuasion-shifting presumptions: If the party proves
A, then the factfinder must find B, unless the opposing party
persuades the factfinder that B is not true. Persuasion may be
defined anywhere from a preponderance to beyond a reasonable
doubt.
The crucial epistemic problems lie in the distinction between the burden-
of-production and the burden-of-persuasion shifting presumptions, and the
interpretation of the concept of “production.”
6.1. “Causal” or Rational Connections
The first problem can cast light on the crucial connection between the
causal, or logical, foundations and the dialogical effects of presumptions.
The distinction between the two types of burden lies with the strength of
the relationship between facts and conclusions, and it is always established
at the beginning of the trial in civil cases.
In civil cases, presumptions do not really shift the burden of persua-
sion, but rather set it according to considerations different from the
principle that “he who pleads needs to prove.” Strong presumptions of
this kind are, for instance, the presumption against suicide (the death of
the insured was not due to suicide, but accidental). These are grounded
on human experience and human nature (Boos 1945, 798), even if there
is no direct causal connection between death and not-suicide. If we
analyze the Codes of Evidence of the various states, we notice how
presumptions are distinguished according to their purpose and founda-
tion. In the Florida Evidence Code (2005), in particular, presumptions shift-
ing the burden of proof (or rather setting it) need to be established “to
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implement public policy” and not simply to facilitate the determination
of a particular action (90.303). An interesting example comes from the
presumption concerning the burden of proof, that is, undue influence in
inter vivos or testamentary gifts. This presumption has been explained on
the basis of a strong social policy (In re Estate of Davis, 428 So. 2d 774,
775–76, Fla. 4th DCA, 1983), and in particular on the grounds that older
persons need to be defended against financial exploitation by those they
rely upon and trust. Undue influence is “rarely susceptible of direct
proof,” because in cases of testamentary gifts the decedent never testifies
the contrary, and the entire proof rests on the self-serving testimony of
the alleged wrongdoer (Nilsson 2003). The dialectical reason for incre-
menting the burden of proving the absence of influence is in this case
combined with the purpose of avoiding potential crimes and defending
the weaker party.
The relationship between rational connections and dialectical effects can
be found in criminal law. In criminal cases there is no presumption
stronger than the presumption of innocence, and presumptions cannot
reverse the burden of proof (Martin, Capra and Rossi 2003, 94; Sandstrom
v. Montana, 442 U.S. 510, 517–8, 1979). As a result, in criminal cases there
is no burden-of-persuasion shifting presumption; presumptions are not
mandatory, but may simply assist the prosecution by relieving them of the
burden of proving all the elements of the offence (such as knowledge or
intent), without being conclusive or warranting directly the truth of the
conclusion (Francis v. Franklin, 471 U.S. 307, 307, 1985).6However, such
presumptions need to be grounded on a rational connection, and not
simply on statistical probability (Tot v. United States, 319 U.S. 463, 467–8,
1943).
6.2. Rational, Inductive and Dialogical Presumptions
Crucial problems in presumption evaluation stem from uncertain civil
cases in which the type of presumption has not been stated by law. Such
cases are governed by a default federal rule, FRE 301, that is included in
the legislations of all states. According to FRE 301, presumptions only shift
the burden of production: when a presumption is governed by this default
rule for civil cases, it has the effect of shifting on to the other party the
burden of producing contrary evidence. However, what counts for
6Usually some presumptions are incorrectly regarded as presumption-shifting, such as the
presumption of intoxication for people found with a blood-alcohol percentage of 10/100. In
such cases, presumptions are never mandatory, but only permissible (Taylor and Oberman
2006, 33–5)
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“evidence” is often interpreted by the local jurisdictions, and sometimes
read as “introducing any kind of evidence,” sometimes as “proving that
the nonexistence of the presumed fact is more probable than its existence”7
(for the interpretation problem, see United States v. Jessup, 757 F.2d 378, 1st
circ., 1985).
