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Sexual violence during times of conflict has been historically viewed as a spoil of war or as an individual act of violence rather than one that is politically or ideologically motivated. Today, however, there is an increased understanding that rape—the forced vaginal, anal, or oral penetration of either a male or a female with either a person or an object—is used as a strategic and systematic tactic during armed conflict.1- 3 This Viewpoint examines why sexual violence is an effective weapon of war, its health and psychosocial sequelae, and its association with other forms of gender-based violence.
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The physical wounds suered in most
forms of combat are usually visible,
prioritised for medical treatment
and eventually healed. In contrast,
while sexual violence may result
in signicant physical damage and
severe internal wounding, it is far
less likely to be treated than other
forms of wounding. Handbooks
for intervention in emergency
situations rarely mention vaginal
re-construction as a priority for
surgical intervention even though
sexual violence is now widely
recognised as a frequent method of
warfare. Médecins Sans Frontières’
1997 handbook for emergency
response, for example, had only
two pages dealing with sexual
violence out of a total of 381 pages.1
It is not only physically mature
women who are raped during war but
also children whose bodies have not
yet developed and who may sustain
horric internal injuries as a result.
In addition, in countries where most
women and girls have undergone
female genital mutilation, sexual
violence can cause extensive tearing
externally as well as internally.
Aer conict-related sexual violence,
women and girls with extreme pain
and deep internal tears are oen
le to heal without medication or
surgical intervention – and may
suer vesico-vaginal stulae (tears)
and permanent damage to the uterus
and vagina and may also contract
HIV or other sexually transmied
infections. If she does have access to
medical assistance, a woman or girl
will have to describe and show the
wounds, causing her further distress.
The mental eects of sexual violence
are also distinct in comparison
with other forms of violence. When
violence is perpetrated by a more
powerful other – for example by
virtue of the fact that the perpetrator
is physically stronger, in a gang
and/or armed – the trauma of the
wounding is compounded by the
trauma of being helpless. In addition,
when the violence is sexual it invades
a person’s most intimate space. Raped
women oen live with very high
levels of anxiety and pain. They may
nd it dicult to undertake normal
tasks and interact with others. Women
who have been exposed to sexual
violence experience great distress,
may suer periods of mental illness
and are at increased risk of suicide.
Sexual violence has a profound and long-lasting physical,
psychological and social impact.
Sexual violence: weapon of war
by Katie Thomas
15
SEXUAL VIOLENCE
FMR 27
acknowledging their dierences
assumes a common female agenda
that is hard to dene. Osnat
Lubrani from UNIFEM Bratislava
illustrated UNIFEM’s initiatives for
promoting UNSCR 1325 in South
Eastern Europe and the Middle
East, building on national women’s
movements for peace. And donor
representatives from Switzerland
and Denmark emphasised the
necessity of gender mainstreaming
in projects and programmmes
in conict-prone countries.
Changing gender roles during
conict can empower women but
all too oen their increased role in
household and community decision
making proves unsustainable
when peace returns. Former female
combatants face marginalisation
and discrimination because they
have breached gender stereotypes.
They are all too rarely compensated
for the sexual and psychological
abuse they have suered.
The 300 participants contributed
to recommendations for enhancing
and strengthening implementation
of UNSCR 1325. Speakers and
participants concluded that:
If we do not manage to improve
women’s status at times of
peace we cannot succeed in
doing so at time of war.
Preventing conicts is as
important as peace-building in
post-conict situations: eective
prevention requires good
governance, a functioning justice
system and active respect and
enforcement of human rights.
While justice necessarily entails
punishment for human rights
violators, it also depends on
healing, truth, reconciliation
and forgiveness: local traditions
and rituals can contribute to
this process of reconciliation.
It is important to recognise
that boundaries of who is
victim/perpetrator/protector
are oen blurred.
It is vital to support the media to
disseminate peace messages.
