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Chapter 12
The Influence of Mainstream Hip Hop’s
Female Sexual Scripts on African
American Women’s Dating
Relationship Experiences
Dionne P. Stephens
When dialoguing with another Hip Hop journalist, author Tara Roberts reected,
“If you are a woman in mainstream Hip Hop, you are either a hard bitch who will
kill for her man, or you’re a y bitch who can sex up her man, or you’re a —d-up
lesbian” (Roberts and Ulen 2000, 70). Her statement echoes growing concerns
regarding presentations of women in mainstream Hip Hop. e escalating com-
mercialization and mainstreaming of Hip Hop culture have led to an increase in
the sexualization of African American women, as made evident through the con-
nection between the acquisition of both women and material goods. Within this
context, African American woman’s value is male-dened such that her greatest
commodity is her sexuality and body (Stephens and Phillips 2003).
is reality is most evident through the emergence of music videos featuring
African American female scripts. e widespread consumption and acceptance of
music video scripts mean that it is important to examine the ways in which mes-
sages about intimate relationship development inuence beliefs and behavioral
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170 The Psychology of Love
outcomes. is is because music video scenes are oen framed through racial-
ized and sexual perspectives that work to reinforce stereotypes about heterosexual
relationships and sexuality (Andsager and Roe 2004; Greenberg and Hofschire
2000; Stephens and Phillips 2003). So although mainstream Hip Hop exists at the
intersection of African American culture in all its richness and U.S. mainstream
commercialism vis-à-vis the entertainment industry, this constitutes a uniquely
precarious site for the unfolding of African American young women’s sense of
self and, in particular, sexual identity. Understanding this balance is particularly
important given that African American women during adolescence and young
adulthood are at the stage in the lifespan where people engage in a dynamic search
for identity and negotiation of intimate relationships.
is chapter will add to the discourse regarding the relationship between
female scripts in mainstream Hip Hop culture and African American young adult
and adolescent women’s intimate relationship development. rough a review of
the existing literature, this chapter will examine the physical attractiveness beliefs
and sexual behavioral outcomes within the context of mainstream Hip Hop cul-
ture. I rst provide a brief overview of mainstream Hip Hop culture as it pertains
to the inuence of African American female script. Next, I present the relevance
of physical attractiveness to dating preferences within a mainstream Hip Hop
context. Finally, the relevance of these mainstream Hip Hop informed scripts to
sexual behavioral outcomes is reviewed.
hiP hoP 101
Hip hop culture has permeated global popular cultures in an unprecedented
fashion. What began as an African American and Nueyrican urban-based culture
of creativity and expression in the mid-1970s now encompasses a broader set of
expressions, including body language, vernaculars, social values and belief, racial-
ethnic and gender identity frameworks, and general behavioral expectations (Rose
1994). Although it began as a musical genre reecting the discrimination and mar-
ginalization of urban youth’s realities, it is now a thirty-ve-year-old culture that
has gone through various chapters in respect to messages being disseminated, the
types of individuals controlling the industry, and the racial/ethnic/class makeup of
its consumers (Phillips, Reddick-Morgan, and Stephens 2005).
e presentation of women in mainstream Hip Hop as artists, consumers, and
industry operatives has also evolved over time. Although women have always
participated in mainstream Hip Hop culture as MCs, DJs, dancers, and taggers
(i.e., grati artists; Phillips, Reddick-Morgan, and Stephens 2005; Rose 1994),
their inuence and visibility has consistently remained below that of their male
counterparts. In the early days of mainstream Hip Hop, gender roles were not as
clearly dened. For example, the “dis” tradition—“talking back” at one another
competitively—was practiced by both female and male artists in the 1970s. Also,
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The Inuence of Mainstream Hip Hop’s Female Sexual Scripts 171
empowering messages for women, particularly around sexuality and resistance
to violence, were widely accepted in the mid- to late 1980s (Phillips, Reddick-
Morgan, and Stephens 2005). While misogynistic themes were expressed by main-
stream male artists, there was a commercially viable space to disseminate both
empowering messages and positive images of women.