Best (2009, 229–30) noted how the interpretation of the effects of pre-
sumption differ from state to state. The literature on the rebuttal of
presumptions in civil law (see for instance Hecht and Pinzler 1978; Park,
Leonard and Goldberg 1998, 102–5) distinguished between different
theories of interpretation of this rule, namely the bursting bubble
(see McCormick 1972, 871), the burden of persuasion shifting, and an
intermediate theory (see Morgan 1933). In the first case, the presumption
simply disappears when evidence of any kind is brought in; in the
second case, presumptions alter the burden of persuasion and need to be
rebutted by a standard of proof; in the third case, evidence needs to be
real evidence, namely it should be considered by the jury or the judge
as sufficient (see Mueller and Kirkpatrick 1999, 182–90). If we look at the
local interpretations of this general rule, we can notice how different
theories are often applied to different types of presumption, depending
on their grounding and their reasons (Craig Lewis 1995, 20). This
view is based on an analysis of the different grounds of presumption
(Cleary 1984, 968–9), that act alone or in combination with other
reasons:
1. to correct an imbalance resulting from one party’s superior access to
the proof;
2. for notions, usually implicit rather than expressed, of social and
economic policy that incline the courts to favor one contention by
giving it the benefit of a presumption, and correspondingly to handi-
cap the disfavored adversary;
3. to avoid an impasse, to some result, even though it is an arbitrary one;
4. probability: the judges believe that proof of fact B renders the infer-
ence of the existence of fact A so probable that it is sensible and
timesaving to assume the truth of fact A until the adversary disproves
it.
When the purpose of presumption is only to facilitate the determination of
a specific case, such a presumption is dispelled by the simple introduction
of any kind of evidence; when instead matters of probability or public
policy intervene, then burden shifting may be considered.
7FRE 301. Notes of Committee on the Judiciary, House Report No. 93–650.
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6.3. Evaluating Presumptions
The different nature of presumptions arises also in relation to conflicting
presumptions. In criminal cases, the most significant cases of conflicting
presumptions concern the alleged shifting of the burden of persuasion. The
burden of persuasion can be never defeated by any other presumptions,
unless such presumptions are grounded on serious policies of public
interest (State v Coetzee, 2 LRC 593, 677, para 220, 1997). A leading case is
R v DPP, ex parte Kebilene (2 AC 326, 2000), in which the presumption of
innocence conflicts with the presumption of guilt:
(1) A person is guilty of an offence if he has any article in his possession in
circumstances giving rise to a reasonable suspicion that the article is in his
possession for a purpose connected with the commission [. . .] of acts of terrorism
[. . .] (3) It is a defence for a person charged with an offence under this section to
prove that [. . .] the article in question was not in his possession for such a purpose
[. . .].
In such a case, the burden is on the accused, but the presumption of guilt
prevails because of a potential prejudice of the public interest (for the
reverse onus and the reasons underlying such a presumption, see Hoffman
and Rowe 2010, 216–7).
In civil cases (Mueller and Kirkpatrick 1999, 190–2), most theories
support the view that the presumption grounded on stronger reasons of
policy and logic shall prevail, even though such comparisons are only
rarely made by the court (Louisell 1977, 295). A clear example is given by
Sillart v. Standard Screen Co. (119 N.J.L. 143, 194 A. 787, 1937); in this case,
two presumptions grounded conflict in different ways: the presumption of
continuation of life and the presumption of validity of a common law
marriage arising upon the consummation thereof. The facts can be sum-
marized as follows:
On May 27th, 1916, Anna Sillart had entered into a ceremonial marriage with a
Hans Rekand who disappeared in 1923 and has neither been seen nor heard from
since that time. Five years after Rekand’s disappearance, in 1928, although the
Rekand marriage was not dissolved, she effected a common law marriage with
decedent with whom she, together with one son by Rekand, lived until decedent’s
death.
In this case, the presumption grounded on public policy was found to
prevail over a presumption based on probability and experience. In this
perspective, the epistemic foundation on logical reasons or simply on
statistical connections plays a fundamental role in determining the effects
of a presumption, that led to a tentative classification in O’Dea v. Amodeo
(118 Conn. 58, 170. Atl. 486, 1934), represented in Table 3 below:
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However, in such cases, presumptions based on social policy are not
considered.
The last feature of presumptions can be shown by considering cases of
conflicting equipollent presumptions. In Westdeutsche Landesbank Girozen-
trale v. Islington London Borough Council (A.C. 669. TOP, 1996), a voluntary
payment was made, raising a presumption of a resulting trust, that is, a
trust settled for the purposes of holding the money on trust. The problem
arose in consideration of the conflicting presumption, that is, that advance-
ment was made. While the voluntary payment raises the presumption of
a non-gift, the advancement leads to the conclusion that the sum was in
fact a gift. The two presumptions are on the same level considering their
grounds; however, they reflect different orders of plausibility. The trust can
be presumed from a voluntary payment only if advancement cannot be
presumed (Ong 2007, 401–2). In such cases, the impossibility of a pre-
sumption is a presupposition of the other presumption.