UNSCR 1325 has opened doors but
the resolution and its implications
n
n
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n
n
are poorly understood. There is a
need to go beyond awareness and
advocacy in order to strengthen the
political process and engage local,
national and international actors,
including women’s organisations.
Brigie M Holzner (brigie.holzner@
ada.gv.at) is gender and development
adviser and Dominique-Claire Mair
(dominique-claire.mair@ada.gv.at)
conict prevention and peace building
adviser for the Austrian Development
Agency. More information about
the symposium – including an
edited video of proceedings – is
at www.ada.gv.at/view.php3?f_
id=9021&LNG=en&version=
1. Symposium speaker Renate Winter drew this parallel
with the Trojan war.
2. See preceding article by Kirk and Taylor.
3. Also former UN Under-Secretary-General, and co-
author – with (current) Liberian President Ellen Johnson
Sirleaf – of UNIFEM’s Women, War and Peace.
4. Set up by the Government of Sierra Leone and the
UN, it has indicted 11 senior members of the country’s
former warring factions on charges of commiing war
crimes. www.sc-sl.org
5. www.humansecuritynetwork.org
16 SEXUAL VIOLENCE FMR 27
Most societies will blame, ostracise
and punish women – rather than
men – for sexual violence. The
woman or girl may well be disowned
by her family or expelled by her
community. The indierence of their
family, community, nation and the
international community reinforces
the individual’s hopelessness and
distress. Women and girls who
have experienced sexual violence
have learned that the world is not
safe for females. While an ethnic
or national enemy can be avoided
in a post-conict scenario, it is not
possible to avoid all males. Even
though a woman or girl may be
able to acknowledge intellectually
that the men in her community may
not pose a threat to her, she must
still cope with fear and traumatic
memories as she interacts with men
on a daily basis. This can have a
signicant impact on her capacity to
deal with those in her community.
As their wounds are not externally
visible, women and girls who have
suered sexual violence may receive
lile sympathy or acknowledgement
of their impaired capacity to meet
female workload expectations.
Concessions made for the person
suering such obvious war-related
incapacity as loss of a limb are
unlikely to be made for those with
equally severe wounding
inicted by sexual violence.
The shame and secrecy
associated with sexual
wounding means that it
is oen not spoken about,
even amongst women,
so there is lile social
support for the victim.
The sense of stigmatisation,
betrayal and abandonment
aects a woman’s capacity to
participate in community life
and to raise children. Raising
children requires a sense
of hope about the future. A
woman’s ability to meet her
children’s day-to-day physical
and psychological needs
can be severely depleted or
destroyed by her experience
of sexual violence. This
impacts on the development
of the child’s social
competence and emotional
well-being. Trauma for the
mother can aect the brain
development of the infant
in the critical rst twelve months
of life and thereby create ongoing
health, educational and welfare
costs for the community. Children of
raped mothers are at increased risk
of mental illness themselves and of
abandonment, abuse or neglect.
When used as a strategic, systemic
tool of war – as in Rwanda, Sudan,
Sierra Leone, Kosovo and many
other conicts – sexual violence can
lead to cultural destruction. While
most violence in war is inicted
in order to kill the enemy, sexual
violence is usually perpetrated not
only to cause physical wounding
and humiliation but also to help
destroy the opposing culture. The
damage to cultural and community
life wrought by the use of sexual
violence in warfare can persist for
generations. Long-term psychological
damage and ongoing suering mean
that such violence aects not only
the immediate victim but also her
children and grandchildren, family,
extended family and community life.
The physical wounds caused by
sexual violence are also less likely to
receive treatment because government
and non-state actor combatants
usually share a low valuation of
women. No other physical wound
with injuries as severe as those
perpetrated by sexual violence could
be ignored or de-prioritised without
international outcry. Governments
comprised mainly of men may not
only share a low valuation of women
but may also lack appreciation
of the depth and breadth of the
impact of sexual violence on the
life of individual women and on
family and community life.