It was not until the emergence of gangsta rap in the early 1990s that misogy-
nist themes were popularized within mainstream Hip Hop contexts. Gangsta
rap (“gangsta” being a nonrhotic pronunciation of the word “gangster”) is a sub-
genre of mainstream Hip Hop music that purports to reect urban crime and the
violent lifestyles of inner-city youths. e follow-up growth of the Dirty South
sound in the late 1990s (which is closely associated with southern strip club cul-
ture) increased the normalization and celebration of women’s, particularly African
American women’s, sexualization. e music industry similarly began to increase
its promotion of women artists and background women who emphasized their
sexuality and sexual availability to men (Edlund 2004; Stephens and Phillips 2003).
is trend opened the door to the arrival of the video model. Today music
videos are the primary vehicle through which mainstream Hip Hop music and
cultural messages are disseminated; researchers have shown that mainstream Hip
Hop cultural consumption takes place primarily through the viewing of music
videos via television (Andsager and Roe 2004; Greenberg and Hofschire 2000) and
online (Stokes 2007). As music videos serve to sell albums through the telling of a
short story, they have little time to devote to develop characterizations, and must
oen rely on racial and gender stereotypes to convey the message in a brief period
of time. Via these music videos, video models were introduced to sell a product
(read: song, album, or artist) by acting out scenes that matched the lyrics. As it is
a highly visible role, video models—as they came to be known—gained notoriety
and have inuence on ideas about beauty, fashion, and womanhood within main-
stream Hip Hop contexts. Prior to this, women in music videos were primarily
skilled dancers or singers, or presented as regular, “round the way” girls who were
being entertained by the artist in the video. ese video vixens (also known as
mainstream Hip Hop honeys or eye candy) ushered in the advent of new “roles”
or “scripts” that are exclusively the domain of women. e power of these scripts
has been widely studied and was identied by Stephens and Phillips (2003). Using
content analysis and qualitative methods, eight video models commonly appear-
ing in these mainstream Hip Hop music videos were identied: Diva, Gold Digger,
Freak, Dyke, Gangsta Bitch, Earth Mother, Sister Savior, and Baby Mama.
e Diva script projects a woman who has sex to enhance her social status,
even though she may already be nancially independent and middle class or
above. e Gold Digger script, particularly when cues of economic disadvantage
are included, illustrates a woman who intentionally has sex for money or material
goods. When an African American woman is portrayed as desiring and engaging
in “wild and kinky” sex with a multitude of partners for her own gratication, the
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172 The Psychology of Love
Freak script is being enacted. e Dyke script projects a self-sucient and “hard”
woman who has rejected sex with men and may have adopted masculine postures.
e script of the Gangster Bitch shows a “street tough” woman who has sex to
demonstrate solidarity with or to help her man; she may also be involved in gangs
or gang culture. e Sister Savior script is that of a pious woman who rejects all
but marital, procreative sex for religious reasons. In contrast, the Earth Mother
script portrays a woman who has sex for spiritual or nationalistic reasons to show
her support for “the race” or “the nation” (Stephens and Phillips 2003). Finally, a
woman who has had a child by a man but is no longer his partner is projected as
the Baby Mama script; she has sex to maintain a nancial or emotional connection
with the man through the child. (For a detailed discussion of each of these scripts,
see Stephens and Phillips 2003.)
PoWER of ThE scRiPT
ese scripts are important to consider given their inuence on beliefs about
African American women, and their subsequent sexual behavioral outcomes. Sex-
ual scripts are essentially schemas used to organize ideas about appropriate sexual
experiences, thus becoming instrumental in the creation of one’s belief system,
developing a set of attitudes about one’s sexual being, and outlining prescriptions
for behaviors that not only inuence individuals’ evaluation of their sexual “being-
ness” but also have an impact on others’ perceptions and evaluations of them
(Simon and Gagnon 1987). People develop a sense of sexual meanings through
social interactions and exposure to the sexual messages in sexual scripts. ese
meanings are part of continually changing cultural and social contexts. Essentially,
through these eight scripts, African American women are learning norms for sex-
ual behavior in Hip Hop contexts.