Considering the above-mentioned policies, it may be noted that the force
and the strength of a presumption, or rather its “violence,” adopting the
old terminology, stem from epistemic considerations. Presumptions arise
from dialectical, causal or statistical reasons, and, as it emerges from the
civil law rules, dialectical reasons give rise to presumptions weaker than
the ones stemming from logical or probabilistic grounds. Considering the
criminal law, it may be noted how the type of connection is a crucial
element that distinguishes statutory from non-statutory presumptions. The
rational, or logical, connection carries a different effect on the dialogical
situation than foundations that are dialectical or inductive in nature.
The function of making a presumption is to enable argumentation to
move forward without getting continually bogged down by having to
Table 3 Epistemic foundations of presumptions and their effects
Epistemic foundation Purpose Dialogical effect
Convenience
(presumption
of sanity)
To bring out the real issues
in dispute, thus avoiding
the necessity of producing
evidence as to matters not
really in issue.
Criminal: The State might rest upon it as
making out a prima facie case until
evidence to the contrary is introduced
Civil: The presumption operates only until
the defendant has produced substantial
countervailing evidence, that is evidence
sufficient to raise an issue
Common experience
and inherent
probability
Common experience and
reason justify the drawing
of a certain inference from
the circumstances of a
given situation.
It exhausts itself when the defendant
produces substantial countervailing
evidence
Dialogical reasons The circumstances involved
in an issue are peculiarly
within the knowledge of
one party.
In certain instances the law deems it fit that
the burden should be on him not merely
to offer some substantial countervailing
evidence but to prove such circumstances
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prove a proposition as part of an argument required to help the investi-
gation move forward. The problem may be that proving such a proposition
may be too costly, or may even require stopping the ongoing discussion or
investigation temporarily so that more evidence can be collected and
examined. The problem is that a particular proposition may be necessary
as a premise in a proponent’s argument that has been put forward, but the
evidence available at present may be insufficient to prove it to the level
required to make it acceptable to all parties. Hence the attempt to move
forward with the argumentation may be blocked while the opponent
demands proof. The two parties may then become locked into an evidential
burden of proof dispute in which one party says “you prove it” and the
other says “you disprove it.” This interlude may block the ongoing
discussion. A way to solve the problem is for the proponent or a third party
to say, “Let’s allow this proposition to hold temporarily as a premise in the
proponent’s argument, so that we can say he has proved his contention
well enough and we can accept the conclusion of his argument tentatively
as a basis for proceeding.” If necessary, later on, the sub-discussion can be
continued by bringing in more evidence for or against the proposition
serving as the premise.
7. Rebutting the Grounds of Presumptions
As noted above, presumptions can be rebutted by challenging the foun-
dational facts or the conclusion of the inference based on the presumption
(interpreting presumption as the rule of presumption). Challenging the
presumption rule would be pointless in both presumptions of law and
presumptions of fact. In the first case, it would amount to challenging a
law; in the second case, it would be meaningless to prove the defeasibility
of an inference which by nature is rebuttable. Problems concerning pre-
sumptions arise when the case rests on the inference from witness state-
ments to the truth of the testimony. In law, such an inference is warranted
by the presumption that a witness is presumed to speak the truth, and
therefore this kind of testimony can be rebutted by showing that the
witness is not truthful. More specifically, the evidence can be questioned by
raising doubts about various factors (Mont. Code Ann. § 26-1-302; cf. Cupp
v. Naughten, 414 U.S. 141, 1973:
(1) the demeanor or manner of the witness while testifying;
(2) the character of the witness’s testimony;
(3) bias of the witness for or against any party involved in the case;
(4) interest of the witness in the outcome of the litigation or other motive
to testify falsely;
(5) the witness’s character for truth, honesty, or integrity;
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(6) the extent of the witness’s capacity and opportunity to perceive or
capacity to recollect or to communicate any matter about which he
testifies;
(7) inconsistent statements of the witness;
(8) an admission of untruthfulness by the witness;
(9) other evidence contradicting the witness’s testimony.