Priorities
National governments and the
international humanitarian
community are responsible
for reducing the occurrence of
sexual violence in conict and
for providing adequate response
when it occurs. The following
recommendations should be
implemented in all conict situations:
In the emergency phase, the
increased vulnerability of
women and children must be
recognised and their evacuation
and protection needs made a
national and international priority.
The treatment of the psychological
and physical wounds resulting
from sexual violence needs
to be prioritised in both the
emergency and post-emergency
phases of conict. Treatment
should be one of the top ten
priorities for response in the
emergency phase, along with
food, nutrition and the prevention
of communicable diseases.
Data collection of cases of sexual
violence and sexual injury needs to
be integrated into all standardised
data collection protocols used
at borders and camps.
The international community
needs to ensure that swi and
appropriate penalties be meted
out for the war crimes of
sexual violence.
Katie Thomas (Katie.thomas@
curtin.edu.au) is a psychologist
specialising in trauma recovery.
She works at the Centre for
International Health, Curtin
University of Technology, Perth,
Australia www.cih.curtin.edu.au
1. MSF, Refugee Health: An approach to emergency
situations. www.msf.org/source/reooks/MSF_Docs/En/
Refugee_Health/RH1.pdf
n
n
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n
Miriam, 18, and
her twin baby
girls, in West
Darfur. Miriam
was raped
by Janjaweed
ghters when
she was 16
and later gave
birth to what
her community
calls “Janjaweed
babies”.
UNHCR/H Caux
... A common form of GBV in conflict is sexual violence. Sexual violence is a wellknown weapon of war used as a means of ethnic cleansing, to dehumanize and destabilize communities [21]. However, evidence also shows that less systematic, haphazard sexual violence is also a common feature of many conflicts [22]. ...
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Background Gender-based violence (GBV) is an internationally widespread human rights and public health issue, known to be exacerbated and underreported in humanitarian settings and among conflict-affected populations. A combination of factors including increased vulnerability, lack of protection and marginalization are believed to increase the risk for GBV in settings such as displacement and refugee camps. An increased understanding of GBV in these populations is needed to inform and improve future policy changes and interventions. This qualitative study sought to explore women’s perceptions and experiences of GBV in a refugee camp setting in Uganda to increase the understanding of the dynamics and risk contexts of GBV in the context of displacement and refugee camps. Methods This was a qualitative study based on individual semi-structured interviews and content analysis. The interviews were conducted during October 2023 with women living in a refugee camp setting in Western Uganda. The participants (N = 13) included female refugees, residing in the refugee camp, above eighteen years of age and who were survivors of GBV. Results Findings showed no easy escape route from gender-based violence, with a high exposure to GBV throughout the refugee experience. The nature of GBV, the perpetrators and risk contexts however seemed to shift throughout the process from conflict to the refugee camp. Increased marginalization and lack of resources compounded by a shift in gender roles in the refugee camp where women seemed to assume the role of the primary provider increased the risk of violence in pursuit of basic needs. Women described extensive intimate partner violence (IPV) in the camp often connected to new gendered power dynamics and the control of resources. Faced with the struggles of migration, marginalization, and GBV, women displayed various coping mechanisms including rebuilding networks and support systems. Conclusions Our study showed the complexity of GBV in settings such as refugee camps, where various structural and individual changes involved in migration and life in a refugee camp seemed to create new risk contexts for GBV both inside and outside of the household. Interventions across various dimensions including addressing underlying conditions of marginalization and gendered power dynamics are therefore warranted to address GBV in refugee camps. Further research is essential to better understand this complex issue, as well as the perception and effectiveness of services and interventions in place.
... "Early sexual debut and forced sexual intercourse were simultaneously and independently associated with sexual risk-taking, violence-related behaviors, and substance use" (Lowry et al., 2017, p. 437). Children who have sex before age 13 are more likely to have higher rates of physical impairments and risky sexual activity compared to peers who sexually debut around 16 (Child Rights International Network (CRIN), 2015; Lowry et al., 2017;Meger, 2016;Stark & Wessells, 2012). ...