Some have argued that music videos’ use of these scripts should not be cri-
tiqued but considered as simple entertainment (see, e.g., Andsager and Roe 2004;
Hurt 2006). On a basic level, music videos are a vehicle to promote particular
artists and songs. Others have alternatively suggested that these videos merely
reect the content of the music and the beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors of those
consuming them (Smart Young 2002). Adolescents and young adults are gener-
ally very aware of and continuously develop social group identities within their
chosen social contexts, like mainstream Hip Hop. When it is clear that they are
engaging in dened behaviors or holding common values, young adults are likely
to be identied as being a member of a denable group or clique (for example,
“nerds,” “jocks,” or “ mainstream Hip Hop heads”). In this sense, by accepting
a script, African American women are engaging in processes through which
they can develop frameworks for understanding social hierarchies and net-
works in their social contexts (Ford et al. 2002; Grannera and Mburia-Mwalilia
2010). us how an African American female identifying with mainstream Hip
Hop culture thinks about herself, how she relates to others, and how others
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The Inuence of Mainstream Hip Hop’s Female Sexual Scripts 173
think about and relate to her are informed by these sexual scripts (Stephens
and Phillips 2003). Further, as these sexual scripts provide others with infor-
mation about African American women’s self-identity, they also have implica-
tions for African American women’s dating experiences and interactions with
potential partners.
Looking good
e relationship between dating preferences and physical attractiveness val-
ues presented via mainstream Hip Hop scripts is an industry in itself. Dating-
related Hip Hop cable programs utilize the scripts as men and women engage in
mating interactions (i.e., Flavor of Love, Love and Hip Hop, What Chilli Wants, I
Love New York, Basketball Wives; Dubrofsky and Hardy 2008; Toma and Hancock
2010). ere are certain projections of what is considered beautiful or physically
attractive in women, which, in turn, has implications in African American dating
contexts (Baynes 1997).
Given that physical attractiveness plays a pivotal role in the evaluation of female
sexual scripts in mainstream Hip Hop, research suggests that these expectations
are also applied to African American women in dating contexts (Stephens and
Few 2007a, 2007b; Zhang, Dixon, and Conrad 2010). Stephens and Few (2007a,
2007b), in fact, found that scripts provided information about physical appear-
ance preferences that informed what initially attracts men to a woman they want
to “be with.” In early stages of dating, physical attractiveness cues have been found
to be more important to males than personality traits (Toma and Hancock 2010).
Although women may place more importance on personality traits, they recog-
nize the need to meet men’s physical attractiveness preference in order to even be
“in the game” (Dubrofsky and Hardy 2008; Toma and Hancock 2010). is sec-
tion examines two physical attractiveness cues presented in mainstream Hip Hop
scripts: skin color and body shape. As prior research has shown that these two
traits clearly served as an identifying racial marker about beauty, it is important
to examine the current research on their inuence in shaping dating expectations
within mainstream Hip Hop contexts.
skin coLoR
Colorism, or discrimination based on skin tone within a racial group, is one
of the many legacies of American slavery (Lake 2003). Within African Ameri-
can communities, skin tone is still a social commodity with privileges that can
be attained by courtship or marriage and passed on to one’s progeny/children.
Sexual hierarchies or preferences from the American slavery era are also repli-
cated by representations of women (e.g., background dancers, sexual partners for
male performers) in mainstream Hip Hop music and videos for male preadoles-
cents to internalize as a “golden standard” of beauty. e mainstream Hip Hop
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174 The Psychology of Love
music industry and the cultural niche it reproduces is predominantly an exten-
sion of European American patriarchy within a racialized context of racial identity
(Henderson 1996; Stephens and Phillips 2003). Researchers have proposed that
successful African American men, regardless of their skin tone, can “exchange”
their wealth for a woman of lighter skin tone (Hall 1995; Okazawa-Rey, Robinson,
and Ward 1987). Further, Okazawa-Rey, Robinson, and Ward (1987) have used
phrases such as “color struck” and “bleaching syndrome” to indicate a preference
among some African American males for lighter-skinned mates as a means to
“lighten up” the family and achieve social status.