These factors can be structured as critical questions matching an argumen-
tation scheme for argument from witness testimony. Recent studies on
argumentation and law (Wyner and Bench-Capon 2007; Gordon and
Walton 2009; Bex et al. 2003) have shown how the underlying logic of legal
reasoning can be described by using argumentation schemes representing
prototypical patterns of defeasible inference that can shift a burden of
proof from one party to the other in argumentation about a disputed claim
(Bench-Capon and Prakken 2010; Prakken and Sartor 2006). The link
between presumption and rebuttal is provided by argumentation schemes,
abstract and prototypical patterns of inference (see Walton, Reed and
Macagno 2008; Kienpointner 1992; Grennan 1997; Perelman and Olbrechts-
Tyteca 1969).
We can represent the structure of the scheme for argument from witness
testimony as follows (Walton 2008a, 45):
POSITION TO KNOW PREMISE: Witness Wis in position to know
whether Ais true.
TRUTH TELLING PREMISE: Witness Wis telling the truth (as Wknows
it).
STATEMENT PREMISE: Witness Wstates that Ais true (false).
GENERALIZATION: If a witness W is in a position to know whether A
is true or not, and W is telling the truth (as W knows it), and W states
that A is true (false), then A is true (false).
CONCLUSION: Therefore (defeasibly) Ais true (false).
The acceptability of the argument centrally depends on the two factors: the
truth telling premise, and the generalization. However, what is the truth?
Obviously the witness can only report what he or she recollects, and the
truth of his or her statements shall be interpreted as truth in reporting his
or her own memories that can be assessed during cross-examination.
However, the weakness of the reasoning depends on the generalization,
linking memories, which can be faulty or defective, to truth. Even if all
knowledge-related factors, such as ability to recollect and testify, or truth-
telling elements, such as being unbiased, are proved, the argument is still
defeasible (United States v.Khadr, Mot. for App. Relief, (D-084), Sep. 31,
2008). Memories are reconstructions that can differ from reality, and can be
influenced during cross-examination or altered over the years by similar
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experiences. However, the strength of the presupposition on which the
presumption of truth is based, that is, that memory reflects the truth,
cannot be questioned or attacked (States v. Carter, 410 F.3d 942, 950–51, 7th
Cir., 2005), holding that expert testimony on memory reliability is not
needed), but only contrasted with the different presumption that memory
fades over the years (United States v. Rosenberg, 297 F.2d 760, 763, 3d Cir.,
1958).
We now illustrate more generally how schemes represent common
evidential reasoning in law of a kind that is defeasible and that depends
on presumptions. The following argumentation scheme represents argu-
ment from expert opinion (Walton and Reed 2003, 200):
MAJOR PREMISE: Source Eis an expert in subject domain Scontaining
proposition A.
MINOR PREMISE: Easserts that proposition A(in domain S)istrue
(false).
CONDITIONAL PREMISE: If source Eis an expert in a subject domain
Scontaining proposition A, and Easserts that proposition Aistrue
(false), then Amay plausibly be taken to be true (false).
CONCLUSION: Amay plausibly be taken to be true (false).
This scheme represents the relation between the ethos and knowledge of
the person expressing an opinion, and the reliability or acceptability of his
or her opinion. The premise “If Eis an expert, then his or her opinion may
be plausibly taken to be true” is commonly accepted, and the reasonable-
ness of the inferences based on such a scheme depends on how we classify
a person as an “expert.”
If we analyze schemes frequently used in law such as the argument from
classification, or argument from cause to effect, or argument from analogy,
it may be seen that they are characterized by an epistemic principle, based
on the concept of classification, and in turn sometimes based on definition.
These concepts are embedded in common patterns of legal reasoning.
Consider the following examples (Gray 2002, 7):
Case 1. Classification: Modus ponens
The Keppel videotape shows the 73rd Home Run ball enter the webbing
of the Plaintiffs’ softball glove and stay there for approximately six-
tenths of one second before the ball, the glove, and Mr. Popov disappear
behind the head of another spectator. The Plaintiff has proposed a
definition of “catch” that would direct the Court to find first possession
and award title based on this evidence. “Popov’s catch is the single
controlling element determining possession and ownership. Once the
baseball entered Popov’s glove, the fate of the baseball was sealed.”
(Plaintiff’s Trial Brief at 20).