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In recent decades, the Government of Liberia (GOL) and international partners have prioritized combatting child sexual abuse, including illicit and harmful early sexual practices involving girls and adult men. Previous studies indicate high rape rates among Liberian female populations, yet more research on specific forms of abuse is needed to better understand the magnitude of the problem. Applying Bronfenbrenner’s ecological framework, this paper presents the results of a 2018 mixed-methods study of 719 Liberian young women (ages 18–35) and 493 of their parents, from urban/rural districts in Montserrado. The purpose is to contribute a large-scale representative study establishing the rate of female statutory rape and key correlates. The survey captures data measuring early sexual activity (ESA), education, socio-economic status, demographics, and knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors (KABs) associated with cultural ethnic customs, rural/urban settings, and gender rights. The statistical analysis indicates that 35.1% (95% CI 30.1–37.1) of Liberian women report experiencing ESA that qualifies as statutory rape under Liberian law. Age, ethnicity, location, SES, education, and most individual KABs are not correlated with lower rates (p < 0.05). The following are associated (unadjusted odds ratio [OR]): advanced education (OR 2.63, 95% CI 1.26–5.50); saying no to sex (0.57, 0.36–0.89); equitable work opportunities (2.15, 1.28–3.62); living with a man as a minor (0.47, 0.31–0.74); and early pregnancy (0.45, 0.32–0.65). Additionally, 39.7% (95% CI 31.2–44.1) of male assailants hold school-based occupations. As the ecology of girls is increasingly shifting in low-income nations, it is crucial to better understand the face of abuse to protect children’s welfare.
... There is also a body of political science scholarship on sexual violence (e.g. Traunmuller et al. 2019;Wood 2014;Stark and Wessells 2012). However, most of these studies focus on sexual violence in conflict settings, leaving a need for more scholarship on community-based and household sexual violence. ...
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Academics and activists have long decried the state’s poor legal treatment of sexual violence cases. However, literature has struggled to attribute this poor legal treatment to the decisions of state actors, rather than factors outside the state’s control. I present evidence that U.S. chief prosecutors dismiss sexual violence cases at substantively higher rates than commensurate violent crimes, despite sufficient legal evidence for prosecution and a collaborative victim. Given that most chief prosecutors are democratically elected, I theorize that public preferences drive this disproportionately high dismissal. I test this theory using a survey on public violent crime perceptions and a paired profile conjoint experiment. Contrary to expectations, I find respondents prefer to prosecute sexual violence cases at high rates relative to other violent crimes. This relationship holds both when I analyze direct questions about prosecution preferences and when I experimentally control for other variables that may influence prosecution allocation decisions.
... GBV can be committed by intimate partners, family members, or a group of strange people [9]. Young women and girls are particularly prone to GBV in humanitarian settings [10,11]. GBV remains the most concerning issue globally particularly in conflict affected parts of the world. ...