Although the relationship between skin color and dating preferences has been
established in the research, few empirical studies have specically examined this
phenomenon as it relates to mainstream Hip Hop contexts. Instead, we rely upon
narrative accounts pointing to an overrepresentation of lighter-skinned women in
music videos. Complexion Obsession, for example, is a documentary examining
the proliferation of light-skinned, exotic girls and lack of dark-skinned women in
mainstream Hip Hop videos. Further, several female artists (e.g., Beyonce) have
caused furors when they were suspected of lightening their skin. Male artists have
also been accused of making derogatory comments about darker-skinned women
(e.g., L’il Wayne and Kanye West). However, the implications of skin color messag-
ing in mainstream Hip Hop on dating relationships have not been directly explored.
Stephens and Few (2007b) did examine the inuence of music video scripts on
attitudes toward attractiveness among African American adolescents and found
that skin color emerged as an important issue. Overwhelmingly, these adolescents
believed that lighter skin was viewed as more attractive for women both in main-
stream Hip Hop and their broader community (Stephens and Few 2007b). ese
adolescents pointed to the most well known video models as being what would
be called “light skinned” in their communities. Further, when reecting on the
currently most popular videos, these adolescents noted that in all but one the fea-
tured female was light-skinned (Stephens and Few 2007b). As has been found in
prior research, this skin tone dierentiation was thought to be externally imposed
as well as an internally driven process aided and abetted by African Americans
themselves (Herring, Keith, and Horton 2003). is reality is grounded in the his-
torical value given to Whiteness in American society. e lighter people’s skin, the
more likely they were to receive privileges aorded European Americans (Herring,
Keith, and Horton 2003).
When asked about their own specic preferences, the men also indicated
a preference for women with lighter skin (Stephens and Few 2007b). e men
reported that lighter-skinned women were “more attractive,” “nicer,” and were
more closely associated with positive scripts, such as the Diva. In contrast, the
adolescent women in the study found lighter and dark skin equally attractive.
For example, the women pointed to successful female artists who are not light-
skinned and felt that they wanted to emulate their style and appearance. Interest-
ingly, although the women thought that darker skin was just as beautiful as lighter
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The Inuence of Mainstream Hip Hop’s Female Sexual Scripts 175
skin, they acknowledged that men oen view lighter skin as more attractive in
general (Stephens and Few 2007b). e inuence of males’ preferences was clear
as the adolescent women in this study referenced what boys liked in conjunction
with what they liked, a pattern that did not emerge among the boys’ responses
(Stephens and Few 2007b).
As this was a study of women’s sexual images within a heterosexual context,
girls’ assessments of how these scripts would aect their dating choices were not
addressed. is points to a problematic void in the research. ere is a need to
further explore how race is negotiated in mainstream Hip Hop–informed con-
texts. Current narrative accounts, while important, only serve to ame tensions
and reinforce stereotyping that does not contribute to the development of healthy
identities and relationship outcomes.
Body shAPE idEALs
One area that has been given increasing attention is the stereotyped ideal body
shape portrayed in the media. Content analyses suggest that thinness is consis-
tently associated with attractiveness, and that the images of women in the media
over the past two decades have become increasingly slimmer (Fouts and Burggraf
2000; Schooler and Wieling 2000).
e importance of body shape ideals in mainstream Hip Hop culture was
explored in a study by Zhang, Dixon, and Conrad (2010). ey conducted a con-
tent analysis of mainstream Hip Hop music videos aired on U.S. cable outlets
(BET, MTV, and VH1) to analyze the bodies of 258 female characters presented.
e majority of videos featured male artists, so the women analyzed were primar-
ily video models. Using Fouts and Burggraf’s (2000) body-shape categorization
scheme, the body sizes of female characters in the music videos were coded 1–3
on the Stunkard, Sorensen, and Schulsinger scale (1983). Results showed that 51
percent of the female characters were rated as “thin.” In fact, there was an overrep-
resentation of thin female characters when compared to the real population. is
indicates that the scripts most widely used require women to be thin, setting up an
unrealistic goal for the majority of the population.