294 Fabrizio Macagno and Douglas Walton
© 2012 The Authors. Ratio Juris © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Ratio Juris, Vol. 25, No. 3
Case 2. Classification: Analogical inference8
(case: conjoined twins) I was at first attracted by the thought prompted
by one of the doctors, that Jodie was to be regarded as a life support
machine and that the operation proposed was equivalent to switching off
a mechanical aid. Viewed in that way previous authority would catego-
rize the proposed operation as one of omission rather than as a positive
act.
Case 3. Classification: Modus tollens9
Milkovich, a high school wrestling coach, sued Lorain Journal Compa-
ny’s newspaper for publishing a column stating that “Anyone who
attended the meeting...knows in his heart that Milkovich [. . .] lied at
the hearing [. . .]” (Milkovich, 497 U.S. at 5, 110 S. Ct. at 2698, 111 L. Ed.
2d at 9). The statement was classified as “defamatory,” as it damaged the
petitioner’s reputation. The shared definition of “defamatory” presup-
poses the existence of a false statement, stated with malice, damaging
someone’s reputation. The respondent did not choose to prove that the
assertion was in fact true (harder to prove), but that the assertion could
not be verified, as it reported an opinion and not a fact. Under the First
Amendment “there is no such thing as a false idea” (Gertz v. Welch, 418
U.S. 323, 1974).
In Case 1, a plausible modus ponens is used, which can be represented as
follows:
“to catch” means to take hold of an object (whether for a nanosecond
or less);
Popov captured the ball for six-tenths of a second;
as a result, he caught the ball.
The plausibility of the conclusion depends only on the plausibility of the
definition, which may be more or less accepted or acceptable. The conclu-
sion follows necessarily from the premises according to the deductive
axiom, but the conclusion is rebuttable as the definitional premise is
defeasible. In the second case, the same semantic principle, namely clas-
sification, is combined with analogical reasoning, in which a new generic
concept (“entity able to provide life support”) is first abstracted from the
entities compared, considering only one of their possible functions; such an
abstracted concept licences the attribution of the predicate (“to be a
positive act / an omission”); finally the predicate is attributed to the
8Re A (Children) (Conjoined Twins: Surgical Separation), 4 All ER 961 (2001), Fam 147, at 249.
9Milkovich v.Lorain Journal Co., 497 U.S. 1 (1990).
295Presumptions in Legal Argumentation
© 2012 The Authors. Ratio Juris © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.Ratio Juris, Vol. 25, No. 3
second entity (“killing one of the two conjoined twins is a positive act / an
omission”) (see Macagno and Walton 2009).
As seen in the sections above, presumptions are based on two types
of groundings: value judgments (social or dialogical policies), and logic
and experience (or causal connections and probability) (Louisell 1977,
296). Social policies are often interlaced with probabilities different in
nature, and the effect or strength of a presumption essentially depends
on such considerations. However, if a presumption disappears or is
rebutted by evidence or another presumption, the principle on which it
is based is never affected, nor is the principle, even the strongest one, a
necessary condition for establishing the prevalence of a presumption
over the other. Convenience, public policy, dialectical considerations and
possibility or rational connection are not necessary or sufficient condi-
tions, but simply epistemic justifications of reasoning in lack of evidence.
If the defendant is presumed guilty for reasons of social policy, the
principle of fairness underlying the presumption of innocence is not
breached, but simply weighed against a different and stronger reason
(Hoffman and Rowe 2010, 216–22).
8. Conclusion
Our analysis has shown that the notion of presumption has to be
defined on two levels: an inferential level and a dialectical level. At the
inferential level, a presumption is defined as an inference to the accep-
tance of a proposition from two other propositions called a fact and a
rule. At the dialectical level, presumption is best modeled as a speech act
put forward by parties in a dialogue during the argumentation stage
where the two parties to the dispute are putting forward arguments in
response to the arguments and other moves of the other party. At the
dialectical level, a presumption is defined in terms of its use or function
in a context of dialogue. This function is to shift an evidential burden
from one side to the other in a dialogue, where the effect of such a shift
is on the burden of persuasion established at the opening stage of the
dialogue.
We can summarize our findings by citing the six essential characteristics
of presumptions:
1. Presumptions are used in dialectical situations where one party puts
forward an argument that is not strong enough to meet the standard
of proof required to accept it.
2. The argument in question is nevertheless a worthy argument and
should be taken into account because it provides some relevant
evidence that is important.