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Background: Gender-based violence (GBV) is a common human right violence in conflict-affected communities. Women with GBV are prone to experience mental health problems such as post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and anxiety. However, there is a paucity of evidence as to what extent the problem is affecting internally displaced women (IDW) in Ethiopia. This study aimed to assess the prevalence of GBV and its associated factors among IDW in Northwest Ethiopia. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted among IDW residing at three humanitarian sites from May to June 2022 in Northwest Ethiopia. Study participants were selected using a stratified simple random sampling technique from the three sites. GBV was assessed using a 6-item Assessment Screen to Identify Survivors Toolkit questionnaire for Gender-based violence (ASIST-GBV). Data were analyzed using binary logistic regression. All variables with a p-value of ≤ 0.05 in the multivariable analysis were defined to have a statistically significant association with GBV at a 95% confidence interval (CI). Results: Of 424 approached candidates, 412 (97.2%) of them participated in the study. A one-year prevalence of GBV was 37.9% (95%CI = 33.2-42.6) among IDW in Northwest Ethiopia. The mean age of the participants was 31.3 (± 7.6) years. Young women, 18-24 years old (AOR = 3.52, 95%CI = 2.15-5.34, p ≤ 0.001) and 25-29 years old (AOR = 2.41, 95%CI = 1.57-3.24, p ≤ 0.001) had a statistically significant association with GBV. Moreover, having no social protection (AOR = 3.18, 95%CI = 2.65-6.22, p ≤ 0.001), being current alcohol user (AOR = 2.54, 95%CI = 1.22-4.78, p ≤ 0.001) and being single in marital status (AOR = 1.69, 95%CI = 1.18-2.87, p < 0.01) showed a statistical association with GBV. Conclusion: We found a high prevalence of GBV among IDW in Northwest Ethiopia which indicates that IDW are prone to GBV. We call for immediate action and special attention to young women in conflict-affected parts of Ethiopia. It is crucial to establish a system that ensures the safety, security, and well-being of women in humanitarian settings.
... The global burden of GBV is unequally shared between high and low-and middle-income countries, with the latter experiencing disproportionately higher rates of GBV prevalence [2]. Moreover, in humanitarian contexts within those settings, the threat of GBV is further elevated [3][4][5][6]. ...
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... Therefore, the view of wartime sexual violence as a weapon of war posits that combatants may perpetrate violence against women and girls based on group membership and gender identity (Park, 2017). In this case, sexual assault may be accompanied by other forms of gender-based violence explicitly targeting women and girls because of their perceived vulnerability, including massive killing, chopping-off private organs, torture, and abduction (Stark & Wessells, 2012). ...
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... The risks of GBV and early or forced marriage for adolescent girls are heightened in humanitarian settings and can negatively affect their education (Stark et al. 2017;Noble et al. 2019), including by the added risk of sexual assault, harassment, and exploitation at school (Burde et al. 2017). Girls in lower social positions often face disproportionate risks of GBV (e.g., Davies 2004;Stark and Wessells 2012). Refugees in many contexts occupy some of the lowest positions in society, and adolescent refugee girls thus often face a greater threat of GBV and exploitation than other girls (Glass et al. 2018). ...
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Intimate partner physical violence, rape, sexual assault, and stalking are pervasive and co-occurring forms of gender-based violence (GBV). An association between these forms of abuse and lifetime mental disorder and psychosocial disability among women needs to be examined. To assess the association of GBV and mental disorder, its severity and comorbidity, and psychosocial functioning among women. A cross-sectional study based on the Australian National Mental Health and Well-being Survey in 2007, of 4451 women (65% response rate) aged 16 to 85 years. The Composite International Diagnostic Interview version 3.0 of the World Health Organization's World Mental Health Survey Initiative was used to assess lifetime prevalence of any mental disorder, anxiety, mood disorder, substance use disorder, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Also included were indices of lifetime trauma exposure, including GBV, sociodemographic characteristics, economic status, family history of mental disorder, social supports, general mental and physical functioning, quality of life, and overall disability. A total of 1218 women (27.4%) reported experiencing at least 1 type of GBV. For women exposed to 3 or 4 types of GBV (n = 139), the rates of mental disorders were 77.3% (odds ratio [OR], 10.06; 95% confidence interval [CI], 5.85-17.30) for anxiety disorders, 52.5% (OR, 3.59; 95% CI, 2.31-5.60) for mood disorder, 47.1% (OR, 5.61; 95% CI, 3.46-9.10) for substance use disorder, 56.2% (OR, 15.90; 95% CI, 8.32-30.20) for PTSD, 89.4% (OR, 11.00; 95% CI, 5.46-22.17) for any mental disorder, and 34.7% (OR, 14.80; 95% CI, 6.89-31.60) for suicide attempts. Gender-based violence was associated with more severe current mental disorder (OR, 4.60; 95% CI, 2.93-7.22), higher rates of 3 or more lifetime disorders (OR, 7.79; 95% CI, 6.10-9.95), physical disability (OR, 4.00; 95% CI, 1.82-8.82), mental disability (OR, 7.14; 95% CI, 2.87-17.75), impaired quality of life (OR, 2.96; 95% CI, 1.60-5.47), an increase in disability days (OR, 3.14; 95% CI, 2.43-4.05), and overall disability (OR, 2.73; 95% CI, 1.99-3.75). Among a nationally representative sample of Australian women, GBV was significantly associated with mental health disorder, dysfunction, and disability.