Zhang, Dixon, and Conrad (2010) also found that women’s body shapes also
served as a function of the message being conveyed in the music video. When
the music videos were high in sex or materialism, women with smaller body sizes
were shown. Typically, these videos show male artists living a lavish lifestyle with
thin female characters behaving provocatively and submissively around them. is
seems to convey a message that if a man has money, he will desire thin women.
However, when the videos were high in political awareness, women were more
likely to have larger body sizes. In these videos, the main artist advocated a politi-
cal position around a specic issue (e.g., poverty, homelessness, or urban develop-
ment) and/or the video contained victims of social injustice or crusaders against
it. Zhang, Dixon, and Conrad (2010) suggested that this occurred because intellect
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176 The Psychology of Love
was privileged over appearance in political contexts. Or weakness and vulnerabil-
ity may be associated with a thinner body, whereas larger body sizes occupy more
space and may imply more power. In either case, what the male desires determined
the female script and body shape utilized in that context.
However, research that specically focuses on African American populations
suggests that it is not enough to focus specically on size, or thinness versus large-
ness. First, studies that have found a preference for larger ideal body sizes and
less concern for being overweight (Demarest and Allen 2000; Perry, Rosenblatt,
and Wang 2004; Welch et al. 2004) primarily drew their samples from lower-
income populations. Further, they focus on overall body size, failing to recognize
the importance given to individual body parts’ shape and size. In fact, studies are
indicating that addressing shape and body parts is important, as a larger buttocks,
full breasts, a at stomach, and a small waist are preferred among men of color,
rather than simply having a larger body size overall (e.g. Jones, Fries, and Danish
2007; Miller and Gleaves 2000; Schooler and Wieling 2000). us a woman cannot
simply be thin but must have specic exaggerated body parts that highlight her
sexuality and, in turn, attractiveness.
In their study on African American adolescents’ beliefs about physical attrac-
tiveness values in mainstream Hip Hop, Stephens and Few (2007b) found that the
adolescent males spent a considerable amount of time discussing the shapes and
sizes of the women in music videos. When referencing the eight sexual scripts,
these men’s comments reinforced the beliefs that thin, straight, and at bodies
were not considered attractive (Stephens and Few 2007b). Rather, these adolescent
males preferred the more curvaceous body types typically associated with African
American women. Buttocks that were “large and round,” “big breasts,” and “thick
thighs” were listed as ideal in the comments written by the boys. is supports
prior research that shows that within communities of color, these body parts are
viewed as ideal (Demarest and Allen 2000; Jones, Fries, and Danish 2007; Schooler
and Wieling 2000).
Stephens and Few (2007b) noted the problematic nature of focusing on specic
body parts as it relates to dating processes. In their study, it was clear that the ado-
lescent males partitioned the female body such that it was discussed in terms of
individual pieces. ey could be attracted to a woman’s large breasts, for example,
but have no interest in her at buttocks. As one boy explained, “If her [buttocks]
is nice and round, who cares about the rest—you don’t have to look at it.” us
a video model’s body was viewed in pieces, not as a whole person. As has been
found in research on pornography (e.g., McKee 2005), this objectication of spe-
cic female body parts has been normalized in mainstream Hip Hop culture’s pro-
jections of female imagery. is male-directed focus on parts of women’s bodies
rather than the whole body disregards a woman’s identity as a person. is process
makes it easier for men to sexualize and objectify women without consideration of
their feelings or desires as a whole person and partner.