296 Fabrizio Macagno and Douglas Walton
© 2012 The Authors. Ratio Juris © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Ratio Juris, Vol. 25, No. 3
3. Presumptions provide tentative support, directed at achieving differ-
ent purposes, but are ultimately aimed at allowing the parties to move
forward in an investigation that may provide the necessary positive
evidence.
4. Presumptions can bring about different dialogical effects depending
on the purpose for which they have been introduced.
5. Every presumption is aimed at achieving a specific goal, which can be
dialectical (deciding an issue on the basis of the arguments pro and
contra), social (defending the interests of a particular group of
people), or political (promoting a particular policy pro or against
specific behaviours).
6. A presumption disappears on the provision of sufficient evidence to
prove or refute the proposition presumed.
How the last characteristic works is controversial in law. There are two
theories (Park, Leonard and Goldberg 1998, 109–12). The question of
precisely how presumptions are refuted is left as a problem worth further
research and study.
Fabrizio Macagno
Universidade Nova de Lisboa
ArgLab
Institute of Philosophy of Language (IFL)
Avenida de Berna 26
1069-061 Lisbon
Portugal
E-mail: fabrizio.macagno@fcsh.unl.pt
Douglas Walton
University of Windsor
CRRAR 2500 University Ave. W.
Windsor, Ontario
N9B 3Y1 Canada
E-mail: waltoncrrar@gmail.com
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Traditionally, a presumption is a dialogically privileged, yet defeasible proposition that allocates the burden of proof to a party who challenges it. This paper investigates the strength of presumptions. First, it explains how ‘strength’ contributes to defining the concept of presumption. Second, it provides an overview of (contextual, justificatory, and deontic) factors determining a presumption’s strength. Finally, it analyses the predominant view that defines strength in terms of the Challenger’s burden of proof: the stronger (weaker) the presumption p , the more (less) difficult it is to prove non- p . I argue that the latter proposal applies only to practical presumptions, and that strength is conceived differently for cognitive presumptions.
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The Modern Law of Evidence is a comprehensive analysis of the law of criminal and civil evidence and the theory behind the law. It identifies all the key issues, emphasizes recent developments and insights from the academic literature, and makes suggestions for further reading. The work begins with a definition of evidence and the law of evidence and an outline of its development to date. It then describes and analyses the key concepts, such as the facts open to proof, the forms that evidence can take, relevance, admissibility, weight, and discretion. It then proceeds to cover in a logical sequence all aspects of the subject: the burden and standard of proof, proof of facts without evidence, witnesses, examination-in-chief, cross-examination and re-examination, corroboration and care warnings, visual and voice identification, documentary and real evidence, evidence obtained by illegal or unfair means, hearsay, confessions, adverse inferences from an accused’s silence, evidence of good and bad character, opinion evidence, public policy, privilege and judgments as evidence of facts on which they were based.
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Dialectic and the Structure of Argument
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There is a passage early in the Gorgias in which Socrates points out one of the differences between rhetoric and dialectic. Polus has been scoffing at an unpopular view which Socrates holds, and Socrates says to him: ...you are trying to refute me orator-fashion like those who fancy they are refuting in the law courts. For there one group imagines it is refuting the other when it produces many reputable witnesses to support its statements whereas the opposing party produces but one or none. But this method of proof is worthless toward discovering the truth, for at times a man may be the victim of a false witness on the part of many people of repute. And now practically all men, Athenians and strangers alike, will support your statements, if you wish to produce them as witnesses that my view is false Yet I, who am but one, do not agree with you, for you cannot compel me to: you are merely producing many false witnesses against me in your endeavor to drive me out of my property, the truth. But if I cannot produce in you yourself a single witness in agreement with my views, I consider that I have accomplished nothing worth speaking of in the matter under debate; and the same, I think, is true for you also, if I, one solitary witness, do not testify for you and if you do not leave all these others out of account.1
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Presumption is a remarkably versatile and pervasively useful resource. Firmly grounded in the law of evidence from its origins in classical antiquity, it made its way in the days of medieval scholasticism into the theory and practice of disputation and debate. Subsequently, it extended its reach to play an increasingly significant role in the philosophical theory of knowledge. it has thus come to represent a region where lawyers, debaters, and philosophers can all find some common around. in Presumption and the Practices of Tentative Cognition, which was originally published in 2006, Nicholas Rescher endeavors to show that the process of presumption plays a role of virtually indispensable utility in matters of rational inquiry and communication. The origins of presumption may lie in law, but its importance is reinforced by its service to the theory of information management and philosophy.