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Studies from the Eastern Region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have provided anecdotal reports of sexual violence. This study offers a population-based assessment of the prevalence of sexual violence and human rights abuses in specific territories within Eastern DRC. To assess the prevalence of and correlations with sexual violence and human rights violations on residents of specific territories of Eastern DRC including information on basic needs, health care access, and physical and mental health. A cross-sectional, population-based, cluster survey of 998 adults aged 18 years or older using structured interviews and questionnaires, conducted over a 4-week period in March 2010. Sexual violence prevalence and characteristics, symptoms of major depressive disorder (MDD) and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), human rights abuses, and physical and mental health needs among Congolese adults in specific territories of Eastern DRC. Of the 1005 households surveyed 998 households participated, yielding a response rate of 98.9%. Rates of reported sexual violence were 39.7% (95% confidence interval [CI], 32.2%-47.2%; n = 224/586) among women and 23.6% (95% CI, 17.3%-29.9%; n = 107/399) among men. Women reported to have perpetrated conflict-related sexual violence in 41.1% (95% CI, 25.6%-56.6%; n = 54/148) of female cases and 10.0% (95% CI, 1.5%-18.4%; n = 8/66) of male cases. Sixty-seven percent (95% CI, 59.0%-74.5%; n = 615/998) of households reported incidents of conflict-related human rights abuses. Forty-one percent (95% CI, 35.3%-45.8%; n = 374/991) of the represented adult population met symptom criteria for MDD and 50.1% (95% CI, 43.8%-56.3%; n = 470/989) for PTSD. Self-reported sexual violence and other human rights violations were prevalent in specific territories of Eastern DRC and were associated with physical and mental health outcomes.
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Gender-based violence is viewed as a significant problem in conflict-affected regions throughout the world. However, humanitarian organizations typically have been unable to reliably estimate the incidence of rape, intimate partner violence and other forms of sexual abuse in such settings. Such estimates are required to inform programming in contexts such as northern Uganda. We sought to establish incidence rates for gender-based violence in internally-displaced-persons camps in northern Uganda. The assessments involved a "neighbourhood methodology," in which adult female heads of household reported about their own, their sisters' and their neighbours' experiences. 299 households were selected for interview across four camps by using systematic random sampling. Interviews were completed by 204 respondents (5 women having declined interview and 90 not having been successfully contacted). These respondents reported on themselves, a total of 268 sisters and 1206 neighbours. Reports with respect to these alternative populations produced estimates of overall incidence of intimate partner violence in the past year of 51.7% (95% CI 44.8 to 58.7; respondents), 44.0% (95% CI 41.2 to 46.9; respondents' sisters) and 36.5% (95% CI 30.7 to 42.3; respondents' neighbours). In the same period, estimates of incidence of forced sex by husbands were 41.0% (95% CI 34.2% to 47.8%), 22.1% (95% CI 17.0 to 27.2) and 25.1% (95% CI 22.5 to 27.6), respectively, with incidence of rape by a perpetrator other than an intimate partner estimated at 5.0% (95% CI 2.0% to 8.0%), 4.2% (95% CI 1.8 to 6.6) and 4.3% (95% CI 3.1 to 5.5), respectively. Gender-based violence-particularly intimate partner violence-is commonplace in postconflict Uganda. The neighbourhood method provides a promising approach to estimating human right violations in humanitarian settings.