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The Inuence of Mainstream Hip Hop’s Female Sexual Scripts 177
It is clear that traditional Western standards of beauty continue to be nor-
malized and valued within mainstream Hip Hop despite changing role models
of attractiveness in general society. ose sexual scripts that embody these traits
(e.g., long hair, shapely yet slender build, lighter skin) were generally viewed as
the most attractive. ese scripts’ racialized and gendered physical attractiveness
messages cannot be ignored as they clearly inuence dating preferences, partner
evaluations, and interpersonal processes. e perceptions and reality of males’
consumption, acceptance, and usage of these scripts’ evaluation of females have
direct implications for intimate relationships, as research has shown that men’s
opinions of women’s appearance have a direct impact on the quality and stability
of a relationship (Lundy, Tan, and Cunningham 1998; Montoya 2008). is means
that the men’s interpretations and acceptances of scripts in Hip Hop illustrate their
beliefs about the women with whom they will enter intimate relationships. Studies
of African American populations have shown that men’s interpretations of wom-
en’s physical appearance, including body shape and dress, are an important part
of mate selection and relationship quality (Lundy, Tan, and Cunningham 1998;
Montoya 2008). us to remain competitive in the dating market, women must try
to meet men’s standards of beauty.
e pressure to meet mainstream Hip Hop–informed male ideals, and the
continued bombardment of these scripts, have serious implications for Afri-
can American women’s sense of self. Studies have found that cultural messages
about physical attractiveness aect women’s self-esteem in dating contexts. For
example, Frisby (2004) found that, even though they were not aected by images
of European American women, African American women reported lower lev-
els of body satisfaction aer they viewed media images of other African Ameri-
can women. For women transitioning through adolescence or young adulthood,
learning to negotiate what it means to be a sexual being, the inuence of self-
approval versus men’s desires and relationship expectations could potentially be
important in determining which sexual scripts they choose to follow or reject.
ere is a great deal of pressure to t in, nd a partner, and meet cultural expec-
tations of attractiveness during these phases of the lifespan. us it is impera-
tive that researchers identify ways in which young adult African Americans
are able to ensure that they are empowered in their relationships to debunk
the myth of self-fulllment by reaching media-dictated ideals about physical
attractiveness.
hiTTin’ iT
Clearly sexuality is tied to beliefs about mainstream Hip Hop and central to dis-
cussions about dating. Research on the relevance of mainstream Hip Hop to sexual
health outcomes has been a popular area of research in psychology, public health,
and medical elds. It has been suggested that mainstream Hip Hop is targeted as
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178 The Psychology of Love
an area of inquiry not only because of its inuence but also because of its messages
about sexuality in relationships. e aspects of the culture that are the most prot-
able frame sexuality in relationships as a game and reinforce male-female relation-
ships as centered around sexual interactions. African American cultural critic bell
hooks lamented, “As much as I enjoy hip-hop, I feel there is not enough rap out
there embracing and arming love that is about communication and account-
ability” (Jones 1995, 190).
Her concerns are supported by the research on music videos; content analyses
have found that they contain on average ninety-three sexual situations in an hour
of programming, including eleven scenes featuring intercourse or oral sex (Lichter
2000). Few include discussions or portrayals of safer sexual practices or healthy
communications about intimacy and relationships. is is problematic given the
negative health trends aecting African American adolescents and young adults.
Across their cohorts, African American women experience the highest rates of
HIV/AIDS transmission, gonorrhea, herpes, syphilis, multiple partners, unplanned
pregnancy, nonvoluntary intercourse, sexual abuse, and earliest ages of sexual onset
(Centers for Disease Control [CDC] 2009). Among males, the rates of sexual activ-
ity and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are highest among African Americans,
followed by Latinos and Euro-Americans (CDC 2009). us the inuence of Hip
Hop–informed scripts about female sexuality and projections of appropriate sexual
behaviors tied to these scripts must be examined in the context of dating.
sExuAL Risk TAking
Several studies have found that the more African American adolescents watch
sexualized images in mainstream Hip Hop music videos, the more likely they
are to endorse and engage in sexually risky behaviors (Brown et al. 2006; Brown,
Halpern, and L’Engle 2005; Wingood et al. 2003; Wingood et al. 2001). Brown
et al. (2005) also found that when comparing late and early maturing young
adult African American women, early maturers had a greater interest in listening
to and viewing sexual music. Early maturers were also more likely to interpret
the messages they saw in the media as approving of teens having sexual inter-
course (Brown et al. 2005). Stephens and Few (2007a, 2007b) found that African
American adolescents not only recognized stereotypical female sexual scripts in
mainstream Hip Hop videos but also saw them as accurate portrayals of real life
behavioral guidelines for their peers. e results showed that these adolescents
used sexual scripts from mainstream Hip Hop culture to predict behaviors of their
peers and potential partners (Stephens and Few 2007a).
ese beliefs, research shows, inform African American female adolescents’
decision-making processes, translating into behavioral outcomes. Wingood and
colleagues (2001) found that African American female adolescents who viewed
lms with high levels of African American sexual content were approximately
twice as likely to have multiple sex partners, to have more frequent sex, not to use
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The Inuence of Mainstream Hip Hop’s Female Sexual Scripts 179
contraception during last intercourse, and to have a strong desire to conceive. ere
was also some association between watching images with excessive sexual content
and increased likelihood of having negative attitudes toward condom use and test-
ing positive for chlamydia (Wingood et al. 2001). In a related study, African Ameri-
can female adolescents who had greater exposure to mainstream Hip Hop videos
were twice as likely to have had multiple sexual partners and one and a half times
more likely to report a sexually transmitted disease (Wingood et al. 2003).
Even safer sex practices are shaped by perceptions about female sexual script
in mainstream Hip Hop. African American male adolescents reported that they
were less likely to use condoms with women who presented themselves as one of
the “good girl” sexual scripts, such as a Diva or Sister Savior. In contrast, the men
believed that women who reected highly sexualized scripts from mainstream Hip
Hop culture (e.g., Freak or Gold Digger) necessitated condom use and should only
be used for short-term pleasure and not a relationship (Stephens and Few 2007b).
ese ndings serve to reinforce the broad-reaching impact of mainstream Hip
Hop messages on African American women’s dating socialization processes.
inTiMATE PARTnER VioLEncE
Although sexual assault and violence are oen linked to the sexual-risk-taking
literature, recent events in mainstream Hip Hop culture have brought these behav-
iors to the forefront. In 2009 Chris Brown was charged with the alleged domestic
violence felony battery following his assault on singer Rihanna that February. It has
since come out that he had hit her before. Chris Brown is not the rst mainstream
Hip Hop artist called on the carpet for this kind of situation: Dr. Dre assaulted
journalist Dee Barnes in a nightclub following her interview with his then-rival Ice
Cube in 1991. Big Pun’s wife released a movie that documents his continued abuse
toward her, including scenes of him beating her up. However, the Chris Brown
incident was the rst time there was a widespread response following an case of
intimate partner violence (IPV).
Following this incident, the Boston Public Health Commission polled two hun-
dred teens and found that almost half felt that the assault must have been Rihan-
na’s fault (Dingfelder 2010). Youth workers’ and teachers’ narrative accounts noted
that high school students oen questioned why Rihanna “ke[pt] arguing with him
if she knew he was violent” and that she “must have done something to make him
so angry” (Dingfelder 2010). e common theme was that IPV was something
that could be viewed as acceptable if the victim engaged in triggering behaviors.
e blaming of the victim when IPV occurred was also found to be a common
thread in research on sexual scripts. In a study unrelated to the incident, Stephens
and Few (2007b) found that both adolescent males and females felt that women
who enacted highly sexualized scripts from Hip Hop culture were at fault if they
were the victims of rape. e women were deserving of the assault as they seemed
to be “asking for it” by their dress and their seductive behavior. Interestingly, none
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180 The Psychology of Love
of the participants in the study made comments about the male’s role or respon-
sibility in these assaults; only the woman was held as being responsible. In fact,
the women in the study were particularly hostile toward highly sexualized scripts,
making statements that they would “not feel sorry” for or “help” a woman who was
being assaulted while enacting highly sexualized scripts.
e fact that media presentations broadly reinforce stereotypes about sexual
risk taking and IPV points to the importance of avoiding taking a broad brush
approach to mainstream Hip Hop scripts’ inuence on negative outcomes. Despite
the clear link between scripts in mainstream Hip Hop culture and negative sexual
health outcomes, it is important to note that these are not causal ndings. For
example, in their study on young men’s perceptions of and participation in Hip
Hop culture in association with their condom use, Munoz-Laboy et al. (2008)
found that it was not Hip Hop music that increased risk taking; rather, social con-
text played a key role in shaping these young men’s sexual risk outcomes. e mes-
sages within the music were negotiated within the context such that there was easy
accessibility to alcohol or drugs in nightclubs, and when these were used the men
were more likely to engage in sexual risk.
ese ndings highlight the need for future research to simultaneously address
Hip Hop as a risky context and contextual factors of risk. For example, a signicant
number of sexually active teens aged sixteen to eighteen (15 percent) reported
that they rst had sexual intercourse during aer-school hours of 3:00 to 6:00 p.m.
(National Campaign 2003). is is also the time when African American adoles-
cents have the most uninterrupted television viewing time and the most popular
video programs air on MTV, BET, and VH1. So is it the fault of music videos
shown at that time, the parents who are not home, or a combination of both?
Clearly there is a need to critically examine how risk emerges in the lives of young
African American women.
Furthermore, discussions about sexual risk or IPV framed within the context
of mainstream Hip Hop culture provide a safe space to engage in explicit talk.
African American female adolescents may need tools, such as the sexual imagery
in mainstream Hip Hop culture, to help them identify and critique sexual behav-
iors within a specic gender and racial context. Including discussions of sexual
scripts can increase individuals’ comfort with sexual risk– and IPV–related topics,
and their sense of general empowerment. Future research should examine what
aspects of mainstream Hip Hop culture can be protective when other forms of risk
contexts exist.
MoVing foRWARd To ThE fuTuRE
Clearly, this review of the literature on mainstream Hip Hop’s inuence on
African American women’s interpersonal relationships provides evidence that
development does not occur in a vacuum. is chapter’s approach systemically
illustrates the value of examining mainstream Hip Hop culture as a context for
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The Inuence of Mainstream Hip Hop’s Female Sexual Scripts 181
providing valuable insights into the intersectionality of African American wom-
en’s racial, gender, and sexual identities in dating contexts. e take-away message
is that mainstream Hip Hop culture is an observable space where social construc-
tions of race and gender intersect to create, maintain, and reproduce scripts. It goes
beyond being a musical expression, ultimately serving as a full-edged subculture
that provides a support system and social structure for its consumers, including
African American women.
In conclusion, there is a critical need for further theory and research in the
area of African American dating experiences and the scripts of mainstream Hip
Hop culture. e emerging research continues to provide evidence that main-
stream Hip Hop plays a pivotal role in shaping and informing young people’s
attitudes and beliefs about interpersonal relationships. rough self-comparison,
messages about appropriate or desirable physical traits and behavioral outcomes
in mainstream Hip Hop appear to serve as information when developing indi-
vidual perceptions of relationship expectations. Within its current format, Hip
Hop continues to present traditional ideas about African American women’s race,
gender, and sexuality (Stephens and Few 2007a, 2007b; Stephens and Phillips
2003). For these reasons, the experiences of African American women, specic
to their multiple identities, must be central concerns in future analysis of their
dating behaviors and experiences within the inuential culture of mainstream
Hip Hop.
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